¶ Most fruit full & learned Commentaries of Doctor Peter Martyr Vermil Florentine, Professor of divinity, in the university of Tygure, with a very profitable tract of the matter and places.  
¶ Herein is also added & contained two most ample Tables, aswell of the matter, as of the words: with an Index of the places in the holy scripture.  Galath. vi, 
God forbidden that I should rejoice but in the cross of our Lord jesus Christ, whereby the world is crucified to me, and I to the world.  
¶ Set forth & allowed, according to th'order appointed in the queens majesties injunctions.  
¶ Imprinted at London by john Day, dwelling over Aldersgate.  
These Books are to be sold at his shop under the gate.   elaborate engraved border 
Ptolomeus  
Marinus  
Strabo  
Polybius  
Aratus  
Hipparchus  
Geometria  
Astronomia  
Arithmetica  
Musica  
MERCURIUS  IB— F  

 royal blazon or coat of arms DROICT ET LOYAL:   

¶ To the right honourable, my most singular good Lord and Master the Lord Robert Duddely, Earl of Leicester, Baron of Dynghby, Knight of the honourable order of the Garter, one of the queens highness most honourable privy Counsel, and Master of her majesties horse.  
THe old opinion (right honourable and my singular good Lord) being no less ancient than true, which accounts him an ill man, that is good but for himself (as who say, from whom no goodness cometh to the help of others) most like a Drone in a Bee hive, shrouded there for his own suck, not for the common wealth of Bees, whom therefore they suffer not among them, but kill & cast out, as an unkind member, unnatural, and not to be endured in their state: hath been always the rapping hammer in my head, and the spur to my side, to knock and prick me forward (that am of myself little able to do) to procure what I can (to my calling at least) for the profit of my universal country men, by whom & among whom, as a member I live.  
In respect whereof, among other it hath pleased God, to give me leave (by your Lordship's mean, under the licence of my most dread sovereign Lady and Prince) to publish and set out to the glory of God's Majesty chiefly: I have taken upon me to plant and put forth (like such a husband, as can not endure the plough of my profession to stand unoccupied) this notable and right excellent work of that famous, grave, and great learned Doctor, Master Peter Martyr (entitled His Commentary upon the book of judges) being turned, at the request of the learned, out of that tongue, wherein he wrote it, into our English phrase, in which it is most meet for us. As who should say, what he published into one tongue privately, he meant (as I take it) should be delivered to all men generally (Christians or other) to whom it may do good. Whose labour tending to such effect, cannot, but like a tree that bears many branches, spread itself abroad, till it stretch with his fruit to many countries, nations, and languages, out of the same spring and stock, wherein he first planted it to grow, and hath graffed it for us, And happy that spring (yea very happy) that carries such course of water, to furnish so many Conducts, for the necessity and help of so many inhabitors, as it can not but have concourse among. And happy that servant that hath so bestowed his masters talon, as it cannot but turn again with so great an interest to the owner. And twice happy they, that may so taste and drink of it, as the glory may be Gods, and the comfort theirs, which being the only but and mark whereat this Marksman shot: what deserveth such an Archer to be accounted of? I that think myself scant meet to set out his book, do reckon myself much more unmeet to express his praise. As if I were either able or meet, what should I labour to show your honour a whole man by his piece, unless (as it might he said) I meant to show your honour the Sun by a candle. Himself therefore that hath taken this pain upon him, and best can show himself by his own shape: shall report himself in his own labour to your honour, as he is best able. Who as he thought it most meet for his part, to unfold the secrets of that common wealth in the time of the judges, for the plainer understanding of the sense thereof, to the commodity of us, and others after us and him: So have I thought it meet for me, and my very duty to your honour, humbly to present and offer the same (by me now published) unto your honourable hands, as from the judges of Israel and him, to one a judge and Ruler of this my native country and people, under our supreme judge, our most dread sovereign Lady the Queen's Majesty. Having had nothing meeter whereby to express my faithful heart, good mind, and duty, to your honourable Lordship, than this the simple labour of my plough: the fruit whereof cannot be but yours, that are owner of me.  
Humbly beseeching the same to accept it in as good part, as my faithful serviceable heart towards your honour, hath and doth mean it. Beseeching God, that so graciously hath liked to begin with your Lordship hitherto, mercifully continue and keep the same, to his glory, to the comfort of yourself, and hope that this your Country of Israel (whereof you are a judge) hath conceived of you.  
Your Lordship's humble, faithful, and ready servant john day.   

❧ To the noble and most worthy men the Lords, chief governors of the School of Argentine, my good Lords, for their godliness and wisdom much to be reverenced, D. Peter Martyr. Vermilius Florentine, Professor of the holy Scriptures in the School of Tigure, wisheth health and felicity from God, through jesus Christ our Saviour.  
WHen it pleased God (most worthy and honourable men) of his mere goodness, and not for any my virtues or merits, to call me to the obedience of his son our Lord jesus Christ, to exercise myself in setting forth his Gospel, in such manner as hath pleased him, I thought it my duty, as much as lay in me, to execute my vocation and assigned burden, not only in teaching, but also in mind, life, and manners. For thus I reasoned with myself: If unto all men, being justified only by the mercy of the true God, through jesus Christ our Saviour, not undoubtedly by works, but freely receiving forgiveness of sins, there remaineth no other thing in the course of this short life, then that having obtained the holy Ghost, and nature being somewhat relieved from his proper corruption, they should by pure life, and holy actions lively express God himself their regenerator, and Christ their redeemer: the same thing without doubt is much more required of men of my profession, whom the ecclesiastical spirit hath appointed to administer lively doctrine unto other men, that whilst they teach uprightly, by their evil deeds they deface not the weight, and all the authority of their doctrine, which thing if they do, they shall in the darkness of this world most brightly give light unto other, and cause them to lift up the eyes of their minds unto God the chief fountain, head, and beginning of all good things, and to honour him with praises and most upright religion. Wherefore I gather, and that truly (as I am most fully persuaded) that I myself, and the rest of the Ministers of the doctrine of the son of God, aught above all other to live most justly. But when I considered that the office of this virtue justice (which shineth among mortal men like the bright star Lucifer) consisteth wholly in this, to render to every man that which is his, I desired verily to perform the same not maimed, nor diminished, nor shortened, but consisting of all his parts, so much as human weakness would suffer me. And among other excellent parts or kinds thereof, a thankful mind, and mindful of a benefit received, is not to be numbered among the least, whose property is not only to acknowledge benefits received, but also earnestly to be desirous to give thanks for them. This thing when I weigh with myself (for I think on it oftentimes, I will not say continually) there cometh into my remembrance very many & great benefits, which your public wealth, church & school have heretofore bestowed upon me. And assuredly, when I reckon them, & more deeply weigh them, they appear unto me so many & so great, that I am exceedingly afraid, lest I should happen to departed out of this life ungrateful, which thing undoubtedly should be more bitter unto me, than death itself. Ye, when I came out of Italy for religion sake, with most incredible humanity received me: ye gave me the freedom of your most ample city: ye placed me in that School, which ye not long before with great praise of wise & godly men had erected: there ye appointed me a Professor of holy scriptures, whereas I lived a fellow with most learned and excellent men, more than five years. All which time ye maintained me with a very liberal stipend. Ye, when I was called into England, decreed that I should go thither, where certain years I was teaching the Gospel in the University of Oxford, namely until such time as Edward the sixth of that name, that most worthy King, and which can never be praised enough, was taken away by untimely death, which brought unto all the godly, grief, mourning, and sundry and hard vexations. Ye exceeding lovingly received me, when I returned thence to Argentine, & placed me in the same room, wherein I was with you before. Also, when the most noble Senate of Tigure called me into the place of Pellicanus, which was there a Professor of Divinity, ye, although both to your great grief and also to mine, did yet most lovingly let me go. The cause of my departure I will not now speak of, because it is to all men known well enough. Thus much only will I say, that I do both vehemently desire, and also hope, that this stop or let may be taken away out of the field of the Lord. These your benefits, which are of themselves ample and noble, I do nothing increase nor amplify: But this one thing I testify, that they never slipped out of mind, neither is it possible but that they being laid up in the bottom of my heart, shall there abide for ever. Howbeit, because the remembrance and thinking on the benefits which I have received of you doth not satisfy me, I have always desired to make open unto all men my good will and grateful heart towards you, which have been so wonderful beneficial towards me, wherefore I have very often times determined with myself, one time at the length to declare by some signification or monument my singular affection, and ardent love towards your public wealth, Church and School. But for as much as touching riches of this world, I have nothing wherewithal to perform the same, least. I should die frustrate of my so honest and vehement a desire, being about now to set forth a Commentary upon the holy history of the judges: As I have taught it in your School, I have determined to dedicate it to your name, where as otherwise I would have offered unto you things much greater and better, if strength & ability had answered unto my mind. Neither was I hereunto persuaded only by the reason now alleged, namely by some manner of means to show my good will towards you, and not to give any man occasion of suspicion, that in changing my place I should have shaken of my endeavour and study towards you: (which thing undoubtedly is not so: For I have not laid aside these things, but they most firmly stick in my mind daily more & more.) But this also did drive me to do this, for that this book was written in your city. And therefore I thought it meet, that in the possession thereof no man should be preferred before you. Farther, this did not a little move me, for that the argument of this history most aptly agreeth with you. For even as God at sundry times stirred up judges unto the Hebrews, to deliver them when they were oppressed with the tyranny of their enemies: So were you not among the last stirred up by his goodness and grace, to bring to light the Gospel of the son of God, when it was held captive in darkness by the dominion and violence of hypocrites, and when the minds of Christians as touching godliness were every where in a manner barren and unfruitful. Here assuredly I could make mention of very many your acts both godly and honourable: but I overpass them, for that you have many eloquent and notable publishers abroad of your doings, which most abundantly and elegantly have set forth your valiantness of mind, your constancy in embracing and spreading abroad of the Gospel of Christ, and your liberality in maintaining your notable, most learned and famous School. Neither undoubtedly can the praises which they have given you be reproved of any lie, for as much as you have with great seruentnes of faith received the doctrine of the son of God, and ye are made unto other a notable example of renewing of piety. And afterward when by reason of iniquity of times things which were well ordered, seemed somewhat to slide and fall to decay, ye having firm confidence of the aid of God, very godlies and wisely took courage unto you, and even now in this time ye stoutly and luckily did drive out the remnants of the Amorrihites and Chananites out of the inheritance of the Lord, which pertained to your lot. Which your act hath with all the godly, gotten you great grace, praise, glory, and favour. Wherefore I, as which vehemently desire honour, fame and dignity unto the City of Argentine, do exceedingly rejoice, for your most excellent and holy act. And I do desire god the father of mercy, that ye being inflamed and kindled with his spirit, may always go forward to better things. For so long as we wander here on earth, as strangers from our country which is in heaven, the Church is not fully perfect, neither in all parts absolute: For always something is therein wanting, especially seeing we are fallen into the iron age of the latter time. For was there not in the golden world of the Church many discords, troubles, and manners not agreeable unto a Christian life? And shall not that part of the world which is christened, be now sick of the same discommodities and vices, when for age it now doteth? Let us look upon the Church of the hebrews, which at that time was the peculiar people of God, separated from all nations. Undoubtedly we shall there find sundry courses and alterations of things. Some times they slipped out of the rightway. Sometimes they repented and lamented and amended the sins wherein they had fallen. But whilst they lay in their sins and wickedness, they were by God corrected with grievous afflictions, and most sharp punishments. But returning unto him, they faithfully implored his aid: which when they had obtained, they again prevailed against their enemies. In them (except we be utterly blind) we see the image of the goodness of God towards the saints, and his severity upon the wicked painted, and lively expressed as it were in a table that is most rightly polished. Blessed is God, which defendeth his in most great dangers and calamities, and faithfully keepeth his safe and found: which cometh of his goodness, neither suffereth he them wholly to fall from piety, or utterly to be consumed with miseries and adversities. And we, if we note these things in this holy history, shall not marvel that the people of God were often times tossed, and even in manner oppressed with so many and grievous chances: for whether we behold the godly, or whether we behold the ungodly, we shall perceive that all these things were done with great fruit, and most wise consideration. For unto those, whom God the heavenly father hath even from without beginning chosen unto him by jesus Christ, and our of an innumerable number of mortal men adopted to be his children, adversities did to this end happen, that even as gold and silver are by the power of fire purged, so their minds should prove more pure by adversities. For by them as by lively flames, the love of ourself, and of frail and transitory things is burnt up. But the studies of piety and innocency are wonderfully kindled and inflamed. But of the ungodly, whom the divine providence hath most justly decreed to punish with eternal death, the consideration is far otherwise. For adversities do not burn away their spots and vices, but rather increase and augment them, by the augmentation of which adversities the impiety of their minds also increaseth, even as we see that with one and the self same fire clay waxeth hard, and wax melteth away.  
Wherefore the reading of the golden history of the judges is most profitable, so that there want not faith in reading of them, and prayers be without ceasing added, whereby we may pray unto God not faintly, but fervently, to make his words of efficacy in us by the holy Ghost. For those holy narrations are as it were certain nourishments or stays, whereby our confidence towards the promises of God is wonderfully confirmed, and our mind is erected to a most firm hope of obtaining of them. For whilst we diligently consider the wonderful notable acts which God did for the health and safety of the nation of the hebrews, it is uncredible to be spoken, how our hearts are stirred up to worship and honour him sincerely and religiously. Farther, in those heroical acts the incredible power and wisdom of the providence of God doth every where abundantly and brightly shine forth, which received with no less pleasure than fruit. For by those things which are declared (except we will willingly be blind) may easily be understand, that whatsoever was done, or succeeded luckily or unluckily, at home or on warfare, the same is to be attributed either to the justice, or else to the mercy of the eternal God. We are also most plainly taught, that God neglecteth not things human. But that he hath a consideration and regard over the godly and the ungodly, and of them to the one he giveth joy and pleasure, but the other he at the last most grievously punisheth. Farther, this thing is chief to be marked, that jesus Christ the son of God is not secluded from this holy history. For for as much as he is the end of the law, and sum of the holy scripture, as much as this book pertaineth unto the law, and is a part of the holy scripture, so much doth it show and most evidently preach Christ unto the Readers. For the acts of noble captains are here rehearsed, which (as it is written unto the hebrews) through faith won kingdoms, wrought righteousness, and obtained the promise. But that faith which is natural and sound includeth Christ himself, unto whom singularly and in a manner only it hath a regard. For by him the promises of God are made of efficacy. Wherefore whilst we behold the wonderful acts of the judges, we ought to have before our eyes the excellent faith which brightly shined in them, & together with it the common deliverer of human kind, namely the son of God Christ jesus, whom they beheld as their Captain and Emperor. And that not unworthily, for he by them wrought, and by them did set the people at liberty, in admonishing them by the voices of Angels, and oracles of Prophets, in confirming them in dangers, and at the last not unconstantlye but most faithfully performing those things which he had before most liberally promised. lastly, when we hear that the hebrews, which were the members of the same Christ, were sometime oppressed and slain of their enemies. Let us in them acknowledge the death and torments of our head. And in their victories and triumphs. Let us behold his resurrection, kingdom and glory. For God hath framed unto us wings of his spirit and word: but if through our own default we become fleshy and heavy, we shall not be carried up into heaven, but together with beasts be drawn downward.  
I have hitherto spoken of the history, how commodious and profitable it is to all the worshippers of god, and how aptly it pertaineth unto you (most excellent rulers.) Wherefore it should seem that I should now somewhat speak of the interpretation, which I have added. But thereof I will speak nothing: for I feel that those things which come out of my study and labour, are so sciender and small, that I think them not worthy of commendation.  
There is one thing only which I dare boldly affirm, that I by this my doctrine, howsoever it be, my will was to be a help to the faithful of Christ. Neither do I deny, but that there were other much better learned than I am, which with great praise and fruit exercised themselves in this self same course of study: howbeit, because I exceedingly allow the sentence of Basilius (who in his .18. Epistle writeth: Even as wells, the more they are drawn, the better they are, so undoubtedly are the words of God: for the more diligently they are handled and used, the more plentiful fruit is by them received) therefore I took in hand to interpretate this history. And although I am not ignorant, that you do so abound with the most learned works of other men, that ye need not this my commentary: yet to that I answer, that to rich men also are debts paid, and gifts are given unto kings, who otherwise are more rich. Who is more rich than God himself? Unto whom nevertheless all the godly do both give thanks, & also to their power refer thanks. Wherefore I do not offer unto you this slight gift, because I think that ye have need thereof, but that your benefits should not remain with me longer than is meet, as though they were neglected. Farther, that we might be still more and more bound together in amity. For these duties are certain common bonds, wherewith men are pleasantly and profitably bound together between themselves. I have in deed been long in your debt, yea rather I shall always be in your debt (for I shall never be able to pay all that I own unto you) wherefore I will gladly be perpetually in your debt. And will with great pleasure always behold, keep and preserve your benefits laid up with me, so that they shall never die, nor never at any time slip out of my mind. So far you well (most worthy and noble men.) God the father of mercy increase, prosper, and for ever bless you together with your public wealth, Church and School, in all good things, through jesus Christ our Saviour. Amen.  
At Tigure the .22. of December. 1560.   

¶ Places of the scripture, which here and there a man shall find in these Commentaries expounded, or learnedly and wittily alleged: whereas the first number signifieth the chapter, the other the verse or verses of the same chapter, as they be distinguished and set forth in the Bible printed at Geneva, the most expedite and ready way for speedy finding of the same.  

GEnesis. 1.1. In the beginning. 262. b  
6.2. The sons of God saw the daughters of men that they were fair. 15. b. and .285.  
33 18 jaacob came safe to Sechem. 159.  
47 22 Only the land of the priests bought he not. 264.  
Exodus. 12.12. I will pass thorough the land of Egypt. 128. b  
20.13 15. & .16. Non dices falsum testimonium. 39 b 

Non furaberis, Non occides. 39 b    
20 16 Thou shalt not bear false witness etc. 87. b.  
22 16 & .17 If a man entice a maid that is not betrothed, 284. b  
33 11 Face to face.  
Deuter. 5.9. Visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children. etc. 178. b. etc. 181. b  
7.1.2.5. When the Lord shall give the land into thy power. 245  
24.3. & .4. The first shall not take again a wife repudiated, after the second husband's death or divorcement. 250.  
1. Kings. 3.16 There came ii harlots unto the king. 233  
4. Kings. 5.18 Herein the Lord be merciful. 50. b  
Ezra. 7.24 No toll, tribute, or custom to be laid upon the priests. 264  
Psalm. 2.11. Kings serve the Lord. 54. b  
15.4 He that sweareth to his hindrance, & changes not. 85 b. 86 b  
33.16 The king is not saved by the multitude. 91. b  
50.18 If thou sawest a thief. 232  
73.2 My feet were almost moved. 142. b. 14●. 170. b  
78.49 Vexation by sending out of evil angels. 128. b  
82.1 God standeth in the assembly of the Gods. 267. b  
91.1 He that dwelleth under the help. 247  
102.22 When the people shall be gathered together, and kings to serve the Lord. 266  
111.10 Fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom. 246. b  
Proverb. 18.23 He that retaineth an adulterous woman, is ungodly and a fool. 249. b  
Esay. 7.12 I will not ask, nor tempt God. 131. b  
66.3 He that sacrificeth a sheep, is as if he slew a dog. 206. b  
jeremy. 1, 10 I have appointed thee over nations and kingdoms. 262.  
31.31 I will make a new covenant. 74. b  
Ezechil. 17.13 King of Babel had taken an oath of Zedechias. 85. b  
18.20 The sun shall not bear the iniquity of the father. 179.  
Daniel. 4.24 Peccata tua elcemosynis redime. 72.  
Hosea. 1.2. Take thee a wife of fornications. 233. b  
6.6 I desired mercy, and not sacrifice. 194.  
8.4 They have set up a king, but not by me. 256. b  
Ecclesiasti. 16.14. He will make place to all mercy. 272. b  
Baruc. 6.3 When ye shall see gods of gold and silver. 51.  
Matthew. 5.16 That they may see your good works & glorify. 157 b  
5. &. 18 If thy hand, foot, or eye offend thee, cut it of. 46.  
5.23 If thou bring thy gift to the altar. 206. b  
6.1.2.5 To be seen of men. 153.  
6.22 The light of the body is the eye. 153.  
7.1 judge not, that ye be not judged. 277. b  
9.30 See that no man know it.  
10.37 He that loveth father and mother more than me, is not worthy of me. 265.  
12.20 A bruised reed shall he not break. 134.  
14.6 But when Herod's birth day was kept, the daughter of Herodias danced. 287. b  
15.4 Honour thy father and mother. 189. b  
16.18 Upon this rock I will build my church. etc. & will give the keys. 149.  
17.20 Faith as much as a grain of mustered seed. 130.  
17.21 This kind goeth not out but by prayer and fasting. 276.  
19.28 Ye shall sit upon twelve seats. 175.  
21.31 Publicans & harlots shall go before you into the kingdom of heaven. 232. b  
23.24 Strain at a gnat, and swallow a camel. 201. b  
25.41 Go ye cursed into everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels. 208. b  
26.4.5 The sixth hour. 166.  
Mark. 10.4. Moses suffered to write a bill of divorcement. 233. b  
15.25. The third hour. 166.  
Luke. 18.13.14 Publican prayed, and departed justified. 207. b  
22.38 Behold here are two swords. 259. b  
22.35 When I sent you without bag or scrip, did ye at any time want any thing? 260.  
24.39 Feel and see, for a spirit hath not flesh. 209.  
john. 6.15 They would come. etc. to make him a king. 147.  
8.44 The devil when he speaketh a lie, he speaketh of his own. 167  
9.31 God heareth no sinners. 78. and. 207.  
18.11 Put up thy sword into thy sheath. 260. b  
20.26 The doors being shut. 211. b  
21.15. etc. Feed my lambs. 149.  
Acts. 7. ●0 An angel of the Lord in a flame. 120.  
10.25 Cornelius met Peter, and fell down at his feet. 69. b.  
13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 41. b  
21.25 Paul was purified. 51. b.  
15.29 That ye abstain from things offered to Idols. 229.233. b.  
Romans. 3.8 Why do we not evil that good may come thereof. 39 and. 253.  
6.23 The wages of sin is death. 272. b  
9.3 I would wish myself separated from Christ, for my brethren. 253. b  
11.29 Gifts and calling of God are without repentance. 188. b  
12.19 Vengeance is mine. 236.  
13.1 Let every soul be subject. 262 b  
13.1 Powers are ordained of God 260. b.  
1. Corinth. 2.15 He that is spiritual, discerneth all things. 262.  
6.1 Dare any of you, having a cause against an other. 256. b  
6.13. &. 14 The body is not for fornication. 229. b  
7.5 Defraud not one another, except it be for a time. 94.  
7.11 If the woman departed. let her remain unmarried, or let her be reconciled. 222. b  
7.14 ells were your children unclean, but now are they holy. 182  
7.15 If the unfaithful depart. 86  
7.37 He doth well. etc. that will keep his virgin. 46.  
8.4 We know that an Idol is nothing in the world. 69. b  
10.24 Non quae sua sunt quaerentes Such as seek not their own. 38. b  
10.27. If any that is an infidel bid you. etc. 44. b. 45. b  
11.5. Every woman that prayeth or prophesieth barcheaded. 93  
13.2. If I had all faith. 130  
13.12. We shall see him face to face. 121.  
14.34. Let your women keep silence. etc. 93  
15.44. It is raised a spiritual body. 211  
Galath. 1.8. Though we or an angel from heaven. etc. 262  
1.15. etc. When it pleased God to reveal his son in me. etc. I communicated not with flesh and blood. etc. 265  
3.19. It was ordained by angels in the hand. etc. 120  
Ephes. 5.18. Be not drunk with wine. etc. but speak in psalms etc. and songs. 103  
Philip. 4.8. Whatsoever things are honest. 250  
Collossi. 3.16. Let the word of Christ abound in you. etc. in psalms. etc. 103  
1. Thes. 5.22. Ab omni specie ma la abstinete. Refrain from all appearance of ill. 18. b  
1. Timo. 2.1. Supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks. 44  
2.11. I permit not a woman to teach. etc. 93  
3.3. No striker. 146. b  
4.8. Bodily exercise profits little, but. etc. 140. 279  
Titus. 1.7. No striker. 146. b  
2.3. Women should be teachers of honest things. etc. 93  
Hebru. 7.2. Abraham paid tenths. etc. 261  
13.4. whoremongers and adulterers God will judge. 254. b  
13.16. To do good, and to distribute. etc. 251. b  
jacob. 1.13. God tempteth no man 79. b  
2.10. Who so keepeth the whole law. etc. 53  
1. Peter. 4.17. judgement begin at the house of God. 234. b  
Apocal. 19.10. &. 22.8. &. 9 I fell down to woorshpp before the feet. etc. 69. b    

¶ The common places contained in this book.  

OF prediction or treason. 36. b  
Of Mass. 41  
Of tears. 62  
Of Sacrifice. 63. b  
Of idolatry. 68  
Of a league. 73. b  
Of truth and of a lie. 87  
Of dissimulation. 89. b  
¶ Whether it be lawful to lie to preserve the life of our neighbours. 90  
¶ Whether it be lawful for subjects to rise against their princes. 90  
¶ Whether it be lawful for the godly to have peace with the ungodly. 99  
Of music and songs. 102  
Of visions, or in what sort and how much God may be known of men. 118  
Of miracles. 126  
Of Dreams. 134. b  
Of the affections of envy and emulation. 141. b  
Of mercy. 142  
Of a good intent. 132  
Of matrimony, and having of Concubines. 153. b  
Of ambition. 157. b  
Of murder of Parents or kinsfolks, called paracidium. 158  
Of a fable and apology. 159  
Of wine and drunkenness. 161. b  
Of murder. 165. b  
¶ How sin dependeth of God. 166. b  
¶ Whether we can resist the grace of God, or no. 167. b  
¶ How God saith that he will not give that which he will give and contrarily. 174. b  
Of bastards and children unlawfully borne. 177. b  
☞ Whether the son shall bear the iniquity of the father. 178. b  
Of things which were taken by the right of works. 186  
Of prescription. 188  
Of custom. 189  
Of the vow of jiphtah 192  
Of sedition. 197  
Of the vow of the Nazarits. 201  
Of Sacrifice. 206  
Of the vision of Angels. 208  
☞ Whether it be lawful for children to marry without the consent of their parents. 214  
Of plays. 218  
Of whoredom & fornication. 129  
Of the head of the church. 241  
Of Security. 246. b  
Of the reconciliation of the husband and the wife, after that adultery hath been committed. 247  
Of a Magistrate. 255  
Of merits. 272  
Of fasting. 274  
Of rapt. 283  
Of dances. 286   
FINIS.   

❧ Faults escaped in the printing, desiring thee gentle Reader to correct the same in thy book, before thou beginnest to read this work, which shall help thee much in the understanding of those places. The order of which correction here under thou mayest see. The letters a. and b. which stand by the numbers, signify the sides of every leaf, a. signifying the first side, and b. the second side.  
leaf. line. Faults. Corrected. 2. a 3 judged and judged 3. b 50 he Greeke the Greek 4. a 20 not revenge revenge 7. a 6 holy hilly 10. a 23 region religion 11. a 9 contamined contaminated 11. a 20 This is my This is in my 22. a 48 to unprofita. not unprofitable 25. a 24 word words 25. b 20 wailing waiting 31. b 5 their matters their own mat. 31. b 8 grievous suffer grievous 31. b 30 least left 32. a 34 the well valle the valleys 35. a 2 help for the help from the 38. b 38 deceived received 39 a 22 ceaseth not to ceaseth to be 40. a 13 signs sins 43. b 28 salvation salutation 47. b 47 stranger stronger 48. a 1 that none that to none 49. a 1 obey admoni. obey their admo. 52. b 25 contemn continue 53. a 10 workers works 57 a 39 misery mystery 60. a 18 by colour by no colour 61. a 18 weighed weeded 62. a 9 offer offered 62. a 29 sacrifice sacrificer 62. b 33 nation motion 63. b 20 set setteth 63. b 48 saith faith 64. a 1 participation partition 65. b 36 saw same 68 b 21 there they 73. b 7 angry angry anger, anger 77. b 14 doubt double 81. b 18 is marvel is no marvel 84. b 16 nothing one thing 86. b 50 other understand oath understand 87. a 49 not, any not, lest any 92. b 27 & do desperate and desperate 96. b 1 by an ordinary by no ordinary 100 a 22 decreased digressed 100 a 23 the knight the Kenite 100 b 49 levites Kenites 106. a 17 xl. C. men. xl. M. men 111. b 25 decrees .23. q. 5. cha dixerit aliquis. decrees, causa. 23. q. 5. dicat aliquis. & .28. d. 1 120. a 53 word world 122. b 1● little title 124. a 17 inviolated violated 132. a 42 13500. men 135000. men 134. b 1 Recubites Recutites 144. a 32 mention mansion 192. b 51 driven drawn 201. b 4 ear hear 203. b 52 preserve observe 223. a 15 doubting doubling 227. a 20 intents events 228. b 14 pronounces provinces 230. a 32 Sickness Sadness 247. a 16 Cain Cham 269. b 14 leavened leveled 285. a 14 communicate excommunicate   

¶ The commentary of Master Peter Martyr upon the Book of judges.  
THere be some which divide the holy scriptures into four parts, 
Of the division of the holy Scriptures.  and ascribe some books as well of the old testament as of the new, to laws, some to histories, some to prophecies, and other some again to wisdom. But it is not meet so to divide the books of the holy scripture one from an other, because that in the books of Exodus, Leviticus, Numeri, and D●uteromie, in which they appoint laws to be contained, are found almost as many histories as laws. Besides that in the books which they assign to prophets, laws of living uprightly are oftentimes written and clearly expounded. Neither can we properly separate the books of Solomon & other of the kind (which they will have proper to wisdom) from laws and prophecies. For there are in them sentences here and there written, which serving for the instruction of life, have also without controversy the nature of laws. Furthermore for the that in them are very many secrets opened unto the church by the inspiration of the spirit of god, they pour undoubtedly into the attentive hearers, oracles of things to come. It may easily he granted, that all these things which they make mention of, are found in the holy books: I mean the precepts of living, notable histories, prophecies of things to come, and also most wise sentences and sayings: but in such sort, that in manner in every book they are set forth unto us dispersedly, neither yet would I that these holy books should be divided one from an other by these ends and limits.  
I would rather think as the learned sort do also judge, that whatsoever things are contained in the holy Scriptures should be referred unto two principal heads, the law I mean and the gospel. 
There be two principal points whereunto all the whole scriptures are referred.  For every where are declared unto us either the precepts of god of upright living, or when we are reproved to have strayed from them by reason of weakness or else of malice, the gospel is laid forth before us, wherein by Christ that thing wherein we have offended is pardoned, and the strength and power of the holy ghost promised us, to reform us again to the image of god, which we had lost. These two things may we behold in all the books of Moses, in the histories, Prophets, and books appointed to wisdom, and that not only in the old Testament, but also in the new, and they are not separated one from an other by books and leaves, but by that manner which is now declared. 
What things are entreated of in this book of judges.  And this is sufficient as touching the general matter of the holy scriptures. But now we must peculiarly speak of this book, that we may understand what things they be which are entreated of in the same. And to the end we may the more plainly understand this, it is needful to call to memory those things which were spoken of in the former books.  
In Genesis is set forth the creation of the world, then how of Abraham, Isaac, jacob and his twelve children was engendered the people of god and how they were brought into Egypt to drive away their famine.  
Exodus teacheth the great increase, and incredible multiplication of the Israelites, the manner also and form whereby they were of god by Moses delivered from bondage and set at liberty, and how they were excellently adorned with laws, judgements and ceremonies, which things are also comprehended in the books of Leviticus. 
What is contained in the books which go before the judges.  The book of Numbers containeth very many passages of the Hebrews, and diverse placings and orderings of their tents in the desert places, & also certain usages of those rules which were prescribed before of god in the laws. And lastly of all in Deuteronomy. When Moses should departed out of this life, he like a most faithful minister of god, & most learned preacher, repeateth unto the people almost the whole law. After whose death josua captain of the Hebrews led the people beyond jordane, and possessed some part of the promised land of Chanaan, and divided it as god had commanded to his whole nation by tribes. When he was dead god governed the Hebrews by certain excellent men which were called judges, of which judges this book which we have taken in hand to enterpreate hath his name and title.  

Why this is called the book of the judges.  But for the better understanding of the title thereof we must know that this word Shaphat in the jews tongue signifieth sometime to execute the law, and to judge the causes between them which are at controversy, which office yet is not proper to those judges, of which we now entreat. For there were levites appointed which sat and gave judgement at the gates of every city, and above all judgements sat Senadrim which were an assembly of 70. elders.  

Senadrim.  Furthermore the word signifieth to revenge & to set at liberty, which these excellent men performed, whose noble acts are declared in this volume. They by their authority, through their might and counsel, delivered the Israelites when they were oppressed of strangers, and kept them in the observing of the law & true worshipping of God. And that their office may the better be perceived, we will briefly expound the face and estate of that public weal. God himself was the true and proper king of that nation, 
Of the common wealth & estate of the jews.  for he only had the principal power there, but not as he had over other nations, but so, that he by his beck, oracle, and certain commandment, governed the estate of the Israelites, which he promised to do in the .18. chap. of Exodus. Whereas he said that that people should be his chief kingdom. But because he would also use the ministry of men, he provided all things necessary for the Hebrews, first by Moses and then by josua as long as they lived. They exercised the office of princes or captains, which men being dead god would have the best and most excellent men to have the rule over them (for such men were picked out to be of the senate, whose excellent conditions are set forth as well in Exodus as in Deuteronomy: for the laws of God would not suffer every one to be called to that office. 
That is when the best men are governors over the common weal ) If thou shalt therefore consider these men than shalt thou see the form of that government which is called Aristocratia. But because that it was not lawful to attempt great matters without the people's consent, we may therefore justly think that it was also a common wealth which endured to the time of Saul and David the first kings. That estate therefore in respect of god was a kingdom, but in respect of the Senate & those chief men it was Aristocratia. Because in electing of them they had no regard to their riches but to their virtue and godliness, & for that the weightiest matters were referred to the people, therefore we may say it was a common wealth. Wherefore it manifestly appeareth that the administration of matters of the Israelits was very well tempered of three kinds of governments. 
What was the cause of the raising up of judges.  And because, whereas many govern the common wealth, it is needful when dangerous times do happen, for the better success and expedition of things to be done, one must be appointed which may have both the chief rule & also the chief authority: for the which cause the Romans created often times both Emperor's & also Dictator's. So god when the Israelites were most grievously oppressed of their enemies, judged it meet to deliver them and bring them to liberty, he evermore stirred up some one man by his spirit, whom he endued with noble virtues, strength of body, warlike art and other gifts meet for that purpose which should be brought to pass, by whose industry & good success the people might be delivered from tyrants.  
Between foreign nations and the israelites in this similitude, 
The difference between the judges & princes of the heathen.  this difference is to be marked. Emperors and Dictator's were appointed and chosen of men. But the judges of the hebrews were not declared by the voices of men, 
The judges were neither properly lords nor kings.  but by the ordinance & inspiration of god. They could not be properly called captains or kings or else lords, Posterity or succession was here of no force, neither was there a regard to one particular tribe or family, neither was there required the election of man or the common assent of the people. In human public weals these use to take place, but God in this his public weal preferred whom he pleased to be judge in the government of things. Besides that, they which are chosen by the common voice of men must first be endued with excellent strength & virtues, but god made those whom he decreed to be judges & setters at liberty of the Israelites, notable and most excellent upon the sudden, though they were never so much rude and unmeet of nature. And that this is true, witnesseth the 2. chapter of this book where it is thus written, God raised them up judges, which delivered them out of the hands of their oppressors. etc. And thereunto is added when the Lord had raised them up a judge, he was with the judge, and delivered Israel all the days of his life. Moreover these men in time of their authority were not in deed Lords over the Israelites, but only wrought with authority, admonition, counsel and exercising warlike travails. This is made plain by that that Gedeon as it is written in the .8. chap: when he had gotten the victory over the Madianites, when it was offered him to be king over Israel he refused it. For the people said unto him: Reign thou over us and thy son. By the which words they did not give the kingdom only unto him, but also to his posterity. But he would none of it, yea he answered them thus. I will not reign over you, God shall reign over you. And it is written in the first book of Samuel that God said unto the Prophet, They have not cast thee away but me, 
The papists do impudently claim unto themselves the title of spiritual honour.  that I should not reign over them. It appeareth therefore manifestly that these judges were neither kings nor yet Lords of the Israelites. I would to god that this kind of authority were diligently marked in the popish Church, where wicked men do so impudently usurp unto themselves spiritual promotion, seeing that Christ himself as he is the true priest, so also is he our only priest, for he only pacifyeth the father towards us and they which are governors of the Church here on earth are to be counted only as his ministers. Wherefore they can not claim unto themselves that title, but they must cast away Christ and do him injury.  
Neither is this to be passed over, that the judges which were ordained of god did always deliver Israel from the misery wherewith they were oppressed: but the kings, into whom the common wealth did afterwards as it were degenerate, did not always deliver the people out of bondage, which was committed unto them, 
The estate of the hebrews was better under the judges than under the kings.  yea they oftentimes destroyed them and compelled them at the length to slavery. Wherefore it is to be judged that the estate of the hebrews was far better under the judges than under the Kings: not the God governed not that people in time of the kings, but because his administration showed forth itself more in the time of the judges. And in deed the people was never led away into captivity under the judges, although they were often times oppressed by outward tyrants which they deserved by their wickedness. 
Almost all the judges were good and holy men.  That age therefore might be called as it were a golden age. Let us mark also that there were very few good and godly kings, but almost all the judges were good and godly. For although as they were men so sometimes they fell, yet we must believe that they returned again into the right way and repent, for they are not condemned at any time by any testimony or judgement of the scripture as far as I can perceive. How notably Syrach judged of them he plainly declareth in his book of wisdom the 46. chap. But we leaving his testimony aside, let us see what the Epistle to the hebrews in the xi. chap. doth ascribe unto them, where as it is thus said. The time will be to short for me to tell of Gedeon, of Barach, Samson, and of jephthe etc. All these certainly were judges, and they are mentioned of there together with other holy men, which were notable and of an excellent and wonderful faith.  
Thou wilt ask peradventure, If god looked so well to his people as long as the judges were over them, 
Why the Israelites were so oftentimes oppressed of their enemies in the time of the judges.  how came it to pass then, that they were so often brought into bondage by their enemies? For because God handled with them faithfully and by a covenant.  
The league that was made is written in the 30. and 31. chap. of Deut: where god promised the hebrews that all things should prosper with them so long as they kept his laws and worshipping of him. But if they should fall from him to Idols, and cast away the laws of their god, then should they be delivered into the hands of their enemies, but in such sort, that if they repented and would desire aid of their god, he would streightwaies be present with them, to deliver them from all the evils wherewith they should be oppressed. But we shall not need to stand long now about this matter, because it he proceeding forward of the history, we shall manifestly perceive, that the Israelits did oftentimes offend. And god chastened them as his children with just punishments. But when they turned and cried unto him, he had compassion of them, and delivered them by judges out of their miseries. This remaineth also for us to declare, that for as much as Christ is called the end and perfection of all the holy books, how these acts also of the judges may and aught to be referred unto him, and how they prophecy him unto us, as the other holy books do. To answer to this I will take that which Origen writeth in his first Homely upon this book. All the works of god by themselves are great: 
After what sort the holy histories do contain & teach Christ  but when they are conferred together, some of them may be called small, and other some great. If god his leading of the children of Israel out of Egipte and through the wilderness should be beholden by themselves, they are surely great works: but if they be afterward conferred with this, that God loved the world so, that he gave his only begotten son for it, then shall this be a great work, and the others small. But because in the greater things the less are comprehended (for that they are parts of them) as the number of two is contained in three, and three in four. So these private deliveries of the people which happened under the judges, for as much as they are comprehended in that principal redemption, which is given unto mankind by Christ, it must needs be that they should express unto us the same, for that they were certain assured parts and figurative shadows, and had the same author namely Christ himself. For he which before delivered the hebrews by judges, did afterward redeem all men by himself. And even as the miseries of this life, the spoiling I say of goods, banishments, wounds & torments are very grievous to the flesh when they are pondered by themselves: so when they are conferred with the anger of god & everlasting death, into that which we incur by reason of our sins, they may most rightly be esteemed small things, for that these are most grievous. Wherefore when we consider how the jews were delivered from outward miseries: Let us call to remembrance, those most great evils, from which Christ of his singular goodness hath delivered us. And when as the children of Israel do oftentimes escape by judges out of their afflictions, they do as it were point with their finger Christ unto us, raised up from the dead, they show unto us also the last resurrection of the saints, wherein they shall be altogether delivered from all afflictions & infirmities. Wherefore as well this book as also other holy histories, do with much profit admonish the readers of Christ and his members.  
And because I think I have spoken enough already of the matter and subject of this book. I will now go to declare the form of the writing thereof. 

What kind of writing is observed in this book.  
The definition of an history.   It consisteth altogether of an historical kind of writing, as may easily appear to all the readers. An history is (as Quintilianus writeth in the second book, & 4. chap: of his Institutions) a setting forth of a thing done. From which Augustine differeth not much, who writeth on the second chap: of Gen: upon the letter. An history is when a thing done either by god or by man is set forth, & in this definition he comprehendeth as well profane histories as holy. But our book doth chief for the most part set forth those things which were done by god. But because all setting forth of things done are not of one kind, when as some are called chronicles, & other some named histories, we must see in which of these two, this our declaration must be placed, & that can we not well do except we separate these the one from the other. Cicero in his 2. book de Oratore, touching these, writeth after this sort. 
The difference between an history and a chronicle.  The grecians at the first wrote even as our Cato, Pictor & Piso did: for an history was nothing else but a collecting together of things done yearly, which things that they might the better be kept in memory the chief bishop from the beginning of matters of Rome even to Publius Mutius the chief bishop wrote all things that were done every year & brought them into a common place, & set them out on a table in his house that the people also might freely have knowledge of them, & they be they which are now called the great yearly Chronicles. This form of writing many have followed, which have without any deckings or ornaments left behind them only the monuments of times, men, places and of things done. Therefore as Pherceydes, Hellanicus, Acusilaus & very many other we amongst the grecians, so is our Cato, Pictor, & Piso, who cared not for the eloquent kind of writing, & while that men might understand what they spoke, they counted shortness to be the only praise of speaking etc.  
He addeth afterward, The nature of things desireth the order of times, it requireth also the description of countries, because in weighty matters and worthy of memory, first counsels are looked for, than the acts, & afterward the ends. And as touching counsels is signified what the author alloweth. And in things done is declared not only what is done or spoken, but also how &c. By these things we may gather what is the nature of yearly chronicles, and also what of an history: and me thinketh that these our narrations are rather to be counted histories than yearly chronicles, for because not only things done are set forth, 

The narrations of this book are histories & not yearly chronicles.  
The opinion of Aulus Geilius as touching yearly chronicles and an History.   but also the causes, counsels and manners are declared. Also orations, admonitions, and reproving, are sometimes added not without some ornaments: All which things pertain rather to an history than to bare yearly chronicles. But now that we have heard Cicero his opinion, let us also hear what Aulus Gellius writeth in the .5. chap. of his 5. book, which writeth this: Some do think that an history differeth from a chronicle in this, that when both of them are a declaration of things done, yet an history is properly of those things at the doings whereof he that wrote them hath been present. etc. He followed not this distinction, & not without cause, which nevertheless servius Grammaticꝰ embraced, & Isidorus in his first book of Etymologies followed him, which is marvel because he is not only against Cicero, which saith that an history is a gathering together of things done yearly, but also against Vergil whose verse in the first of the Eneydos is. And now have we leisure to hear the yearly chronicles of our labours. Where he declareth, that yearly Chronicles pertain also unto things at the doings whereof we ourselves were present. But now again to Gellius. He showeth that there were other which thought histories to be either an exposition, or else a demonstration of things done. But yearly chronicles were, when things done in many years were compiled together, observing the order of every year. etc. According to which sentence, this our book cannot be called a yearly chronicle, for that in the narrations thereof, it oftentimes noteth not the years wherein things were done. Moreover the same author I mean Gellius addeth Sempronius Asellios' mind therein, but this was the difference between those which would leave behind them yearly chronicles, and those which enterprised to write of things done by the Romans. The yearly chronicles did declare that only which was done and in what year it was done, but that was not sufficient for an history to declare what was done, but it must also show, by what counsel, and after what sort they were done. And a little after the same Aselio writeth in the same book: for neither can the books of the yearly chronicles any thing stir up the readers to be more quick to defend the common wealth, nor yet more slow to commit things unadvisedly. Furthermore because that by the knowledge of this book men are admonished and stirred up to the true worshipping of god to repent, to put their trust in god, and to practise all duties of life cheerfully. It containeth an history and not yearly Chronicles. Peradventure I have expounded these things with to many words, but yet as I suppose with some fruit.  

The number of the years that the history of the judges containeth.  But the space of the time which is comprehended in these declarations (if we may believe Augustine in his xviii. book de civitate dei, and 22. chap.) is 329. years, which he gathereth thus. When Rome was builded, the Hebrews had been in the land of Chanaan. 718. years, of which (as he saith) 27. pertained unto josua, 329. to the judges, & 362. are referred unto the kings. For Ezechias the king lived in the time of Romulus.  

God is the author of histories.  An history is not to be counted a thing of man's invention when as god himself was the author thereof, which would have the elders to expound to their children and their posterity those things which he had done for Israel in Egipte, in the sea, and in the wilderness. And he commanded also (as it is written in Exodus) that the war which was had against Amalech, and the victory which the Hebrews got of him, 
Histories were before Moses' time.  should be put in writing, yea and this kind of writing began before Moses, for he maketh mention both of the book of the battles of the Lord as also of the book of the just men. I will not speak of the Prophets which with their prophecies oftentimes mixed histories. I pass over David, who adorned here and there the psalms which he song with histories. I skip over our Evangelists and the Acts which Luke wrote, in which are written most profitable histories in the new Testament. If god be the author of these books as we must needs believe, them god must be counted the author of histories, which is not a thing for him unseemly, for an history is a noble thing (as Cicero writeth in his 2. 
The praise of an history.  book de Oratore, it is a witness of times, the light of truth, the life of memory the master of life, the messenger of antiquity. etc. These praises certainly are great, and they agree not with every kind of histories, but with those only, in which those rules are observed, 

What are requisite to a true history.  
The Latin Historiographers are more faithful than the Grecians.   which the same author hath set forth in that place namely, that it set forth no lies, or be afraid to tell the truth, that there be no suspicion of favour or flattery.  
Which order although the Latin Historiographers have more faithfully accomplished than the Grecians (for Quintilianus saith in his iiii. chap. of his second book that the greek Historiographers used as much licence in writing almost as the Poets did) yet Augustine in his .131. epistle to Memorius the Bishop, when he among other liberal disciplines attributeth much to histories writing of the truth thereof, saith, that he cannot see, how those histories which are written of men, can well follow the truth: for that the writers are compelled to give credit unto men, and oftentimes to gather together the brute of the vulgar people, 
The holy histories are most true.  which writers nevertheless are yet excused, if they keep liberty and write nothing deceitful, but there can be nothing at all more true than the histories revealed and written by the inspiration of god as our histories are.  
Besides the truth, whose knowledge without controversy is most excellent, 
The commodity of an history.  by the reading of histories, we get also other commodities, and those very excellent. By them we attain to matter, and most abundant plenty of most profitable arguments. For (as Quintilianus writeth in the four chap. of his .12. book) Examples and histories are judgements and testimonies. 
The use of examples is double.  And the profit of the examples is at the least way two fold. One is, that we should imitate, use, allow, and commend those things which we are taught to be done of holy men. We understand by the divine history that Abraham was a holy man and dearly beloved of god, and also one that kept very good hospitality. Whereby we learn that hospitality is a noble virtue, and very dear unto God, and again we are taught to avoid those things, which we see these godly men to have avoided. For when we consider how David would not kill Saul his deadly enemy, having twice liberty to do it, we gather that it is not to be permitted that private men although it lay in their power should 〈◊〉 revenge their private injuries. The other use of examples is that of these things which are there declared particularly, when we shall perceive that they be all like, we may of them gather generally and universally some one profitable sentence.  
By the history of the Sodomites we note how grievously, god punished most horrible fleshly filthiness, and that the tribe of Benjamin for the same cause was almost clean put out, and Reuben the first begotten son of jacob for incest was put beside his place and dignity, David for committing adultery, incurred horrible punishments, and Ammon and Absalon for committing incest came to a most wicked end, and Troy (as the heathen testify) was utterly overthrown for adultery sake. Of these things therefore in such sort considered which happened particularly, we plainly say that all these wandering and unlawful lusts of men are most grievously punished of god. To which proposition if we shall add this sentence that now also throughout all Christendom such free and wandering filthy lust reign every where, we may strongly conclude, that for this horrible wickedness there hangeth upon this our world most sharp punishments.  
Yet in this kind of arguments that vice is most diligently to be taken heed of, 
Of examples we reason what vices are to be eschewed.  which creepeth upon one before he beware thereof. And the cometh two manner of ways. First that we take not upon us to follow those doings of the saints which they sometimes committed unadvisedly. For even as men, they fell sometimes, & that most filthily. Wherefore the things done by them, which we do set forth as examples to be followed of us, must with great judgement be examined. 
Augustine.  Augustine writeth of this thing in his 2. book against the 2. epi. of Gaudentius after this sort. We must not always imitate or allow whatsoever good men have done, but we must add thereunto the judgement of the scriptures, & mark whither they allow these deeds. This father doth very well admonish us here, that although they were holy men, & pleased god very many ways, 
The fallings of the saints are not to be followed.  & the holy scriptures witnessed excellently well of them, yet are not all their actions to be judged absolute and without fault. For every man both is a liar and oftentimes sinneth. For who would follow david his horrible adultery and betraying of faithful Soldiers, or the forswearing of Peter or his wicked dissimulation? surely none which hath but even a crumb of godliness. Moreover it sometimes happeneth that that work which is done well and rightly by some excellent person, is forbidden of other men, because God which hath given a law to men, is not so bound unto the same, that he may not lose some from that common bond, when it seemeth good unto him. It is not lawful for any man to steal, 
God will some times have certain things done of godly men which be not lawful for others to do.  and yet the Hebrews when they were led out of Egypt were permitted yea and commanded of god, to carry away the Egyptians goods which they had borrowed of them even against their wills and without their knowledge. What shall we do then? Thus truly, we must well and diligently confer those things which are expounded in the holy histories, with the general rules of the commandments of God wherewith when we do perceive that they do agree, 
The doings of saints must be weighed by the rules of gods Law.  let us boldly use them. But if they disagree from them, let us reckon them either for certain fallings or singular prerogatives of some, and keep our selves back from following of them. And these provisoes being added, great profit shall come by reading of histories and especially divine histories. And that did chrysostom very well understand when as in the preface of his exposition upon the Epistle to Philemon, 
chrysostom.  he wished that all those things had been written for us, which the Apostles spoke and did, when they sat down, what they did eat, or what they did write & other things of this kind. And the same chrysostom writeth in his 57 Homily upon Genesis, that histories were given us by the holy ghost to the intent we should follow them. 
Augustine.  Also Augustine, in his second book and 28. chap. De doctrina Christiana, teacheth that many dark and hard things may some times only be opened by the knowledge of an history. Moreover who soever much exerciseth himself in reading over of histories, he doth not without fruit revolve with himself the doings & examples of our times. There was upon a time a certain man evil favoured enough, 
Note a pleasant history.  who nevertheless was marvelous desirous of beautiful children: and yet he married a fowl wife, wherefore he was mocked of every body. This man went into the City. where he bought most fair images, which he set in his chamber, and gave his wife charge that for a certain space she should every day most earnestly look upon those images. She obeyed her husbands commandment, and by that means brought him forth most beautiful children. So will it also come to pass with us, which though we by reason of natural sin grafted in us are deformed & loathsome, and are continually provoked as well by the devil as by wicked men to unlawful things, yet if we will attentively & diligently gather together the examples of the saints, trimly painted forth in the divine histories, and if we revolve the same in our mind, we shall forthwith show forth most excellent works & acceptable to God. And now that I have entreated enough (as I suppose) of the matter and form of writing of this book, the next is to speak some what of the efficient cause.  

What is the efficient cause of this book.  If we would search to know the man, by whom God would have these things written, that can we not understand by the holy Scriptures. The Hebrews affirm that Samuel put these things in writing: but they speak that without testimony of the Scriptures. Other also think that every judge wrote such things as were done in his own time, which monument of theirs being in sundry pampheletes Samuel afterward compiled into one certain body or volume. Again there be some which ascribe all this to Esdras or to Ezechias the king, which Ezechias the book of proverbs mentioneth to have gathered together some of the sentences (or as some call them) the parable of Solomon but I think it is not meet for me to stand about this matter, for there is no cause why we should curiously search out those things which God will not reveal in his oracles wherefore I will return to declare the principal efficient cause of this book. 
The spirit of God is properly the author of this Book.  We must ascribe all what soever it is to the spirit of God. For Paul writing to Timothe saith that the scriptures were revealed by god, and there is no doubt but he spoke then of the books of the old Testament. But thou wilt ask who shall persuade us that the holy books were revealed unto men by the holy ghost? 
The spirit of God testifieth unto the faithful that the holy Scriptures came from God.  Even the same spirit which hath provided to have these things written, doth make us assuredly to believe that they are not the inventions of men. For neither can the holy life of the teachers nor yet miracles be sufficient to persuade us of this. It is the spirit, the spirit I say of god which testifieth unto our spirit of this thing.  
The most dangerous error of the Antichristes' must diligently be taken heed of, which dare affirm, 
It is not the Church which giveth authority to the Scriptures.  that it is the Church which bringeth authority to the holy Scriptures, when as it is clean contrary. For what soever authority or estimation cometh unto the Church, that all whole cometh of the word of God. It is horrible to be heard, that the holy oracles and words of god should get their credit by men which are otherwise liars. But these things they feign to the intent that seeing they are manifestly found often times to have decreed and ratified in the Sacraments & doctrines far otherwise than the holy scriptures will bear. Which thing they would defend that they may do it, because the Church which doth bring authority and credit to the word of God, may alter things in the holy Scriptures, as pleased it. Wherefore we must resist them by all means possible in this thing which they take upon them to do. We may not suffer ourselves to be brought to this point, to think that the Scriptures have had their credit and authority by the Church. And yet do I not write these things as though I would despise or contemn the dignity of the Church, unto the which, 

There be three offices of the Church touching the word of God.  
The Church as a witness keepeth the holy Books.   I do attribute three offices and them most excellent as touching the word of God. The first of them is, that I do confess that the Church as a witness hath kept the holy books. But thereby it can not be proved, that it is lawful for it to pervert or alter any thing in the holy books. Experience teacheth us that public and private writings are committed to scriveners (which are commonly called notaries) to be laid up and diligently kept of them. And yet there is none that is in his right wits which will say that he may alter any thing in them, or will believe that their authority is of greater force, than their wills were which desired to have the same written. 
The word of God revealed and written.  Neither shall it be here unprofitable to observe the difference between the word of god as it was revealed at the beginning to the Prophets & saints & as it was afterwards preached or written. For we do easily acknowledge between these, that there is only difference of time, and not of the authority or efficacy.  
For we confess that the word unwritten was more ancient, than that which was afterward appointed to letters, and we grant that either conferred together was given to the Church, but in such sort, that the Church (as we have said) can not by any means wrest or change it. 
The office of the Church is to publish and preach the word of God.  And this undoubtedly is the second office of the Church, to preach & publish the words committed unto it by God. In which thing it is like a common crier, who although he do publish the decrees of princes and magistrates, yet he is not above the decrees or equal unto them in authority. But his whole office is faithfully to pronounce all things as he hath received them of the princes and magistrates. And if he should otherwise do, he should be counted altogether for a traitor. Wherefore the ministers of the Church ought to care and study for nothing so much as to be found faithful. We acknowledge also the last office of the Church to be, 
The Church discerneth the holy books from counterfeit & such as are Apochriphas.  that seeing it is endued with the spirit of God, it must therefore discern the sincere & uncorrupted books of holy Scriptures from the counterfeit and Apocriphas, which is not yet to be in authority above the word as many do foolishly dream. For there are very many which can discern the true & proper writings of Plato and Aristotle from other falsely put to them, & yet in comparison of judgement they are neither of greater learning nor yet of equal, with Plato or Aristotle. And every one of us can easily know God from the devil, & yet are we not to be counted equal with God, & much less can we think that we do excel him. So the Church ought not because of this to prefer faith or authority thereof before the Scriptures.  

Augustine.  But they say, Augustine sayeth, I would not believe the Gospel except the authority of the Church did move me thereunto. But in that place is read (to move together) for in very deed, 
Faith is not poured in by the minister but by God.  it is the spirit of God, which poureth faith into the hearers of his word. And because the ministers of the Church are his instruments, they are rather to be said to move with, than absolutely to move. The same Augustine writeth in his 28. book and second chap. against Faustus, that the Manichees ought so to believe that the first chap. of Matthew was written by Matthew, even as they did believe that the Epistle which they called Fundamentum, was written by Maniche, because undoubtedly they were so kept by their elders, & from hand to hand delivered unto them. This is it therefore that the Church moveth withal to believe the Gospel, because faithfully it keepeth the holy scriptures, preacheth them, and discerneth them from strange Scriptures. The same father manifestly witnesseth in his 6. book of his confessions the 4. and 5. chap. that God himself in very deed did give authority to the holy scriptures. 
Tertullianus Irenaeus  But Tertullianus and Irenaeus having to do against heretics did therefore send them to the Apostolical Churches, because they did not admit the whole scriptures: Wherefore they would that they should take their judgement of those Churches which were certainly known to be Apostolical. For it was meet that those Churches should continually remain both witnesses and also keapers of the holy scriptures: and yet therefore they did not decree that the authority of the Church should be preferred before the scriptures.  

What is to be thought of a certain rule of the Logiciens.  But the adversaries say, that they are led by the sentence, which is commonly used among Logiciens: Every thing is such a thing by reason of an other, Wherefore that other shall more be counted such. Wherefore they reason after this manner: If by the Church the Scripture hath his authority, it must needs be that the Church much more hath that authority. But they remember not that this sentence put by the Logiciens taketh place only in final causes, and is of no strength in efficient causes. For although our inferior world be made warm by the sun and the stars, yet doth it not thereby follow that they are far more warmer. And again when immoderate men by wine are made drunk, we can not thereby conclude the wine to be more drunken than they. Yea the Logiciens teach this, that this their sentence is then strong and of efficacy in efficient causes, when such efficient causes are brought forth which are whole and perfect, and not which are partial and maimed, which rule is not observed of our adversaries in this argument. For the Church is not the whole and perfect efficient cause of that faith and authority which the holy Scriptures have with the faithful. For if it were so, then were it very easy to persuade the Ethnics and Turks of the holy Scriptures, and to bring the jews to receive the new Testament, and how true this is, the thing itself witnesseth. And I think. I have spoken enough of the efficient cause of this book and of the holy Scriptures.  

Of the end of this book.  And now lastly order seemeth to require, the seeing we have spoken of the matter, form and efficient cause of the holy books, we should also entreat somewhat to what end they were written. Wherein I think it not needful to keep the reader long, for that before when I entreated many things of an history, I have expounded also the profit and commodities which come thereof, which no doubt of it, belong unto the end: but now presently I will say thus much compendiously, that all these things are mentioned by the holy ghost, that we should behave ourselves uprigthly both in prosperity and also adversity.  
For we learn by the examples of holy men, when we are afflicted with sundry troubles and miseries, steadfastly to hold our faith, to put our hope in God, to call upon him only, & therewithal to repent us of our sins which things if we do, he will no less be present to help us, than we know that he oftentimes delivered the people of the jews. And this Paul declared, when he said to the Romans, whatsoever things are written, they are written for our learning, that we through patience and consolation of the Scriptures might have hope. Moreover we are instructed, in prosperous things to keep the fear of god, lest we fall into grievous sins, by which means we might be made guilty both of punishment in this life, and also of everlasting damnation. Finally we may most manifestly gather the end of reading of these books out of the Apostles doctrine, which he delivered to Timothe, writing after this sort in his second Epistle and third chap. All Scripture given by inspiration of God is profitable to doctrine, to reproving, to correction and to instruction which is in righteousness, that the man of God may be perfect and prepared to all good works.  
And now that as I suppose I have spoken enough of the end and other causes of this book, I will come nigher to the exposition of the same, & first I will declare whether this book according to the sentence of the Hebrews be the second book of the first Prophets, whose conjunction is so great with the history of josua that a man would easily say that they be both one. 
Whether the book of josua ought to be reckoned with the book of judges.  And peradventure there be some which suppose that josua should be reckoned with the judges: to whom I will not subscribe. For judges were raised up of god, when the people were oppressed with outward enemies, but when josua was proclaimed prince, all the affairs of the Israelites were in good prosperity. For Sihon and Og most mighty kings were overcome, and that office was committed to josua, whereby Moses being dead he might lead the people over jordane and take possession of the land of Chanaan, and divide the promised land by lots unto the children of Israel, and besides that the people did set their hands to a decree which they had made of josua, that he which obeyed not his voice should be killed, as we read it written in the first chap. of his book. But there is no mention made of such things as concerning the judges. And yet both the books are so like and of such affinity, that many things are repeated in this our book especially in the beginning, which no doubt were done when josua was yet living.  
There resteth now to admonish the reader somewhat of the parts of this book. 
The parts of the book of judges.  There are as many principal members in it as there were judges to samuel's tyme. For that in every one of them still riseth unto us a new history. But the first of all was Othoniel, of whom we will speak in the third chap. So that all those things which are written unto that place do contain the things done from the death of josua unto Othoniel. And certainly because the jews, as long as josua lived, worshipped god a right, & kept the law as much as the weakness of man could do: god still wrought with them according to his covenant, & gave them a great victory over their enemies, so that every tribe overcame his enemies for the most part which were yet adjoinying to their borders. And then when the Israelites obtaining the victory did transgress the commandments of their god, & did not clean destroy the nations which they had overcome as god had commanded them, yea they made them tributaries unto them, god therefore grievously admonished them by his messenger, because they had not only saved their enemies, but also had most filthyly honoured their gods. So that god was not without a cause angry with them, and delivered them into the hands of outward tyrants. But when they were sorry for it and called upon their god, he had compassion of them, and raised them up judges, by whom they might be delivered, & when they were delivered, they fell again to Idolatry & they were afflicted again, & they repented, whereby in course their deliveries and oppressions are set forth. But their first oppression worthy of memory was under Chusan Resanthaim, from the which Othoniel the first of all the judges revenged them, of whom we will speak in his place. But now we will put here underneath the words of the holy history.  

The first Chapter.  

1 IT came to pass after the death of josua, that the children of Israel asked the Lord, saying: Who shall go up for us against the Chananites to fight first against them?  
2 And the Lord said judah shall go up, behold I have delivered the land into his hands.  
IT seemed good unto the children of Israel to take war in hand, for as it is written in the xiii. chap. of josua, they had not yet at this time conquered all the promised land, so that in every tribes lot there were enemies remaining. And when they saw there was no remedy but that they must drive them out by force, they doubted not whether they should make war against them, but their doubt was which tribe should fight before all the other. 
The Israelites ask counsel of God.  The matter seemed to be of such great importance, that they asked counsel of god, which was the chief governor of their public weal. josua that worthy captain was no more a live at whose beck and pleasure they hanged. 
The Israelites affairs had evil success when they were done without God his counsel.  Neither yet had they forgotten how evil success they had, when not long before they took weighty affairs in hand, without ask counsel of God. For in their setting forth to battle against the city of Hai, they sped very unluckily in the battle, because they went to warfare without oracle, as it is written in the seven. of josua. It is also written in the same book in the ix. chap. that the Gabaonites were received into league without the oracle of god, and it is also written in the book of Numbers that the Israelites were slain by the Amorrhites, when they fought contrary to gods will. This people's judgement therefore is worthy to be praised, for it is excellently well done, in most weighty affairs to ask counsel of God first of all. And that must be done conveniently, and holily, otherwise it profiteth not. For the Israelites when they should make war against the tribe of Benjamin, although they asked counsel of God, yet were they twice put to flight & slain, & cowardly turned their backs to their enemies, because they behaved not themselves well in ask counsel of god. 
Wherefore they asked counsel of God.  And it is to be believed that the hebrews after the death of josua considered this with themselves, that their hung a great matter in those first wars which should be enterprised after the death of josua because if they happened to be overcome of those nations in one battle or two, then would those nations think with themselves, that the good luck of the Israelites were changed with the death of their captain. By which opinion they would easily have been boldened and their affairs should have had better success daily. But on the contrary if it happened that the Israelites got the upper hand in the first battles, they saw that the power and audacity of the nations would every day diminish, and being made feeble and faynter they should the easilier be overcome. 
God was also asked counsel of in the time of josua.  They did not therefore without cause ask counsel of God in so great a matter: which also to do the commandment of the law did urge them, which is written in the book of Numbers. Neither must it be now thought, that they so required the oracle, as though they did not the same when josua was living, for they required also answers of God very often when he was a live, but after his death it is said that they inquired for this thing chief & principally, namely which tribe should go up to battle before all the other in all their causes. And this is the signification of the hebrew word Lanu that is, for us. And this word to go up is mentioned, because they saw that they should first vanquish the highly places.  
Against Chanaan. This is sometimes a general name, 
What the people of Canaan were  & containeth all these nations, which God had decreed to destroy out of Palestine, whereby all the land was afterward called Channan. And sometimes it signifieth particularly some one nation of that people. And that lay chief about tire & Sidon. Which the evangelical history proveth when it calleth the woman a Chananite which offered herself to the son of God, when he was going to tire & Sidon. And of that nation peradventure, because it was mightier than the other, were the rest called Chananites. And I will not overskip this by the way, that the people which is singularly called Chanaan, when they were driven out of their coasts by the Israelites, they departed to Aphrica, where they remained safe, even to the time of Augustine. 
Augustine.  So that the father writeth in his book of the exposition which he begun upon the epistle to the Romans thus: Our rusticals being demanded what they were, they answered in the Africa tongue, Chananites. And their language is very nigh to the Hebrew tongue, 
The Africans are Chananites  as the same Augustine writeth in his book of questions upon the judges the .16. question. For by Baal in the Africa tongue they seem to say Lord, whereby by Baal Samen is understood as though they would say, Lord of heaven: because these tongues differ not much one from an other. Jerome also agreeth therewith, 
Jerome.  writing upon Esay the prophet, when he interpreteth these words: Behold a virgin shall conceive, in the Africa tongue (saith he) which is said to have had his offspring of the hebrews. 
Virgil.  A virgin is properly called Almah. Also Virgil when he called Dido an Aphrician & a Sidonian & the inhabitants of Carthage Tirianes hath most manifestly confirmed that Dido & her people came of the Chananites. Wherefore it is no marvel if they almost kept in remembrance the Chananishe tongue. But these things I have spoken by the way. But now Chanaan signifieth no one special nation, but is a common word for all those nations which the Israelites should overthrow. For the tribe of judah which is said to have gone up first of all to the war, 
For what thing the Israelites asked council of God.  had in his lot the jebusites, & not the Chananites. Moreover I admonish the Reader that the hebrews asked not counsel of God for their Captain, neither desired they to know what man should be made chief ruler over the Israelites going to battle against the Chananites, but which tribe should begin the battle first. Othoniel the first judge should be of the tribe of judah. But we entreat not of him now presently.  
And because it is said that the children of Israel asked counsel of the Lord, 
How many ways that elders asked council of God.  some will ask after what sort the jews accustomed to ask any thing of him at that time. It may be answered, that there were three accustomed & ordinary ways which are rehearsed in the .28. chap. of the first book of Samuel namely by dreams, by Urim & Thummim, & lastly by prophets when there were any to be had, & therefore Saul complained in the book, that God had answered him by none of these ways, when he would have asked counsel of him of the success of the most dangerous battle. I find also other ways in the scriptures of ask counsel of god, but they were extraordinary ways. One is by revelation of angels, or of god himself, expressing himself under some form. another way was, when some holy men by the moving of god did appoint to themselves certain tokens of things to come, which did signify before, whether they happened this way or that, what should be looked for.  
So Abraham his servant decreed with himself that she should be his lords wife, which only amongst many maidens coming to the well, offered drink of her own mind to him and to his Camels. jonathas also the son of Saul had then the victory promised him, when the Philistianes' should say, Come up hither to us, and contrarily, if they should bid him tarry till they came down thither. I have called these extraordinary ways because they were not commonly used, neither are they often red in the Scriptures. Lots also are of this kind. There is mention made of them in the first book of Samuel, when Saul should be declared King, all the tribes standing there before the Lord, Benjamin was caught, which R. Selomo expounding ascribeth the same place to Lots, and saith that the names of every tribe were first written in scrolls, and hurled into a certain pot, out of the which they were afterward drawn by the hand of the Prophet. This is his judgement. Although. R. D. Kimhi thinketh the that judgement was given by Urim and Thumim. But howsoever it was it skilleth not much, for no man ought to doubt but that there were lots used at that tyme. For Solomon saith, that lots were cast into a pet and governed by god. Yea and the promised land of Chanaan was no otherwise divided unto the people than by lots. But by what means, in what places, or after what sort they were had, it is no place here to declare. It were to long to tell what Urim and Thumim properly were. R. D. Kimhi speaketh abundantly of that matter in the book, which we now have in hands, when he expoundeth the history of the concubine revenged against the Gabaonites, And I will set forth an other time in a more fit place what it should seem to be. 
The manner to ask counsel of God's hand was before the law given.  Neither did this custom for ask council of God flourish only in the time of Moses' law, but also in the patriarchs tyme. For we learn in the book of Genesis that Rebecka desired an oracle. The heathen also asked council either of their Prophets or else of their soothsayers. 
The heathen had their oracles and divinations.  Balak king of the Moabites called unto him Balaam. They had moreover Sibelles and Delphos, Apollo and jupiter Amnon, and were ever to much given to divinations, but such as were corrupted and false. Only amongst the hebrews whereof we are certain the manner of oracles was pure: Because God was known only in judea, as David hath song.  

Why josua divided the land not yet possessed.  Moreover it is demanded why josua divided the land to the xii tribes at the commandment of God when as he had not at that time conquered the same? I answer he did it that he might leave a testimonial, how certain they ought to be of those things which God had promised them, namely that they might be as certain of the possession of that land which was promised them, as if they had it already in their hands. It would seem to have been foolishly done, if the obtaining of that land should have been hoped for either by chance, or by man's strength, 
Cesar.  or else by warlike power. For the which cause Cesar in his Comment. doth not unworthily laugh & wonder at the madness of the Pompeians, which when they had not yet fought, would yet bargain among themselves in their tents concerning the division of priesthoods, dignities, patrimonies & Caesar's goods. But this distribution of the hebrews, which was ordained by the commandment of god, could not be frustrate. And moreover the Israelites, when that partition was made by josua, had obtained already many victories, & had possession of a great deal of the land. Besides these things this ordinance was very profitable for this purpose, to take away from the tribes controversies for the limits of their land. Yea and they made war in better order, after that every tribe knew who were their enemies that they should fight against. And finally when as profit and rewards for labours are set forth, they do not a little stir up men, stoutly to venture upon any danger and labour. By the same counsel undoubtedly hath Christ our saviour the son of god, given us already eternal life, although we have it presently but only begun. For we must labour & wrestle very much before we come thither, although the fight be not uncertain to them which put their trust in God.  
There are three causes alleged, 
Why God destroyed not by and by all the Chananites.  why God would not by and by destroy all the Israelites enemies out of the land of Chanaan. The first is, because the jews at the beginning were not so many in numbered, as could inhabit all the land, So that by that means if all the Chananites should have been destroyed, most part of the land should have lain waste. Whereby many and sundry wild beasts (wherewith the regions in the East abound) would marvelously have increased, destroyed the possessions, and brought no small damage and destruction to the Hebrews. This reason is alleged of God himself in Exodus. another cause was that the Hebrews might thoroughly learn to fight, and to be expert in wars against their enemies, and they could not do that neither in Egypt, nor yet in the wilderness. The third cause was, that they might therefore fear God more and more, for they understanding that they obtained victories and possession of the land as long as they observed their religion, and contrariwise, how they were oppressed with most grievous misfortunes, troubles and miseries, when they forsook the obedience and worshipping of God, they might at the least by this means be stirred up not to faint from their father's laws and most holy ordinances of God. I would to God the same causes, especially the two latter which are described in the third chapter of this book might teach us, why God will have them which are his to be subject in this life to so grievous and so many temptations, namely that by fighting and wrestling we might be exercised with fruit and profit, calling upon God continually.  
But why God chose the tribe of judah, 
The praise of the tribe of judah.  to begin the battle first against the enemies, many reasons may be alleged. first, that tribe was very populous, of great force, valiant of courage, warlike, and very expert therein. Which nevertheless I speak not, as though the election of God were moved by these gifts: yea rather in that point the clean contrary is to be affirmed, namely that this tribe was therefore valiant and warlike, because God himself had destinied it to exercise those offices. Neither is it to be doubted, 
The election of god tarrieth not for our gifts and virtues.  but that both valiantness and warlike strength are his gifts. But that reason which I have declared is thus to be understand, that these excellent gifts which were freely given of God to the tribe of judah, made it apt to begin the battle first against the enemies. Neither had it this kind of office committed unto it only at this present, but also afterward when they should make war against that Beniamites, God being asked counsel of, decreed that marching forward to battle should be by the tribe of judah, to give to it that it might be as it were a chief captain to all the other Israelites. In the book of Numbers for pytching the Camps, it had the chief place. Also the kingly power was attributed unto it by the oracle of jacob. And as the Hebrews writ, it was the first of all the rest that passed over the red sea. But for this it is worthy to bear away the garland, because of that tribe Messiah should be given not only to the jews, but also to all the world. Neither happened these privileges and dignities to judah by order of birth. For it was reckoned the fourth among the sons of jacob. Reuben in deed was first borne, but because of his vile incest, whereby he abstained not even from his father's bed, he was thrown down from his proper dignity, and in his stead as concerning the kingdom judah was substituted. But the dignity of birthright was given to joseph. 
Wherein judah excelled the tribe of Ephraim.  Wherefore his first tribe called Ephraim was not only valiant & mighty, but also was exalted to the kingdom of ten tribes: which kingdom nevertheless was both unconstant, and also abode not always in that family. But the principality of judah is everlasting, because it was not taken away from it even to Christ's time, and he coming of that family, reigneth and shall reign for ever. All which things jacob himself confirmed with his noble prophecy, wherein he foresay to his children what things should happen to them in the latter times. Wherefore it is not to be marveled, if his Prophecies be in some part fulfilled now. For the spirit of god doth ever well agree with itself, as it which bringeth those things to pass, which are agreeable to his prophecies.  

How far the oracle given to the Israelites pertaineth unto us.  And that which is said here to be answered to the Israelites let us think also to be answered unto us, that if we will be sure to obtain the victory against the enemies of man's salvation, we must have him to be the captain of our battle, which by the holy prophecy of jacob is called the Lion of the tribe of judah. If by his conducting and name we will fight against the devil, the flesh, the world, death and hell, our victory shall not then in any point be doubtful but most certain. And yet would I not have the reader to think, because I have put this allegory in, that therefore I will use many allegories in this history, for I will use them rarely and very seldom, 
Allegories are not always to he discommended  not that I would have their pleasantness and elegancy be utterly despised. (The old fathers certainly delighted very much in them, I will not say to much. Yea and we find them sometimes applied in the holy Scriptures. For Christ in the gospel compared himself allegorically both to Solomon and to jonas, and also to the serpent which Moses at the commandment of God hung up in the wilderness. I will not speak of Paul who writing to the Galathians,, made Isaac and Ishmael the sons of Abraham two peoples, and pronounced Sara and Agar to be two Testaments, applying the Hebrews to the Mount Sina and the Christian Church to the City of jerusalem) but even as Allegories are not utterly to be despised, 
Allegories must not be rashly used.  so are they not to much rashly to be used. For although it be free for every man in this kind of interpretation, to devise what things he list, so that he stray not from the rules of faith and holy Scriptures, yet have we not thereby any strong or certain arguments for the confirmation of the doctrine of faith. Therefore there is small profit by the labour taken in them. Nevertheless I except those which are put in the holy Scriptures, 
Whither firm arguments may be brought from Allegories.  for they are to be counted the words of the holy ghost. Wherefore their authority is great both in proving & alleging of testimonies. But the other, wherein the wits of men have dallied, although with Godliness, and in a right understanding, because they are the inventions of men, their conclusions and arguments are very weak. For men being the authors of them might both be deceived, and also deceive. But this allegory by me brought forth, namely that the answer of God for the appointing of the tribe of judah to be captain of the wars doth no less belong to us than to the hebrews, hath no small certainty and scarcely pertaineth to allegories. For whatsoever they were that defended the people of God in the old time, Christ was their head and captain. Wherefore whatsoever they did in defending of his members, they did it as his ministers and vicar's. Whereby he which religiously revolveth their acts in his mind, and then putting them aside, doth behold the head and chief captain, 
How those things agree with Christ which seem to be spoken of David & Solomon.  by whose conducting they obtained the victories. He I say doth not stray from the mark, which the holy ghost had in the holy books. After this manner those things which are red in the holy Scriptures, both of Solomon and also of David and seem to be spoken of them in respect of the history, are not allegorically applied by the Apostles in the new Testament to Christ seeing that the holy ghost spoke them purposedly of him. Wherefore I have not absurdly said, that the oracle given to the Israelites should be thought to be spoken unto us.  
Behold I have given the land into his hands. God showeth forth in this place his liberal & bountefull goodness. He doth not only give answer to that which he was demanded, but also addeth thereunto a most notable promise. He first appointeth the tribe by name, which he will have to make war first before the other tribes against the Chananites. Then he promised to give them the land of the Chananites which he did to their great commodity, for he made the jews more cheerful to fight, in that he said that he would help them. Moreover, he would not have the possession of those regions ascribed unto their own strength or power, but unto himself. Ye shall not take it (saith he) but I have delivered the land into their hands. And he useth a verb of the preterperfect tense, whereby the certainty of his sayings should be expressed.  
Of this place we may justly gather, 
We must ask counsel of God when we take any things or affairs in hand.  that in business which we take in hand what so ever they be, God must always be asked counsel of. And this may be proved not only by this example, but also by infinite other which the treasures of the holy scriptures minister unto us, to which cometh a most strong reason. What so ever is not of faith (saith Paul) is sin, whereby it followeth, that no man should attempt any thing without faith. And that is no faith which leaneth not to the word of God. For as the same Apostle hath taught, 
From whence the word of God is to be sought.  faith cometh of hearing, and hearing cometh by the word of God, which word we cannot have by any other accustomed rule and ordinary way, than out of God's oracles which have been set forth unto us in the holy scriptures.  
And it were good to mark the difference which is found between the ask counsel of God in the old time and ours at this present. 
How we and the elders do diversly ask counsel of God.  They were very much careful for the success of things, and they almost desired always to know when they took wars in hand, or attempted any other thing, whether they should speed well or il in them. And that was not hard for them to do, for they had an oracle prepared of God for them for that purpose. And God had promised that he would answer them out of the mercy seat, what soever they should demand or ask of him. But we, if we should ask counsel of the holy scriptures for the success and end of our enterprises and purposes, concerning earthly infelicities and misfortunes, we should seem, and that not unworthily, to play the fools. For there is no place there at all, which answereth any thing for our singular and private things. But that only remaineth for us to inquire for, whether that which we begin or go about, be allowed to be just, holy, and acceptable to God by the testimonies of the holy scriptures.  
But why the jews had proper and certain oracles given them for their matters, and we have nothing answered us particularly. 
Why we have not oracles as the jews had  I think there be no other cause, but because unto that people a certain assured public wealth was due by the immutable counsel of God, which should endure to the time of Christ, and therefore there were prepared for it certain extraordinary aids above the power of nature, whereby it should be kept and defended by God. But unto us there is no such promise made of any certain seat or public wealth, seeing that our church is dispersed throughout the whole world, whereunto is no certain seat or place promised, and therefore it needed not, that concerning humane things our public wealths should be particularly governed by certain oracles & answers for temporal things. Besides this, the volumes of the holy scriptures are more abundant in our time, than they were at that time with the Hebrews when these things were done which we now expound. They had but the law only, we have received now the books of the Prophets and of wise men, unto which are added also all the writings of the new Testament. And seeing that those writings are so many & so excellent, it is no marvel if we are not every day instructed of god by new oracles & answers. Neither ought we to think because of that, that God setteth less by us than he did by the Hebrews. I will not speak how his spirit is given to us thorough Christ more abundantly and more openly, than it was in the old time to the jews. Finally, our public weals, dominions and kingdoms at endued with many more arts which serve for peace and war, than the people of the Hebrews were. 
How we ought to behave ourselves in ask counsel of God.  Wherefore it is no marvel if we being heaped up with so many other gifts, be destitute of singular oracles. It shall be our part therefore above all things, when we have any affairs to take in hand, diligently to consider the word of God, wherein is opened unto us his commandment or will, & afterward to embrace the same with a firm and steadfast faith, whereby we may be vehemently kindled to call upon our heavenly father, by the which we may be able to fulfil that which he hath commanded, and to obtain that which he hath promised.   

3. And judah said unto his brother Simeon: Go up with me into my lot, that we may fight against the Chananites, and I will also go with thee into thy lot. And Simeon went with him.  
The tribe of judah doth associate to itself the Simeonites to make war against the Chananites, which most evidently testifieth that the answer of God did not speak of any one singular man, but of the whole tribe of judah. For neither Othoniel, 
Why Simeon is taken into fellowship with judah.  nor yet Caleb had any brother which was called Simeon, and therefore there is no mention made of them by God's oracle, but it comprehendeth the whole tribe of judah. But the cause why Simeon is called of judah to be as a companion of his war, and that they two aided one an other is, because the possession of the tribe of Simeon was mingled and scattered among the fields and countries belonging to the tribe of judah. Neighbourhed therefore made them to defend and secure one the other. And this conjunction of these two tribes is most manifestly gathered out of the xu chapter of the book of josua. 
It is not against faith to use the aid of men.  Let us learn hereby, that it is not against the true faith for us to use usual aids and man's strength, when occasion serveth, to obtain the easilier those things which God of his goodness hath liberally promised unto us. God had promised unto the tribe of judah, that he would give the land of Chanaan into their hands, which although they of judah faithfully believed, yet were they not afeard to call unto them the Symeonites which were their neighbours, that they might be aided of them in their fight. For by that means they thought they should be the stronger to overcome their enemies. Christ hath no otherwise confuted the devil, which counseled him to cast himself down head long, under the pretence of God's promise, wherein he said, that he had now committed his health to the Angels, which sentence he put forth out of the holy scriptures. But the son of God answered, that God must not be tempted, but he must rather use stairs which were made for that purpose, to serve to come down by. Moreover, all they are counted to tempt God, which trusting to gods promises do neglect human help, which are already or may be easily prepared and gotten. David in the latter book of Samuel setteth himself forth unto us as an example, who being wonderfully adorned with the promises of God, used for all that in the insurrection of Absalon, not only to fly away, but also the diligence of Chusay the Arachite and of the Priests. Yea and Paul the Apostle as it is written in the Acts of the apostles, although his only confidence was in Christ, yet he appealed unto Cesar, & made a descension between the pharisees and Saducees, and testified that he was a Citizen of Rome. It is evident therefore by these manifest examples, that we must use the help of nature and wisdom to obtain those things, which God hath promised to give us. 
Young men are to be exhorted to good studies  Wherefore the young men of our time are diligently to be admonished to labour to attain unto languages, good arts and sciences, and that with great study. Which they may (when opportunity serveth) use in preaching and defending the Gospel. For although God have promised that the preaching of his word shallbe fruitful through the benefit of his spirit: yet must every man instruct himself in his vocation according to his ability. Neither ought men to brag out of season (as fanatical men are accustomed to do) God according to his promise will be with us when we shall speak. He hath promised in deed, and will surely perform, when time will not serve, or that a man can not either think or meditate what to speak. But if liberty be given, and leisure granted to find, dispose, and wisely to devise those things which we should speak, then can we not be excused, but that we tempt God, when as we neglect to do these things. Yea rather let us pluck all things unto us, what so ever they be, so farrefoorth as godliness permitteth, and occasion offereth itself, to help our labour to obtain those things which are already promised us.  
Furthermore, 
Princes & public weals may make leagues sometimes  this conjunction of judah with Simeon doth admonish the readers, that it is lawful in those wars which are taken in hand justly to make a league, whereby Princes or public weals may be joined together to defend honest things, 
The godly ought not to join them selves with the ungodly.  as judah now joined fellowship with the Symeonites to fight against the Chananites. But this must be taken heed of, that such conjunction and league be joined together without fault, neither ought the godly to join themselves in league with the ungodly. For the scripture reproveth josaphat, who otherwise was a godly king, for making league with wicked Achab, and other kings are often times reprehended by the Prophets, for joining themselves in league either with the Egyptians, or else with the Assyrians. But surely this Simeon was of the same region that judah was, and both their endeavours tended to this end, religiously to fulfil the will of God. I know there be some which by the example of Asa king of judah being well praised, defend such leagues made with Infidels. For he being grievously oppressed of Basa king of the ten Tribes, as it is written in the first book of the Kings, sent unto Benadab king of Syria (as appeareth in the xvi chapter) a certain some of gold and silver, and he made a covenant with him of that condition that he should invade the king of Israel, whereby he might be delivered from his oppression. But they which affirm those things, should consider with themselves two things. first, that the kingdom of the ten Tribes had now fallen from God, and from woorshypping of him. Wherefore if an ungodly king was stirred up against it, the same is not for all that to be conferred with those, which confessing themselves to be Christians, do incense tyrants which are of a strange religion against other Christians. Besides that, this deed of Asa king of judah is mentioned in the holy scriptures. But we cannot find that it was allowed to be well done. Yea if we look upon the latter book of Chronicles the sixteen chapter, we shall see that that king was most grievously rebuked of God by the Prophet for such a wicked deed. For it is thus written: At that time came Hanani the Sear to Asa king of judah, and said unto him: because thou haste trusted in the king of Syria, and not rather put thy trust in the Lord thy God, therefore is the host of the king of Syria escaped out of thine hand. Had not the Ethiopes and they of Ludim an exceeding strong host with many Chariotes and horsemen? And yet because thou didst put thy trust in the Lord, he delivered them into thine hand. For the Lord and his eyes behold all the earth, to strengthen them that are of perfect heart toward him. But thou herein hast done foolishly, and therefore from hence forth thou shalt have wars. etc. For I showed before that we might without danger discommend this example which they bring of this king, when as God doth so sharply chasten him by his Prophet. But we will entreat of this more largely afterward.   

4 And judah went up, and the Lord delivered the Chananites and Pherezites into their hands and they smote them in Bezek to the number of ten thousand men.  
The victory which the two tribes obtained over the Chananites is described, and according to the manner of the holy Scripture, the same is set forth and comprehended in few words, afterward the manner how the thing was done is more amply expounded. Now briefly is declared that they of judah obtained the victory and slew ten thousand of their enemies.  

Why such as are overcome are said to be delivered of God into the hands of their overcomers.  And the Lord delivered the Chananites. The holy Scripture observeth his old order, to say that they which are overcome in battle are delivered into their enemy's hands by God, and speaketh thus to adminishe us, that victory is not the work of our own strength, but of the goodness and counsel of God. Wherefore soldiers and emperors when they have the upper hand in battles, they must bridle themselves from boasting and gloryeng, which jeremy also faithfully giveth counsel to do. For he saith, let not him that is mighty glory in his own strength. Nebuchadnezar king of the babylonians foolishly despising this, was so vexed & tossed with madness, that he was almost changed into a dumb beast. Wherefore the administration of the kingdom was taken away from him, & he lived in great misery of long time, who out of doubt had not fallen into so great misfortune, if (as it was meet) he had confessed that what soever he had gotten was given him by the providence and counsel of God. But as Daniel mentioneth, he being puffed up with the nobleness and dignity of his acts, most presumptuously and proudly bragged of them: for he said, that in the strength and might of his own arm, he had established the kingdom of Babylon.  
In the books of the ethnics thou shalt very seldom or peradventure never find any such kind of speech. For men which are destitute of faith, do not ascribe those good things unto god, which they think they have attained unto by any labour or industry. Yea and they ascribed the chances of war not to come by the favour of God, but by strength and policy, and sometimes by fortune. Wherefore Cicero in his book of divination affirmeth that the victory of the Decianes which they got by vowing of themselves to the people of Rome, 
Cicero. How Cicero interpreteth the vowing of the Decianes.  was an excellent and polliticque devise of war. So far is he from attributing it to the providence of the gods. They knew (saith he) that the strength & force of the Roman people was such that if they saw their captains either to be in extreme dangers, or else to be slain, or to be taken of their enemies, that they would by no means suffer such dishonour, and thinking with them selves by that means to stay the flight, they thrust themselves into the thickest of their enemies, setting before them the show of their vow and religion. So that by that means the hearts of the soldiers in manner discouraged might be called again more fiercely to fight with their enemies.  
But we are taught by the holy Scriptures, that when we either see or hear of any that are conquerors, or else are slain in battles, we must by and by ascribe unto God all that which is, or hath been done, who (after the most accustomed phrase of the holy Scriptures) is said to deliver them which are overcome into the hands of their enemies. 
God without any injury delivereth some in to the hands of their enemies. The Chananites were defiled with most detestable wicked deeds.   
When it is said that any are delivered of God into the hands of their enemies we must think that that is done without any injury. And as touching this place we know that those nations of the Chananites were full of most heinous wickedness, and for that cause, god punished them most justly. Which cause is confirmed by that which we read in the book of Genesis, where God bringeth a reason, why he held the posterity of Abraham so long time in Egypt, namely because the sins of the Chananites were not yet full. 
God punisheth the ungodly with two kinds of punishments.  And this is not to be forgotten, that God useth according to his justice to deliver sinners to be punished two manner of ways, or to two sorts of enemies. For sometimes he doth this in giving them over to be vexed with lusts and filthy affections as to certain furies of hell. 
Augustine. God punisheth sins with sins.  And that is it which Augustine oftentimes saith that sins are punished with sins. So Pharaoh his unfaithfulness and cruelty was punished by hardening & stubborness of heart. And Idolaters as Paul teacheth to the Romans: were given over of god to their own filthy lust, so that they most vylie contamined themselves with most horrible sins. But because this kind of punishment is not seen nor felt of mad men, as it is meet, god therefore delivereth the ungodly, into the hands of strange enemies, to be vexed, and at the length utterly to be destroyed. And that this order was observed with the Chananites, the Scripture manifestly teacheth, for they were not only addicted to Idols, but as it is written in the xviii. & xx. chap. of Leuit: They miserably defiled themselves with incests & most filthy lusts. They were first therefore delivered of God into a reprobate sense, and then were they delivered to their enemies the hebrews, of whom they were spoiled both of their life, and also of their most rich kingdom.  
God delivered them into their hands. That is, into their power. This is not only an Hebrew phrase, but also a latin: for we say, This is my hand, that is, it lieth in my power.  
And they smote them in Bezek to the number of ten thousand men. To smite is here, to kill. And seeing that the host of the Chananites was great & there were now slain of it but only ten thousand men, we must think that the rest fled away, in which flight as afterward shallbe declared Adonibezek was taken. But where as these two words Chananites and Pherezites are joined together in this place. They are thus to be taken, that if thou understand the Chananites after the common signification, wherein were comprehended those 7. or 9 nations, than this name Pherezites should be added because of interpretation, that by it might be expounded that which before was not expressed in the word Chananites. But if by this word Chananites we shall understand any one especial or peculiar people of those nations, then must we say that that host was gathered of both the peoples, of the Chananites I say and the Pherezites.   

5 And they found Adonibezek in Bezek, & they fought against him and slew the Chananites and Pherezites.  
6 And Adonibezek fled, and they followed after him & caught him and cut of the thumbs of his hands and of his feet.  
7 And Adonibezek said: 70 kings having the thumbs of their hands and feet cut of, gathered their meat under my table: As I have done, so God hath done to me again: and they brought him to jerusalem, and there he died, etc.  
After mention made of the victory it is here more expressed by parts, for the place of the battle is expressed namely Bezek: 
Bezek.  but where this Bezek should lie it is not very certain. For there was a certain Bezek which was a city belonging to the tribe of Manasses which was situate 17. mile from Sichem as ye go to Bethsan. 
Jerome.  And Jerome testifieth that in his time there were two Towns which were called by this name. And it is not very likely that juda and simeon would pass with their host to the tribe of Manasses, when their purpose was only to rid the Chananites out of their own lots. Unless peradventure, that king which was called Adonibezek although his kingdom were in the tribe of Manasse claimed and usurped by violent tyranny many places in the inheritance of judah and Simeon. This king had prepared an host to go against judah and Simeon, and to let them from recovering of their own. Which thing being known, judah and simeon made toward him, that he should not enter into their borders. Wherefore it chanced that they fought with him not far from his kingly city Bezek, or else it is to be thought that this Bezek was a certain city either in the tribe of judah or else of Simeon, whereof is no mention made in any other place.  

Malchisedech Adonisedech.  This king was called Adonibezek which is a compound name, wherein the letter  is placed between two words as Malchisedech, Adonisedech, even as R. Selomo testifieth. This king seemeth to have fled, for that he saw his host both slain to the number of ten thousand men, and to turn their backs and fly, he would therefore save himself by flight, but he was brought back again by the Israelites and suffered most grievous punishment, as he had justly deserved. 
Bohan. Behonoth.  For they cut of the thumbs both of his hands and of his feet. This word Bohan signifieth in the Hebrew a thumb, & it is in the feminine gender, wherefore it is said in the plural number Behonoth. Although R. David Kimhi do interpret that word into fingers, and the Chaldey paraphrast doth interpret it ankles.  
And Adonibezek said: 70 kings. This tyrant acknowledgeth the judgement of God, but whether he spoke this of true faith or pure repentance, it can not be known by the words of our history. But it is most likely, because he called not upon God, implored not his mercy, neither showed any tokens of true conversion, 
The law of rendering like for like.  that rather anguish did extort from him this his true saying, than the godly feeling of the mind. We gather hereby that the law of rendering like for like seemeth even to the wicked by the light of nature, just & right, which at the length will they or nill they are compelled to acknowledge the judgements of God. For they have certain principles of that which is right and honest written in their hearts, although they express, not the same in deeds. But even as Paul hath written to the Romans they hold the truth of God after a certain sort captive in unrighteousness, & when they knew the righteousness of God, neither was it hidden from them, that they which do such things are worthy of death, yet for all that they not only do them, but also they consent to them which do them.  
As I have done, so God hath done to me again. Because he spoke of gods judgements, therefore in naming of god he used not this word jehovah but Elohim. 
The name jehovah and the name Elohim.  By which word the scripture useth rather to set forth the might and justice of god, than his mercy. This most cruel tyrant confesseth, that he had most cruelly cut of the feet of 70. kings, and brought them to that point, the they were feign to gather their meat under his table. It is not to be laughed or hissed at as a lie, because in that province being not very large were 70. kings. 
Every city in the old time had their king.  For it may be that at that time that custom was in use, that every city had his king. Neither ought the government of a king to be separated from other forms of governments by largeness or breadth of borders, but in what society or multitude of men soever it be, 
Definition of a king. justine.  where as any one man is lawfully made governor, so that he depend not of any other superior power, the same man may by good right be called king, yea and as justinus writeth, every king before Ninus time was content with the bounds and limits of his own city. And such a custom if I should speak the troth I can not but greatly commend. 
It is not profitable to have large kingdoms.   
For what shall it profit kings most amply to dilate the territory of their empire, when as afterward they are overwhelmed with over much weight thereof, neither are they able to govern it by reason and counsel. But what should man do? The monarchs in these days are so set on fire with such great ambition, that they have not a respect how many they are able to govern, but only have a regard to this, how many they may reign over. Neither doth this disease (which is the more to be lamented) reign only in worldly princes, 
The Bishops seek to have large dioceses  but it is also most filthyly spread abroad in the Church where bishops covet by all means to have most large dioceses, of which (although they never look to them) they may receive most plentiful fruits.  
But now I return to the matter and ask the cause why the Israelites did cut of the thumbs of the hands and feet of Adonibezek. 
Wherefore Adonibezeb was so maimed of the hebrews.  R. Levi answereth to this interrogation, and saith that it was therefore done, that the cruel Tyrant might be made altogether unapt to do any thing, and especially to make war. For they which are so inaymed are neither able to draw sword, neither to take or overcome any man in battle. Moreover by this so sharp punishment other princes which were yet remaining might easily be made afeard to lift any weapon against the Israelites. These things are somewhat likely, but the words of the same tyrant teach us that we must consider some deeper cause, namely that it was so done by the providence of god, that cruel and bloody princes should not at the length escape the judgement of God, yea rather they should have experience on themselves of that which they had committed against others. And in that thing because it is good sometimes to be taught by the example of wicked men, God would now also admonish us by this Adonibezek. He teacheth us that we should not much stay in inferior causes which are next unto us, 
We must not stay in the inferior causes but rather consider the highest causes.  but rather by these examples straight ways to lift up the eyes of the mind to consider the wonderful and most high justice of the decrees of God. The self same most cruel tyrant doth not ascribe unto the Israelites that they had feabled him by cutting of his hands and feet, but by and by sayeth. As I have done to other, so God hath done to me again. Which same thing also Christ hath taught us, for this also was his sentence, With what measure ye meat, with the same shall other meat unto you.  
Of this law of rendering like for like, let the cruel tyrants of our time be afeard, which never make an end of killing, tearing, and burning of holy and innocent men, as though wisdom never admonished them: By what soever a man sinneth, by the same also is he punished. Neither have they at any time heard Habakuc the holy prophet crying thus. 
Why tyrants do so cruelly rage?  Because thou hast spoiled many nations, others also shall spoil thee. Those be bloody tyrants, when they do so extremely rage, being altogether unmindful of human chances, never thinking how the same things may happen unto themselves, wherewith they do so cruelly afflict others. For if they would remember this, they would use themselves more meekly not only toward innocent men, but also even to them which are guilty & justly condemned by them. Let us learn in all things which shall happen, what soever they be, to consider as well the judgements of god as also his goodness, and thereby we shall get good matter either of repentance, or else of thanks giving.  
But there is a doubt, why the Israelites killed not this king by and by, 
Why Adonibezek was not by and by slain of the jews.  and why they brought him to jerusalem, there to die miserably? I answer, to testify unto all men, that he being wounded was not gloriously killed in the battle, for his horrible tyranny deserved not so famous an end of this life. Neither is it to be meruealed that when he came to jerusalem he was not helped by the diligence and remedies of Physicians: for the jews did it not of cruelty, but because they were afeard to violate the commandment of god, who commanded that all their enemies the Chananites should be slain every one, amongst whom this Adonibezek deserved not one death but a thousand: besides that, it was done that his most shameful end might be an example to all men. He worthily therefore being maimed and despised, departed this life in a most famous city. But it seemeth to be demanded, for what cause when he had so vilely maimed 70. kings he would also have them under his table to gather their meat there? He did it surely to the setting forth of his victories, and also when he should eat meat, he would not only refresh his body with meat and drink, but he would also rejoice his haulty and proud mind after a certain horrible sort, he thought to himself that he had the fruition of no vulgar pleasure, when as in his daily banckets he renewed after a sort by that terrible sight the victories which he had hitherto gotten. 
Sapor King of the Persians.  We read of the like example of one Sapor king of the Persians, who when he had taken in war Valerian the Emperor of the Romans and father of Galen he bound him with an Iron chain and drew him with him, & set his feet upon his back, as often as he would get up upon his horse. Tamerlanes also king of the Scythians, 
Tamerlanes.  carried about with him a tyrant of the turks taken by him and enclosed in an Iron cage. 
tyrants are infected with boasting and cruelty.  By these and such like examples we see that the minds of cruel tyrants are wonderfully sick of the diseases of vain glory and cruelty.  
And hereby we gather that to much cruelty doth greatly displease god: and thereof I think it came to pass that as well by gods laws as by man's (I speak but of those which are counted just & honest) certain punishments were prescribed for crimes according to the grievousness of them, whereby judges had the less liberty given them to exercise tyranny. 
Punishments are rather to be diminished than augmented.  Yea & the lawyers added this rule, that punishments should rather be diminished by judges than augmented: which is for all that to be understand, as much as the nature of the fault & commodity of the public wealth suffereth, which I therefore speak, because some times those conditions which commonly they call circumstances, make the crime so terrible and horrible, that the judges must needs there augment the punishments which have been prescribed by the laws, & that to the intent to fear away others from so grievous mischievous deeds, & so David when Nathan the prophet declared unto him an execrable & horrible thing, he decreed a more grievous punishment against him that was guilty, than the law had ordained for common thieves & stealers of cattle. 
Three kinds of death in the law of God.  I have therefore made mention of these, because there were in the law three kinds of death appointed for evil doers, I mean, hanging, stoning, & burning, unto which some hebrews add the fourth, namely the punishment of the sword: but because there is no mention made thereof in the law (as far as I know) I have therefore left it out. We read that Adonias, joab & Agab king of Amalech & many other were thrust through with sword, But we find it not prescribed by any law or precept that the guilty should be put to death by the sword.  I say the matter is so, 
The hebrews used an extraordinary punishment in their tents.  we see that the children of Israel used now in their tents a certain extraordinary kind of punishment against the king Adonibezek. And I believe they did it not without the instinction of god. For god would punish the cruelty of this tyrant with an exquisite punishment, which was nevertheless of rendering like for like, which kind of wicked doing to the intent we may the caselyer avoid, it shall not be grievous unto us to speak somewhat of it.  

From whence this word cruelty is derived.  This word cruelty is derived either of this latin word Cruor, which signifieth blood, wherein cruel men like wild beasts do delight, either of Crudae earns which signifieth raw flesh, which fierce & barbarous people sometimes do eat, & may be defined to be a vicious habit whereby we are inclined to sharp & hard things above reason. 
The definition of cruelty.  And sometimes it happeneth the cruelty is counted for a pleasure, with which wicked affection or habit how tyrants have sometimes been infected, it is manifestly to be seen by many examples. This holy history setteth now before our eyes this Adonibezek, & the evangelical history maketh mention of Herode. The Ethnic poets have made report of the cruelty of Atreus & Thyestes: and the most horrible wicked act of Xerxes' king of the Persians is set forth by Seneca in his third book de ira, & xvii 
The cruelty of Xerxes.  chap. which Xerxes when a certain man named Pithius, who had well deserved at his hands, came unto him and desired him to spare him one of his five sons which he had, and he bade him as though he would grant him his request, to choose him whom he listed to abide at home from battle. And he did as he was bidden. But this most cruel tyrant commanded that the young man whom he had chosen should be drawn one side of him one way, and an other the other way, so that at the length he was torn a sunder, of the which one part he commanded to be fastened in one corner of the way, by the which the soldiers should go, and the other in an other corner, saying that after this sort he purged his host. But not long after he was with much dishonour overcome and beaten of the Grecians, and constrained to fly through heaps and dead carcases of his own men. 
Silla.  Silla banished an infinite number of Citizens of Rome, but at the length he was most horribly eaten up of Life. Even after the like sort died that most cruel Herode, as it is manifestly declared by josephus. Unto this most wicked vice, clemency is directly contrary, which as a wonderful virtue doth marvelously well agree with princes, & is a singular ornament of Christian men. Augustine in his book of .83. 
Augustine. What clemency is. Certain foolish mercy.  Quest. in the Quest. 31. defineth it thus. It is an habit whereby men stirred up to hatred against any man, are through goodness kept back. This virtue is a mean between cruelty and foolish mercy. I call it foolish mercy, by which our mind is so moved with other men's miseries, that it declineth from sound counsel and just reason. And we are overcome with this affection for this cause, by reason we would never suffer such things wherewith we see others afflicted justly and worthily, and because we ourselves abhor from such things, we therefore leave of from punishing the guilty. 
Mercy is a profitable affection  Mercy in deed is an affection profitably planted in our hearts of God, whereby we are stirred up to help and defend others. But we must take heed, that by it we be not made so soft and effeminate, whereby we should commit any thing against the commandments and will of God. 
Preposterous mercy is condemned in holy letters.  The holy scriptures reprehend Achab king of Samaria, because he spared Benadad king of Syria. Of whom he said: if he be on live, he is my brother. They condemn Saul also by the voice of Samuel the prophet, because he saved Agag king of Amaleck o● live. And even as it was said unto an other by the messenger of God: 
Whether sins are to be pardoned. Seneca.  Thy soul shallbe for his soul, so Saul being a little before placed by God in the kingdom, was deprived thereof. What shall we do then? Shall we not forgive sins? Seneca in his second book of clemency and .6. chap. writeth: Pardon (saith he) is a remission of punishment due, by which he is forgiven which ought to have been punished. Wherefore he thinketh it is not a wise man's part to give pardon, because a wise man will never commit any thing which ought not to be done, or leave any thing undone which ought to be done. This reason of his seemeth to be very good and effectual enough. But lest we should be deceived thereby, we must here set a profitable distinction of persons, that is of God, of princes, 
God may forgive sins.  and of private men. No man ought to doubt, but that god may forgive whom he will, when as he is not bound to any other man's laws. Wherefore in forgiving he is not said to remit that which he ought to have punished. Besides this, he hath not so forgiven men their faults, 
A Magistrate ought not to suffer faults unpunished.  but that he hath punished them in his only begotten son Christ. But we must otherwise think of the Magistrate, to whom it is not lawful to forgive the punishments of sins, because he is commanded to give judgement by the laws. To whom nevertheless it is granted either to release or to aggravate the punishments according to the weight and quantity of the crimes. Wherefore when he that is guilty is not without hope of amendment, neither hath gevously offended, the magistrate is contented with an easier punishment, & sometimes he addeth some reproof or some sharper admoniti●. Wherefore let him never leave sins unpunished, & the same man in punishing is not cruel, yea he rather correcteth, amendeth, & healeth. Which work is both just and also most mild, so far is it that it should be ascribed to fierceness or cruelty. 
Seneca. Many executions are a dishonour to the magistrate. How private men should forgive injuries.  I will also add this by the way which is written of the same Seneca, that to have many executions is no less dishonour to the Magistrates, than many corpses are to the Physicians. But now concerning private men, me thinketh it must be answered thus: It is their duty to forgive injuries done to themselves, neither can Seneca his saying take place in them, namely that a wise man will leave nothing undone that aught to be done, because revengement is forbidden them by the law of almighty God. And they are commanded after a sort to punish such as sin against them, in admonishing (I mean) and reproving them. And they are willed to be content with that punishment when those which have offended them are amended and made whole. But contrarily if they perceive that they be stubborn, they by the commandment of God ought to complain to the church, by whom at the last they are excluded, unless they will be obedient to it. And when they are excluded out of the church, they may also be accused to the Magistrate. In which thing yet is nothing committed against clemency, because this is the mind and purpose of them which accuse, namely utterly to take away evil according to God's commandment by all means possible. And these things are now sufficient concerning cruelty and also clemency.  

They which work of faith obtain the promises.  Because judah and Simeon obtained the victory according to the promises of the oracle, it shallbe our part diligently to consider and mark, that they which work with faith by the word of God do without doubt obtain his promises. For God hath not left those destitute of his aid, which have endeavoured themselves to go forward faithfully in their vocation. The promises of God surely are constant, and although heaven & earth should at any time vary or be changed, yet shall they always be firm. And therefore when as man is pronounced to be a liar, God contrary wise must be confessed and celebrated as most true. Neither is there any thing found so hard or difficult, but that by faith it may be performed. Wherefore it is very well written in the xi chap. to the Hebrews, that the saints by faith have overcome kingdoms, and obtained the victory. That sentence certainly hath a principal respect unto these histories of the judges. This aught to be so manifest and plain unto us, that for the obtaining of the promises of God, 
We attain not to the promises of God by merits.  we ought to attribute nothing to our own works and merits. Yea, let us rather be assured, that what so ever happeneth unto us, that the same cometh only of the goodness of God, which promised the same. Our endeavour also and labour are required thereunto by the scriptures, as we see here also to be done, where the victory is given to judah and Simeon when they fought, and not when they ceased. Not because God could not have given them the victory over their enemies, although they had done nothing, as sometimes he did: but he hath decreed, to bring us by the cross and labours after his accustomed manner, to the rewards which he freely promised. Neither yet for all that, that our studies and labours are required as causes to obtain the promises, when as God doth give unto us freely, and of his own mere liberality those things which he hath promised us. This is principally true in those promises, which do wholly pass man's capacity, as are eternal life, and regeneration. For they being the chief and last ends of our vocations, do far and much pass the dignity and price of our works, 
Promises of the Gospel and of the law.  though they be most perfect. And there is a certain profitable and necessary distinction, which is not to be forgotten, namely that some promises are of the law, and other some of the Gospel. And this is the nature of promises of the Gospel to be offered utterly freely to men. But to promises of the law some work is ever annexed. And the is required to be most perfect & absolute in all points. Which because we can not perform, 〈◊〉 altogether fall down under our burden, neither can we attain to these promises of the law in respect they are of the law. 
Promises of the law are not vain.  Thou wilt say then that this kin● of promises of the law is vain? Not so, how is it the they be not given in va● if none can attain unto them? They are to this end set forth, the men utterly leau● the confidence of works, should hope to obtain them by faith in Christ: Whic● when it is done, they are changed from promises of the law into promises of 〈◊〉 Gospel. And although they be freely granted, 
In evangelical promises although they be freely given yet must we work as though they were legal.  yet in attaining unto them we 〈◊〉 our endeavour & study no less than if they were promises of the law. But yet 〈◊〉 touching those good things which endure but for a time and pass not ma● strength & labour and the rewards of them are temporal it is not to be deny but that our works are much available. For it is said that they are oftentime gotten by them. Although also in obtaining them the favour of god is needful th●● unto, which is abundantly bestowed on them which work by the word of God by faith. Which thing is manifestly seen of the readers of this history: for it decireth that god granted the victory to a few jews being strangers and you● soldiers, against strong & warlike men, many more in number than they, of monstrous stature, and inhabiting most strong fenced cities and castles.   

8 And the children of judah fought against jerusalem and took it & smote it with the edge of the sword and set the city on fire.  
9 Afterward the children of judah descended to fight against the Chananites, that dwelt in the mountain, and in the south and in the low country.  
10 And judah went against the Chananites, that dwelled in Hebron (and the name of Hebron before was Kiriath Arba) and they smote Sesay Ahimman and Thalmay.  
11 And from thence they went to the inhabiters of Debir (and the name of Debir before was Kiriath Sepher.)  
The things which are now red unto the xvii. 
A brief rehearsal of things in the book of josua  verse are most part transferred hither out of the book of josua the xu chap, and are now declared by a certain brief rehearsal of things, and it is done to this end, that we might understand that the tribe of judah had obtained jerusalem when josua was yet living so that it was the easier for him to lead away Adonibezek captive thither. And these be the things which are repeated in this place out of the book of josua. The conquering of jerusalem, Hebron, and Debir, the matrimony also between Achsa & Othoniel and the departure of the Kenites from the city of Palms. That all these things (I say) are now declared by a certain repetition, it is thereby manifest, because it is written in the book of josua, that the king of jerusalem was taken, & we read in the end of the xv. chap. that the same city of jerusalem came into the hands of the people of God, and that the children of judah dwelled in it with the jebusites. Besides that these things which are now rehearsed of Hebron are contained in the. x.xi. and about the end of the xiiii. chap. in the book of josua. And the history of Achse and Othoniell is red in the xv. chap. of the same book. 
How far this parenthesis extendeth.  This repetition therefore or parentheses extendeth to these words: And judah wet with his brother Simeon, etc. In which place the author returneth to make mention of the acts which the tribes of judah and Simeon joined together did at this time perform. Which thing also by this appeareth the more manifest, because straightway is declared how Gasa was taken, which city is said in the xi and xiii. chap. of josua to have yet remained in the hands of the enemies, 
The per●erfect tense is expounded by the preterplusperfecte tense.  & is numbered among those cities which were not conquered under josua. Wherefore the words of the preterperfect tense which are red in this repetition are to be interpreted in that time past, which we call the preterplus perfect tense, that the order of the history might be made more plain and manifest.  
They smote them with the mouth of the sword. This is a Metaphor in this manner of speech, very often times used in the holy scriptures, wherein by the mouth of the sword we ought to understand the edge thereof, because it seemeth to devour and consume those things which are smitten, in manner like a mouth. And where it is said that They set the city of fire, we must understand it by this figure Hypallege, when the thing is clean contrary, for fire is thrown into the city, and not the city into the fire. Neither ought this to be understand thus, as though they had then burned the whole city. For it is written in the book of josua, and afterward it shall be expounded in this book, that that city was after that inhabited by the tribe of judah and Benjamin, and also the jebusites, yea and the castle thereof which was very well fenced was not delivered up to the Israelites, 
The city of jerusalem was taken when josua was yet a live.  till in David his time, as it is declared in the latter book of Samuel. Neither ought that to move you because it appeareth not in the book of josua that the city of jerusalem was taken. For although this be not plainly and manifestly spoken, yet may it be understand by those things which are there entreated of, namely that the king of jerusalem was taken, and that judah dwelled in that city, neither could he yet cast out the jebusites from them. All these things I say are signs that the city was taken at that time, although it was not yet possessed fully and in all parts.  
It seemeth also somewhat obscure, that it is written that judah descended, when he should go fight against the Chananites, who dwelled on the mountains. When as we accustom in going to mountains to ascend, and not to descend. But we must understand that those countries were full of mountains. Wherefore when the host removed from one mountain to an other, it must needs descend first into the valley, from whence it might afterward ascend upon an other mountain. Thou wilt peradventure ask whether judah at that time conquered the plain or the valley which was between? No verily. He assaulted them in deed, but he could not overcome them. For we shall hear in this chap. that those which were not overcome of judah in the valley, had iron chariots, so that by that means they were not overcome.  
And judah went against the Chananites, that dwelled in Hebron. These thnges are now therefore repeated, that we should understand that it was not of necessity that the city Hebron should be taken of judah then when the Israelites were in this journey on warfare, which they took in hand after the death of josua, namely at that time, wherein the public wealth was governed by elders without any certain judge, josua being yet alive.  

Why Hebron was called the city Arba.  And the name of Hebron before time was called Kiriath-Arba, and they smote Sesay, Ahimman, and Thalmay. The reason of the name of this city is not of every man taken a like. The cause of the diversity is this word Arba which in his usual and proper signification signifeth the number which the Latins call Quatuor, 
It is not certain that Adam and his wife were buried in Hebron.  & the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is four. Now some suppose the number of four to be referred to the four couple of men with their wives, which they say were buried in that city. Yet the holy scriptures make mention but of three: for in the book of Genesis & .23. chap. we read that Abraham and Sara were buried there, & also in the .35. & .49. chap. of the same book we read of Isaac and Rebecka's burial there. And lastly in the .50. chap. we find that jacob was carried thither, & he himself before that had there buried his wife Lea. But concerning Adam & Eve his wife, whom they have added unto these, we can find nothing thereof in the holy scriptures. For that which they allege out of the .14. chap. of josua maketh nothing to the purpose, for that the word Adam in that place is not the name of the first man. Wherefore they can gather nothing out of that place, but that Arba was a certain great man among the Anakims. These are the words there: Ha Adam Hagadol be Anakim Hui, that is: he was a great man among the Enakims. But our interpreter translateth it thus: Adam was counted the great among the Enakims. Whereby it appeareth that he thought that Adam was a proper name. But he was two ways deceived: first he did not mark that the article Ha is joined to the word Adam, which is never joined with proper names. Wherefore it must needs be a common name, which must be referred to that word Arba, for that name was put a little before. The other error is because we read no where that the first man was reckoned amongst the Enakims, that is to say Giants.  
The opinion of others is that Hebron was called the City Arba, because it was inhabited of .4. Giants, namely Sesay, Ahimman, and Thalmay unto which three brethren they add Annak their Parent. But the opinion of these men is easily confuted, because that in the .14. chap. of josua toward the end, it is by manifest words declared that this word Arba is the proper name of a Giant. Wherefore it is manifest enough that this word must not be referred to the number of four. And by that means not only this latter sentence, but the first also is confuted, which would have this name Arba to have a respect to the four couple of men with their wives, buried in the old time in that City. And undoubtedly for the same cause also, the opinion of others is not to be allowed, which do think that the City was so called, because although it were but one City, yet it consisted of four Cities, and that this word Arba is all one with this greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is four Cities. Wherefore I judge it best to think that it was so named of the builder thereof named Arba, 
Arba had three children.  who how he came by that surname it is uncertain. Only this we may gather out of the scriptures, that what so ever he was, he had three children which are called in this place and also in the book of josua, Sehai, Ahimman and Thalmay. And it is very likely that they were dead long time before josua. And when they were now dead, than was there mention made of them, because their families which seem to have been of a wonderful huge stature were destroyed by Caleb and Othoniel. And this is the reason why I suppose that these three brethren lived not in Caleb and Othoniels time, because this City as it is written in the book of Numbers, was a most ancient city, and was built vii years before zoham that is, Thamin the kingly City of the Egyptians. And in zoham did Moses and Aaron work the wonders before Pharaoh. And if so be it was the kingly and noble city then, it must needs be built long time before. Wherefore if Hebron were built before it, and had the name thereof of Arba, how could his children be on live at this time? It cannot be so. Besides this, Abraham had a lodging in this City, & bought there a double cave. And from that time to josua his time were almost .400. years. It is not therefore very likely, that the sons of him which builded so ancient a city should live till josua his time, unless any man will feign that the same city was built long time before, & called by an other name, & then in process of time casting away the first name, it should be named by this most strong and mighty Giant. But whether it be thus or no, neither skilleth it much, neither seemeth it curiously to be sought for.  
But this might somewhat move some, because Arba, whereof we now speak, is called in the .15. chap. of josua, the father of Enak. For if he had .3. sons which were named as well here as in the same book of josua, it will then he doubtful who that same Enak was. 
What Hanack signifieth.  In which thing (saving the judgement of a better learned) I would think might be answered, that it was not a proper name but a common, whereby at that time men of huge stature, but such as were noble & excellently adorned, were called. For this word Enak in hebrewe is to gird or to compass, and is chief referred to chains which are worn about the neck for comeliness sake. And thereof is this name Enak derived, & in the plural number hath both the masculine & feminine form, & it signifieth a chain, and is transferred to noble & worthy men, whom thou mayst call chained. Wherefore Sesay, Ahimman & Thalmay may be called the sons of Arba, who was not called the father of them only, but also the father of Enak, because every one of his sons was noble, 
Why giants were called Enakim  & wore a chain, or was a Giant, for Giants also were called Enakim, either because they wore chains, or else because they were of a notable stature of body, for it may be that that word was applied to all kind of ornaments. Of them is mention also made in the book of Numbers .13. chapter.  

By how many names giants are called in the holy scriptures   we are now by chance in hand with giants, and that there is often mention made of them in the holy Scriptures, it shall not be unprofitable, somewhat to speak of them. first we must know that they are called by diverse names in the holy Scriptures as Enakim, Eimim, Zemasmim, Nefalim, Rephaim. Why they were called Enakim manifestly appeareth by those things which we have spoken before. And they were called Eimim, of the terror which they drove into others by their look, They were called Zemasmim, of mischief, because they trusting to their own power and might, were despisers of laws, justice, and honesty, and ever went about wicked acts. For Zemah in Hebrew signifieth mischief. They were also named Rephaim. Because they made men which met them to be after a sort amazed, for that word signifieth sometimes the dead. Lastly they were called Nefalim as oppressors, because they assailed all men tyrannously, of this word Nafal which is to fall or subvert. Some think that they are sometimes called Geborim: but because we use to refer the word to power, and properly strong men are called Geborim, therefore I would not put it among these.  

When glauntes began. Augustine.  Furthermore if thou wilt demand when giants began to be, if we may follow Augustine de civitate Dei, the xvi book and xxiii. chapter. We must say that they began before the flood. And therefore we believe him, because he hath proved it by the testimony of the holy Scriptures: for it is written in the vi of Genesis that giants were at that time on the earth: whose kind although it was kept after the flood, yet as he believeth they were not in so great number. 
Whether Giants were begotten of men  Besides this it may be doubted concerning their procreation and parents: for there are some which think that they were not begotten of men, but that Angels or devils were their parents. And this sentence they say is confirmed by that which is written in the book of Genesis. The sons of God seeing the daughters of men that they were fair, they took them to wives, and of them were borne most mighty men or giants. Concerning this fall of the Angels many of the old writers agree that it was because they used company with women, and among other is Lactantius in his second book and xv Chapter. For his opinion was (as it is there written) that God feared lest Satan to whom he had granted the government of the world should utterly have destroyed mankind, 
Lactantius.  and therefore he gave unto it Angels for tutors by whose industry & care it might be defended. But they being provoked as well by the wiliness of Satan, as also alured by the beauty of fair women, committed filthiness with them. Wherefore they were thrown down from their dignity and made soldiers of the devil. This was Lactantius opinion, but yet he saith not, that Giants were borne of those copulations of Angels with women but earthly devils which abide on the earth to our great hurt. 
Eusebius of Cesaria  Eusebius of Cesaria in his v book de preparatione evangelica, doth nothing in a manner disagree from them. For he also saith that Angels which fell, begat of women whom they filthily loved those devils, which afterward troubled the world many ways, and to them he referreth all these which the Poets and historiographers have written to have been Gods, & have either in Metre or in Prose made mention of their battles discords, lusts, and sundry and grievous tumults, 
Augustine.  But Augustine in his xv book de civitate Dei. xxiii. Chap. thinketh that this opinion of these old men can not be gathered out of that place of Genesis. 
Men of the stock of Seth were called the sons of God.  For he saith that those which are there called the sons of god, were in very deed men, namely coming of the stock of Seth. For when they worshipped god truly and sincerely, and called upon him holily and purely, being adorned with his favour & grace, they are called by the scriptures the sons of God. 
What was the fall of the sons of God.  But when at the length they began to burn in filthy lust with those women which came of the stock of Cain, and by that means fell into fellowship with the ungodly, taking them to their wives and cleaving also to superstitions and wicked worshippings, they were changed from the sons of God not only into men, but also into flesh. And this will I say by the way, 
Aquila.  Aquila translating these words out of Hebrew, They were not (saith he) the sons of God, but the sons of Gods: for this cause so called (as I suppose) because their progenitors were holy men, 
Simmachus.  but their children miserably fell from god and godliness by inordinate love of women. And Symmachus translateth it, The sons of the mighty. But now to Augustine again, he constantly affirmeth that there can be nothing gathered out of that place of Genesis concerning the carnal copulation of Angels with women, but thinketh rather, that far contrary may be proved by the words of God written in the same place. For when the scripture had there said, that there were Giants on the earth, and that the sons of God (as it is said) were gone out of the right way, and Giants were brought forth, there is added: And god said, my spirit shall not abide in man for ever, because he is flesh. By this sentence he declareth, that those which so sinned were called men, and not only as they were by nature, but also they were called flesh, whereunto by their filthy lust, they did to much cleave. But they which be of the contrary opinion do think that they do bring a strong witness of Enoch which was the seven. from Adam, of whom judas maketh mention in his canonical Epistle. 
enoch's book Augustine.  For in the book which is entitled to be enoch's book it is written that giants had their of springs of Angels and not of men. But Augustine answereth unto this, and saith that that book is altogether apocrypha, & therefore such fables as are rehearsed in it, are not to be believed. It is not to be doubted he saith but that Enoch wrote some godly things, when as judas the Apostle manifestly testifieth the same: But it is not necessary that we should believe that all things which are written in that Apocryphal book should be of his writing, Forasmuch as they have no sure authority. Neither, although judas brought thence some one certain sentence, is it supposed that therefore he by his authority hath allowed the whole book: Unless thou wilt say that Paul allowed all the things which were written by Epimenides, Aratus and Menander because he brought one or two verses out of them. 
Jerome.  Which thing Jerome in his exposition upon the first chap. of the Epistle to Titus declareth to be a very absurd thing and worthily to be laughed at. And now as concerning Enoch, it seemeth marvelous, how he being but the seven. from Adam could write of those things of the altercation between Michael and the devil, for the body of Moses, when as if there were any such thing (as there is no doubt but there were) they must needs have come to pass a thousand and almost .500. years after. Unless we will say that those things were revealed at that time by some notable strength of prophecy.  
Neither is it to be forgotten, that those which do think that giants had Angels to their parents & not men, do therefore seem to suppose so, 
The reason of them which thought giants were not borne of men.  because they think it is not possible, the huge giants can be borne of men of usual bigness & stature. Wherefore some of them have gone so far, that they have affirmed that the first man was a giant, and that Noah also & his children were Giants because they believed not that the kind of men could be either before or after the flood, except their first progenitors had been such, if it were thought they should be borne of men. But Augustine proveth that to be false & saith, 
Augustine. A woman giant  that a little before the overthrow made by the Goths, there was a woman at Rome of a giants' stature, whom very many out of diverse countries came to see. Which woman's parents nevertheless exceeded not the common accustomed stature of other men. 
The natural cause of the great stature of giants  But as touching the cause of this huge bigness of giants, if we should look upon nature them can we bring no other reason, but a strong natural heat, & also a moisture which abundantly & largely ministereth matter, for the heat doth extend the same not only into length, but also it poureth out & spreadeth it both to breadth & also to thickness. Giants therefore begun before the flood, they were also before the accompanieng of the sons of god with the daughters of men, & after that also continued their generation. Men therefore begat them, and had a natural cause such as we have said. There were also some without doubt after the flood, for there is mention made of them in the book of Num. Deut. josua, 
How huge the giants were  judges. Samuel, Paralip, and other holy books. Concerning their bigness & stature we may partly guess and partly we have it expressedly described. The conjectures are because Goliath had a cote of male weing u.m. sickles, and a spear like a weavers beam, and the Iron or top of his spear weighed 600. sickles. We conjecture also that Og king of Basan was of a wonderful bigness and that by his bed, which being of Iron contained 9 cubits in length. And the Israelites compared with Enachim seemed as grassehopers. These he signs whereby we may judge how big these men were. But the bigness of Goliath is described properly and distinctly in the book of Samu. For it is said that he was 6. cubits and a hand breadth high. 
A cubit with the Grecians & Latins.  And a cubit with the Grecians is two feet, but with the latins a foot and a half. Some allege the cause of this difference to be, because the measure may be extended from the elbow to the hand, being some times closed, and sometimes open or stretched forth. And thus much as concerning the stature of giants, so far as may be gathered by the holy Scriptures. But we read among the Ethnics far more wonderful things, 
The ethnics opinion of gianntes. Philostratus. The common stature of men in our tyme. The measure of a foot.  & such which seem to some incredible. Philostratus writeth in his book of noble men, that he saw the carcase of a certain giant which was 30. cubits long, and an other 22. cubits long, and certain other also 12. But the common stature of men in our time passeth little above .5. feet. And the measure of a foot agreeth both with the Grecians & with the Latins, for they both give to every foot 4. hand breadthes: and every hand breadth containeth the breadth of 4. fingers, that is, the length of the little finger. But if the last fingers, the thumb I say and the little finger should be stretched abroad, than every foot containeth but two hand bredthes. I think it not amiss also to declare here what Augustine writeth in the .15. 
Augustine.  book de civit. Dei. 9 chap. where he reproveth those which obstinately contend that there were never any men of so wonderful huge a stature, and testifieth that he himself saw upon the coast of Utica a tooth so great, that being divided, it might easily be judged to be an hundred fold bigger in form and quantity than usual teeth in our time are, 
Vergil.  he also declareth in the same place, that there were in oldetyme very many such bodies of men, by the verses of Vergil which are written in the 7. book of Aenedos, where he showeth how Turnus took up so great a stone from the ground and threw at Aeneas that 12. such men as the earth bringeth forth now of days could scarcely lift, which place he took out of the 6. book of Iliads of Homer. We may add also unto these, the verses which the same Vergil hath written in the first of the Georgikes, he shall wonder at the great bones digged out of the graves. Moreover Augustine bringeth Pliny the second, who affirmeth in his 7. 
Pliny  book, that nature the longer it proceedeth in her course, the lesser bodies doth it bring forth daily. 
Cyprian. Whether the bodies of men have decreased from the flood to our tyme.  And he maketh mention also of Homer which made complaint sometimes in his verses. To whom I might add the testimony of Cyprian against Demetrian. But if I should be asked the question, whether I thought that the bodies of men which were brought forth after the flood are less than those which were before the flood, I would peradventure grant unto it: 
Aulus Gellius  but that they have always decreased from the flood even to our time, I would not easily consent to that, and especially because of Aulus Gellius words which he wrote in the third book, where he saith, that the measure of the growth of man's body is 7. feet, which seemeth also to be the measure at this day in men of the bigger sort. But lest I should dissemble any thing, we read in the Apochriphas of Esdras the 4. book about the end of the .5. chap. that our bodies are lesser now, and shallbe every day less, because nature is always made more weak. And the same doth Cyprian (as I have a little before said) seem to affirm. But why I would not so easily assent thereunto, this is the cause, for that I can see almost nothing altered in our time from the measure which Gellius defineth. 
Pliny.  But now to Pliny again who saith in his 7. book, that in Crete, when a certain mountain was rend by an earth quake, a dead body was found standing which was 46. cubits long, which some believed to be Orion's body, other some Othus. It is also left in writing that the body of Orestes being digged up by the commandment of an oracle, was 7. cubits long. But that which Berosus affirmeth, 
Berosus.  that Adam & Seth his son were giants, and Noah also with his children, as it is put without testimony of holy scriptures, so may it also be rejected.  
Now it seemeth good to declare, 
Why GOD would have so huge giants some times.  for what cause god would have some men sometimes to be borne with so huge bodies. It was done for this cause Augustine thinketh in his book before alleged 23. chap. to leave a testimony unto us, that neither the beauty of the body, neither the bigness of stature, nor strength of the flesh are to be accounted among the chief good things, when as they are no less common to the godly sometimes than they are to the ungodly. They surely which are desirous of godliness will judge that spiritual good things are far to be preferred before them, 
Form and stature avail nothing to salvation.  partly because they are an help unto us to salvation, and partly because they make us more noble in deed than others. And that giants had no help by their huge stature to salvation, he confirmeth it by that which Baruch the Prophet hath written in the .3. chap. There are giants from the beginning of the world, famous men, expert in wars: those hath not the Lord chosen, neither hath he given them the way of knowledge, but they have perished because they had not wisdom. 
Giants took not godly causes in hand to defend.  Also if a man shall read over the holy scriptures, he shall never almost find that they took in hand any good or godly cause, which they would defend, and for the which they would fight: yea he shall rather see that by their perverseness and pride, they have always been against God. So did Og king of Basan behave himself, so also did Goliath and his brethren. All these were most deadly enemies to the people whom God loved and had chosen from the rest to be peculiar to himself. 
Giants were overcome in battle of weak persons  There is an other thing also beside, which may much confirm our faith, for the holy scriptures do always declare how such monstrous giants were filthyly overcome in battle, and that by feeble men and very unexpert in warlike affairs, namely by David being yet but a shepherd, & the people of Israel which were then but young beginners in matters of war, whereby the spirit of god doth admonish us to be of a constant and valiant courage when for godliness sake we must fight against such monsters. We must have no regard there to our own strength, seeing that the holy oracles do so often declare, that it is god which delivereth such beasts into their hands whom he defendeth. Which things seeing they are so, this without doubt cometh to pass, that we should by no means be afeard of tyrants, which are almost always against God, and trust to their own great might, when they defend ungodly parts, and think that they can rob and spoil as they list themselves the flock of Christ which is feeble and weak: seeing the might of god's word & power of his spirit will make us mighty and invincible against them though we be never so low and weak of nature. Moreover if we should follow human reason, being compared with them, we should easily seem either worms or grasshoppers: but being hedged & fenced with the might of god, we shall not only be superiors, but also, (to speak as Paul speaketh to the Romans) we shall overcome also. For Christ will aid us, who bindeth the strong armed man, & taketh away the most rich spoils which he had gathered, he hath luckily wrestled with the devil and his members, & we by him shall have good success in our wars, and shall obtain a far more noble victory than that which the poets have feigned that their gods obtained of the Cyclops Titans, 
Why Giants have resisted God.  and other giants, which were (as they fable) destroyed by the lightnings of jupiter at Phlegra. It is a plain token why giants in the old time & mighty princes now of days do with the wise men of this world resist god: surely because they cleave & trust to much to their own strength, whereunto they overmuch sticking, 
God accomplisheth his things by humble persons & not by giants.  there is no mischief which they dare not enterprise, there is nothing which they think is not lawful for them to do. But god vouchsafeth not by such men to accomplish those things which he hath decreed to bring to pass, but to set forth his might & power far abroad he useth rather to accomplish such things as he hath decreed to do by David and any abject persons.  

Whether Og were the last of all the giants.  Of this thing I would think that I had spoken enough, but that there is a certain place remaining to be expounded: namely how it should be written in Deut. that there was no more of the giants remaining but only Og king of Basan. I am not ignorant what R. Salomo fableth, but his exposition is so childish, & so worthy to be laughed at, that I am ashamed to rehearse it. I judge therefore that it was not spoken absolutely & simply, that there were no more remaining but he, as though there were no more giants in all the world but he: but it is meant that he only was remaining in those places namely beyond jordane. 
The Moabites also drove Giants out of their coasts.  Moreover we must understand that not only the Israelites destroyed the giants out of those regions but also the Moabites as it is written in the second chap. of Deut. drove them out of their coasts, which must also be thought to have been brought to pass by them through the favour of God: for it is in the same place written that god gave unto the Moabites those regions to inhabit. Now will I return to the words of the holy history.  
And from thence they went to the mountains of Debir, and the name of Debir before was Kiriath Sepher. 
Why this city is called the city of Letters.  It is commonly translated the city of letters, and therefore would they have this city so called, because the first letters were found there, or else because learning or good studies flourished in that City, as they do at this day in universities, where good sciences are openly taught. Some think that lawyers lived there, which kept the records of judgements. There be some also which writ that there was a notable library there. R. D. Kimhi affirmeth that Debir in the Persian language signifieth a letter, but the word Sephir in Hebrew signifieth not properly a letter or a figure but rather a little book or scroll written upon. The hebrews do make mention that Othoniel did in this place expound certain rules of the law, which before that time were almost blotted out, and of that deed was the city so afterward named, but this can scarce be probable, because it seemeth that that city had that name before the Israelites possessed it. We must know moreover that this city also was taken when josua was a live, which is showed in his own book.  
And that by no means can be feigned to be said there by preventing or (as they say) by anticipation. For it is written in the .11. chap. And josua came at the time & destroyed the Enakims from the mountains, namely Hebron, Debir and all the mountains of judah. If these things should have been mentioned in the place, as things which should come to pass soon after the death of josua, then had it not been well spoken, to have said, And josua came at that tyme. And this I think the reader shall plainly see proved, if he will not think it painful, diligently to read over the 10, and 15. chap. of josua.   

12 And Caleb said: He that smiteth Kiriath Sepher and taketh it, to him will I give Hacsah my daughter to wife.  
13 And Othoniel the son of Kenatz Chalebs' younger brother took it: and he gave him Hacsah his daughter to wife.  
Here is wont to be demanded, how these cities Hebron and Debir should be written in the book of josua to have been taken of josua, when as it is here put that Chaleb conquered them, 
Chaleb desired to have these regions assigned him for his inheritance.  whereunto I answer that all that war was governed by the conduct of josua, who was the chief and principal governor of the whole host, but the principal setting forward against Hebron and other places adjoining thereunto was committed unto Chaleb the chief of the tribe of judah, and that not without a cause. For he, as it is written in the xiiii. chap. of josua, desired to have that part assigned peculiarly unto him for his inheritance: which requests he easily obtained. For he required the same, trusting to God his promises: 
Chaleb was a faithful espy.  for when he was sent with other spies to view the land of Chanaan, he faithfully made relation of the things as they were in deed, & not unfaithfully as his fellows did. Neither was he an author of the people's sedition as the other were, yea he rather encouraged the people's minds, and diminished those things which his fellows had amplified concerning the fence of the cities, of the giants also, and of the strength of the Chananites. For he regarded not man's strength, but with a singular faith, most constantly remembered the power, the goodness & promises of god. Wherefore god being angry with the rest, destroyed them in the wilderness, so that they came not to the promised land. But he promised Chaleb for his faithfulness this inheritance, which when he afterward demanded, he put josua in remembrance of the thing before done, and of the promises of God. 
God promised Chaleb the land whereon he should tread.  And the place where the promise is contained is in the 14. chap. of Num. there God promised him that land whereon his foot should tread, which words the jews think thus to be expounded. The rest of the spies being amazed for fear of the giants, and putting small confidence in god durst not enter into the city of Hebron, which Chaleb himself searched with a valiant courage. The promise therefore of this possession was made unto him in the second year after the delivery out of Egypt. Chaleb surely declared a valiant & noble heart, when as he did not only require the possession of these places, but he enterprised also to conquer them for all that they were fenced & inhabited with most strong giants. Wherefore we must believe, that he took in hand such & so great an enterprise not by his own power but by gods promises.  
And here ariseth no small doubt, how Chaleb being of the tribe of judah, 
Hebron was one of the Cities of refuge.  could obtain the city of Hebron which by lot belonged to the Levites. For god had commanded that certain cities as well beyond jordane as on this side, should be had for refuge sake, 
The cities of refuge belonged to the levites  that thither might fly as many as had slain any man by chance, and not of pretenced purpose. And the possession of those cities which were therefore appointed belonged to the Levites. Wherefore it was not lawful that Hebron should be given to Chaleb, 
The Levites had the city of Hebron, but Chaleb had the ground and Lordship.  seeing it was numbered among the cities of refuge. These things are true, but we must understand in the mean time, that the Levites might possess but their cities only, & the suburbs adjoining to the walls of them. But as for the ground or dominion which they call at this day Lordship, it was not granted them to have. Chaleb therefore desired to possess the ground, but as for the city which he had in his hands, he let to the Levites as the law commanded. It is most certain that there is mention of the city Hebron in the book of Gen. when as it is there written, that Abraham lived in the grove of oaks of Mamere, & the same had (if we may believe Jerome) a precious turpentine tree, which grew there from the beginning of the world, and continued till the time of Constantine the great. It is said to be 12000. paces distant from jerusalem. David reigned in it some while, before he was anointed king over all Israel. Neither have we any thing to do to write now of the ancientness thereof, seeing I have somewhat spoken of it before.  
And Chaleb said: he that smiteth. This whole history is declared in the 15. chap. of the book of josua, word for word, whereby it appeareth that that is most certain which I before admonished you of, 
The conquering of Debit was hard.  namely that all these things are now mentioned by a certain repetition. The conquering of Debir seemeth to have been painful and dangerous, and marvelously much desired of Chaleb, when as he offereth so ample & noble a gift to the conqueror thereof: namely his own daughter to wife, being himself the prince of the most noble tribe of judah.  
And Othoniel the son of Kenaz Chalebs' younger brother took it. It is certain that Othoniel obtained the victory: but whether be were Chalebs' brother, or his brother's son or some other kin to him it cannot be gathered by these words. But how they were kin it were good to know, partly for the knowledge of the history & partly to understand whether the matrimony which followed between Othoniel and Achsah were lawful. In the first book of Paralip. 
Hefron was called also jephuna.  and second chap. the father of Chaleb is called Hesron, which man was the third from judah: for judah had Pharez by Thamra his sons wife: and Phares begat Hefron, which was called by an other name jephuna, for which cause Chaleb is very often written the son of jephuna. 
R. Salomoh.  Of which thing I can not tell what fond invention R. Salo. writeth, namely that he was so called, because he disagreed from the mind and counsel of the other spies. Panah signifieth in Hebrew to departed or to decline, wherefore he thinketh that this surname was given to Chaleb for the cause now alleged. Neither maketh that any thing against it (as he saith) that he is called the son of jephuna, 
How the hebrews use this word Son, sometimes.  when as in the holy scriptures it is a common use, that this phrase, the son of death & the son of perdition, are all one with these, he is worthy of death, and a man lost. And by the same kind of speech (saith he) the son of declination & turning away is all one in this place, as if he had been called declining & turning away from the counsel & wicked will of the rest of the spies. I will not deny peradventure but that this opinion of R. S. is pretty, 
Many of the hebrews had two names. What Othoniel was.  but yet I think it maketh nothing to the purpose. For other seem to speak more simply which say that Hesron was also called jephuna. Wherefore Chaleb was sometimes called the son of jephuna and sometimes the son of Hesron, neither is it a rare thing or unheard of in the holy scripture, that some one man should be called by two names. Now we see what Chaleb was, namely the fourth from judah the son of jacob: wherefore we must speak somewhat of Othoniel. He is here written to be the son of Kenaz, and so is he likewise in the book of josua, 
Othoniel was also called janhes.  and also in the first book of Paralip. and iiii. chap. where he is called jambes also, and renowned to have been noble and very excellent, his mother called him jambez, because she bore him with most bitter pain, for so doth that name signify in Hebrew: which the father as an unlucky name changed, and in stead of jambez named his son Othoniel. We read that the same happened unto Benjamin, whom the mother as she was dying, named Benoni, which name because it was not very pleasant nor lucky, jacob turned and would have him called Benjamin for Benoni. Neither was Othoniel notable only in strength and feats of war, but he was very godly and religious, for in the book of Paralip, and in the place now alleged his prayers are described, wherewith he most faithfully called upon God. 
Three excellent conditions in Othoniel.  Wherefore the scripture testifieth that his prayer was heard, the hebrews have added thereunto that he was excellently well learned in the law of the Lord. And these three virtues in one man are most rare, namely to be a good warrior, to be religious, and learned.  
But now seeing his father's name was Kenaz, 
What kin Chaleb & Othoniel were together.  & Chaleb had Hesron or jephuna to his father, how near of kin were they then? Some hold opinion that Kenaz, when Hesron or jephuna was dead, married his wife, who had not only her with him, but also kept her son namely Chaleb, being but a little one, whom she had by her first husband, than they say he had Othoniel by her, whereby they conclude that Othoniel and Chaleb came both of one mother, but not of one father. Wherefore Othoniel was by nature the son of Kenaz, but Chaleb was called also the son of Kenaz, because he & Othoniel were brought up together with Kenaz. R. D. confuteth this opinion, 
R. D. ●imhi.  because it is never red in the holy scriptures that any Israelite took his surname of his mother, and much less of his Stepfather: 
The surnames among the Israelites were taken of the fathers.  For every one in that public wealth took always their surnames of their fathers, as the Gersonites, Merarites, & levites. And by the book of Paralip. he saith may be known that that manner was so still kept & observed. This reason if it be true in deed, as it seemeth to be probable refelleth a certain opinion of others, which say that Chaleb had a brother, a great deal elder than himself, who was called Kenaz, with whom Chaleb was brought up like a son together with Othoniel Kenaz son. Wherefore they seeming after a sort to be both of one age, & being nourished up together, were easily counted brethren, namely the sons of Kenaz, where as in deed Chaleb was Kenaz brother. Wherefore it came to pass that they were both of them called the sons of Kenaz. This I say doth R. D. Kimhi judge absurd: for if no man could attain to any kind of surname by the mother or stepfather, then undoubtedly could he not have it by the brother. But the same R. D. Kimhi thinketh that they were brethren every way, because they had both one father and one mother. And therefore both of them are called the sons of Kenaz, but not by their next Parents, but by the name of the family, seeing that both brethren were borne of one and the self family, what shall we then do? 
The hebrews and our men differ among themselves of the kindred of Othoniel & Chaleb.  We are not helped by the history which we have in hand, & we cannot dissolve the question by the places conferred every way together. Yea and the jews agree not in it among themselves, neither do they only vary one from an other, but our writers also writ nothing like one to an other of it. Lyranus doth utterly deny that they were brethren, which nevertheless Paulus Burgensis affirmeth, yea & that more is, Lyranus agreeth not with himself, for as in the interpreting of the book of josua he denieth that they were brethren, so afterward upon the first book of Paral. in the second & fourth chap. he granteth they were brethren. But when I more diligently weigh the reason why in the book of josua he contendeth that they were not brethren, I gather it to be this, because he thought that if they had been joined together with so near a bond of kindred, that theridamas could have been no marriage, whereby Othoniel should have had to wife Hachsah his brother's daughter, seeing that it was forbidden by the law (namely the .18. & .20. chap of levit.) that no man should marry his aunt. Wherefore he thinketh it must needs follow, that the niepce by the brother is prohibited, because that we are joined with the same degree of kindred to the aunt, by which the uncle is joined to the niepce by the brother. But if Hachsah & Othoniel were brother's children, then shall this absurdity be wholly avoided: for marriage between these was never forbidden by God's laws. But Burgensis a man otherwise very well learned, contendeth that they were utterly brethren, & saith that the uncle might by God's law marry his niepce by the brother, & that the jews themselves which otherwise are most diligent observers of outward laws do keep this custom at this day. He saith moreover, that it cometh to pass oftentimes, as concerning marriages, that in degrees either of consanguinity or affinity, there is found the like distance between persons, of the which nevertheless the one is forbidden, & the other granted. And often times the prerogative of the men and base condition of the wives altereth the thing. For in matrimony man is the head of the woman, as Paul hath said in the first to the Corinth. 
In marriages the first order of kindred may not be perverted.  Wherefore there must always be a regard had, that in marriage the order of kindred be kept, lest the order which was before should be perverted. For it is meet that marriages should observe and not violate honesty of order among men. Which honesty should he violated if every man might take to wife his Aunt, his uncles wife, or mother's sister. For because that women joined unto us by this degree of kindred are to be reverenced as mothers. But if they be made wives then by the law of matrimony, they are made subjects, and are bound to honour, to obey and reverence their husbands, whom otherwise they ought to have had in place of children. Which seemeth nothing else, than to commit things repugnant to nature. But if it be contraryly done, then is there no perverting of order incurred. For he which is an uncle either by father's side or mother's side should be honoured and reverenced like a father, when he taketh to wife his niepce, the husband is made her head, and shallbe honoured and obeyed of her no less than if he were her uncle, either by the father's side or mother's side, neither cometh there any perturbation of order by conjunction of matrimony. These things Burgensis allegeth. Wherefore this place doth not only admonish, but in a manner also compel us, somewhat to entreat of degrees prohibited in contracts of matrimony. Yet will I leave at liberty whether Chaleb & Othoniel were brethren, or whether they were joined with any other affinity together. This is most certain if Othoniel were the son of Chaleb his brother, the marriage than was very lawful. But the state of the question is, whether it were lawful for Othoniel by the common law to mary his brother's daughter.  

In the law are not rehearsed all the degrees in which marriages are prohibited.  This seemeth first to be agreed upon, that in the .18. & .20. chap of levit. are not rehearsed all persons or degrees, in which marriages are prohibited: for there is no mention made of Grandmother, when as nevertheless all men will confess it to be most filthy, if any man should take to wife his Grandmother, which is far above him in his years. The wife also of the Grandfather is not mentioned of: & though the wife of the uncle by the father's side be spoken of, yet is there nothing spoken of the wife of the uncle by the mother's side. Yea, & that we more marvel at, there is no prohibition for the father to mary his daughter, when as all men confess that these marriages are most incest. Wherefore it is to be thought, that in that place are set forth by the holy ghost certain degrees prohibited, & those not many, but yet such, that by them as by certain exquisite and manifest rules we may judge of the like. Wherefore we must think that those things which are spoken of the mother, are also commanded of the Grandfather or Grandmother or wife of the Grandfather, seeing that all these are to be reckoned for Parents. Those things also which are spoken of the wife of the uncle by the father's side, do manifestly declare, what is to be done with the wife of the uncle by the mother's side. For as much as these alliances or degrees are of one space or distance one from an other. Wherefore I am of this opinion, that I think the prohibitions mentioned in the law, are therefore set forth that by them we might evidently understand, what is meet to do in the like degrees. I grant nevertheless, concerning Paulus Burgensis reason, that they do much more violate the law which do concract matrimonies with persons forbidden, 

Who sin more grievously against the degrees prohibited.  
It is uncertain whether the jews do abide in the right observing of their law.   and therewithal perverting also the order of kindreds. For it seemeth to me that he doth far more vilely which marrieth his Grandmother, than he which marrieth his niexce by the brother, although I think that both these matrimonies are not lawful.  
What the Hebrews do in our time I pass not much to know: yea I much doubt of that which Paulus Burgensis taketh unto him as a thing sure & manifest, namely that the jews are at this day most diligent in observing of their outward laws. For me thinketh that I should do well in not giving to them more dignity or religion than to Christians. Wherefore as it is manifest enough that we have for men's traditions very much strayed from the right observation of the commandments of God, and also from the right knowledge of the scriptures: so is it also likely that the same hath happened unto the jews, especially in this our age. Wherefore I am not injurious against them, when as I will not give more to them, than to ourselves. 
The jews have added many other degrees to the degrees expressed of god  Nevertheless I will not omit that the Rabines have added to their prohibited degrees in the law many more as well in ascending as descending, which I see the most learned man Paulus Fagius hath declared in his annotations upon levit. neither can I be persuaded that they were added by them for any other cause, but only because they thought that those degrees were comprehended in the degrees expressed by God. 
What we must have a respect unto, in judging of degrees.  Wherefore to give judgement of any lawful marriages, that shall not be sufficient in my judgement, if the degree wherein they are contracted, shall not be prohibited by manifest & proper words in the law, neither the order of kindred perverted, for it may be that the like degree, & of the same distance be forbidden by authority of the law. 
The scripture declareth not by manifest words the perverting of order, which is to be taken heed of in marriages.  Nether doth the scripture as far as I can see, allege in any place the reason concerning perverting of order, although (as I have before said) I do not utterly abject that reason. Some man peradventure will say: what matter is it for us of this age, either to know or else to observe those precepts which are contained in the .18. & .20. chap. of levit. seeing that we after the coming of Christ are no more bound to the civil laws of the jews? I confess that the Christians are not bound to the civil precepts of the law: but yet I ascribe those precepts which are there given for marriages not to civil laws, but rather to moral. And I think that I may bring a reason out of the same place to confirm my sentence. For God, when he gave those laws, added these words thereunto: 
The Chananites are reproved because they had defiled them selves with incest  Take heed therefore, that ye defile not yourselves with whoredoms & such incests, as the Gentiles have done, whom I have driven out of those regions which I have now given unto you, for for because those nations have been polluted with so grievous wicked acts I have therefore so destroyed them, & will do that like unto you, except ye shall diligently avoid those things, which I command you as touching these evils. I think no man will doubt but that the Chananites which received not the law by Moses, neither were Citizens of the public wealth of the Israelites, could not by that law be condemned, because they obeyed not the laws of the hebrews. They were subject only to the law, which is called moral. Wherefore seeing God for that cause reproveth them, because they were defiled with such filthy lusts & incests, & affirmeth that for the same cause he deprived them both of their land and life: it is manifest that these laws must be joined not to civil precepts but to moral, which all men are bound to observe.  
Nevertheless this seemeth at the first sight to be against this sentence, 
Abraham & Amram seem to have married prohibited wives.  because Abraham (a man otherwise most holy) is thought to have married his Brother's daughter namely Sara. Amram also had jochabed his aunt to wife, of whom he begat Moses, Aaron, & Mary. And it seemeth that so godly & holy men would not have done this, if the moral law (as we have said) had been against it. 
The law of nature was darkened by sin.  To this we answer, first that the law of nature was much blotted by corruption & wickedness, which overwhelmed all mankind soon after sin, & for the cause they which contracted such matrimonies, thought peradventure that the same were lawful, and therefore although they cannot altogether be excused by that ignorance, yet it is to be thought that they committed less sin, than those which durst do such things after the law was given. I add moreover, that among the father's certain things are now and then spoken of, 
It is not certain whether Abraham & Amram married prohibited wives.  which other men must not take example of, when as they are sometimes to be interpreted as prerogatives or certain privileges given to them. But how soever it be, we may not (as I think) much labour to excuse the fathers in allthings. Although I know there be which do say that Sara was not the daughter of Abraham's brother, but some other way of and therefore she might be called his sister after the ancient manner of speaking, as though she were of some kindred unto him, but yet not so near kin, but that they might marry together. And in like manner they say of the kindred of Amram and jochabed. But I will omit these things, seeing that the whole matter may be made plain by these two kind of answers before alleged.  
It might also be demanded, if the precepts of matrimony be moral, and pertain to the law of Nature, why God would also constitute them in his laws? 
The ten commandments were blotted in the hearts of men before the law.  Because the light of nature was come to that point that it was not sufficient, the brightness of it was daily more and more blotted in the hearts of men: which thing doth manifestly appear not only in these, but also in the ten commandments, where it is commanded that men should abstain from theft and murder, and yet we read in histories that robbing on the sea, and also on the land got such dominion, 
Plato.  that they were counted full of honour and dignity. Plato in his fift book of laws thought, that concerning procreation of children we should abstain from Mothers, Graundmothers, and the degrees above them. Again from Daughters, Niepces, & degrees beneath them. But as for other persons he made free. 
Jerome.  Jerome testifieth in his second book against Jovinian, that the Scots in his time had no certain marriages, but they accompanied with their women as they lusted themselves, even such as came first to hand. He saith moreover, that the Medes, Indians, Ethiopes, and Persians confusedly contracted Matrimonies with their mothers, sisters, daughters, and Niepces: which seemeth nevertheless to disagree with that which Heroditus writeth of the Persians. For Cambyses (as he testifieth) desired to mary his sister, for the which thing he asked counsel of his Lawyers and wise men, and demanded of them whether that matrimony were lawful or no. To whom they answered, that they in deed had no law, by the which it might be lawful for the Brother to marry the Sister, but yet they had an other law among them, whereby it was lawful for the king of the Persians to do what so ever himself lusted. Surely they answered well in their first part of their answer, but in the latter part they most filthily flattered the tyrant. Howbeit the things which are written by this Historiographer (although sometimes he write fables) and those things which Jerome writeth, vary not. Because the vulgar people being now corrupted with filthy and wicked custom, contracted such matrimonies, the wiser sort nevertheless, in whom the law of nature did shine, understood that the same were not lawful, although being blinded with covetousness they abstained not from them. Whom Paul to the Romans hath grievously reprehended, saying: which men, though they know the righheousnes of God, 
Incestuous persons have afterward abhorred those whom they have polluted.  not only do such things, but also have pleasure in them that do them. And these matrimonies by their own nature are so well known to be unlawful, that they drive an exceeding great horror into them which do hear that such things have been done: yea and they themselves which have committed the same, when their lust assuaged, seemed to abhor those whom they have polluted. 
Cynara & Myrrah.  The poets make mention of Cynara and Myrrah his daughter, how after the father understood that he had accompanied with his daughter, yea, even unwares so hated her, that he persecuted her all that ever he might. Ammon began so to hate his sister Thamra whom he had defiled, 
Incest almost have ever had horrible ends. Ptholomey.  that he commanded her to be violently thrust out of his sight. Thou shalt also never almost find if thou look in histories, that incestuous marriages or carnal copulations came to good end. Ptholomey king of Egypt took to wife by fraud and guile his sister Euridices, 
Antonius' Carocalla. Nero.  which the Historiographers and especially justine have manifestly set forth to have had ill success. Antonius' Caracalla who married his stepmother, and Nero which committed filthy fornication with his mother, came not only to a most unhappy end, but according to their deserts they were wonderfully hated of the people, and were openly called Monsters of human nature. Wherefore we grant both, that these commandments which do prohibit those sins pertain to the law of nature, and were for just cause renewed by God in his moral laws.  
It may also be manifestly enough declared by an other reason, 
Roman laws forbade the marriage of the brother's daughter.  the incestuous marriages were forbidden by the light of nature, seeing that they were earnestly forbidden by the Roman laws, which were counted among the excellentest & honestest laws, & these by name, whereby any man should marry his niepce by the brother. Although Claudius Caesar when he would marry his brother's daughter Agrippina, caused the first law to be abrogated, and to be decreed that every man might have his brother's daughter to wife. But there was never a one at Rome except it were one or two which would follow his example. And the Romans' observed the first law which was most honest. 
The Roman laws in prohibiting marriages had certain laws not mentioned by God.  Nevertheless we must understand, the diverse persons were prohibited by the laws of the Romans, of whom the law of god hath made no mention, and yet their prohibition was not without a reason. Wherefore the Citizens of Rome were bound to observe them, although by the light of nature they could see no cause why they should so do, which laws were wont to be called a peculiar kind of laws, because it seemeth to be private for certain places. I will make the thing more plain by examples. 
The tutor might not marry his pupil.  The Romans would not as it is written in Codice that matrimonies should be contracted between the tutor and pupil committed to his charge. Because they saw that this would easily come thereby, that that tutor which had consumed his pupil's goods, lest he should be compelled after his tutorship to render account of those goods, might solicit the maiden to marriage, which being obtained, he should be free from giving account of her goods. This surely was a good law, but yet it was not perfectly observed. Cicero otherwise a grave man, 
Cicero.  was evil spoken of for the same cause: for being far in other men's debt, when he had forsaken his wife Terence, he married his pupil, of whose goods & affairs he had charge over as a tutor.  
The Romans deceeed also, 
A prisident might not marry a wife of his province.  that no precedent of any province should take to wife either to himself or to any of his, any out of the same province wherein he governed. For they knew right well, that it might so happen, that the Praetor Proconsul, or Precedent in a province cleaving to his families and kinsfolk coming to him by his wife, might make new tumults, and at length be alienated from the public wealth. They saw also a great danger to hang thereon, lest he should not be just and severe in giving judgement, because he would gratify his kinsfolk more than others. Lastly marriages should not have remained at liberty in provinces, because Magistrates might in a manner compel them of the province to contract matrimonies either with themselves, 
Felix had a jew to his wife.  or with their friends. We see also this most honest law violated. For Faelix which governed jewrye under Nero, as it is written in the xxiiii. chap. of the acts of the Apostles, had Drusilla a jew to wife. But what need I rehearse that these laws of a small weight were not observed, when as that people had shaken of, even those laws which we called moral and are known by the law of nature? 
Cicero. The monstrug lust of Sassia.  Cicero declareth in his oration for Cluentius, the one Sassia a most wicked woman, was so provoked with filthy lust, that she instigated her son in law Aurius Melinus, to whom she had before married her daughter, to repudiate his wife, whereby he should marry herself in stead of her daughter: which thing at the length she got him to do. And when the deed was counted full of dishonesty, yet was it not punished by the laws, neither do we read that the matrimony, which Cicero contendeth to be contracted by no good grounds, by no authors, & altogether unluckily, was dissolved by the power & commandment of the magistrates. Wherefore hereof cometh a good reason also, why god would again inculcate by a law those things which by the light of nature were judged honest. For the bonds, bars, & windows of nature, were broken by the impotent lust of men, therefore it was necessary they should be bound with an other bond For the Israelites were no more shamefast in keeping of natural honesty, than were the Romans. Neither is this to be left out, the god had certain proper things in his law, which may be called peculiar things: for all men were not bound unto them by the law of nature, but the hebrews only. For he would not have them to contract matrimony with the Chananites, Hamorrites, jebusites, etc. And other people seem not to have been bound to the law, neither should we at this day (if there were such nations still, 
matrimonies ought not to be contracted in contrary religion Augustine. ) be letted, but that we might join ourselves in matrimony with them. Although the cause of the law, aught at this day to be holden: which cause is, the matrimonies should not be contracted with them which be of a contrary religion. For it is not convenient that the Godly should be joined with the ungodly. I know that Augustine writeth concerning unlawful marriages to Pollentius in the second book and of the Sermon of the Lord upon the Mountain, that there is not a place in the new Testament, wherein by express words, matrimonies with infidels are prohibited. But of this matter I will not write much at this present, seeing that I have largely entreated of it in the Epistle to the Corinthians. This will I say more over, that a good man ought in contracting of matrimonies, to follow chief that which is honest, and not lightly to departed from commendable orders & usual customs which are not against the word of god. And if there happen peradventure any doubt, let him not think it much to ask council of his magistrate, otherwise he shall rashly put both himself, his wife and his children to danger. For if he be married in any of the degrees prohibited by the peculiar law, he shall not then be counted a husband, but a whoremonger, and his wife a harlot, & their children bastards. Howbeit the magistrate, although concerning matrimony he may forbid certain other contracts besides those which God hath forbidden, yet can he not, neither ought he to remit any of those which God hath commanded, & which he hath prohibited by his law, yea he must most diligently see that he burden not the people to much, 
The pope hath grievously sinned concerning these laws.  or without an earnest cause, as we see the Pope hath done, who hath two ways sinned in this thing: first in that he durst usurp the office of making of laws in a common wealth, which undoubtedly pertaineth not unto him, Secondly because in his laws he followed not the word of god, but with out reason forbade first all degrees even to the seventh, which when he saw afterward was not observed, and all was full of confusion, he cut of his prohibitions to the fourth degree. In which thing he is yet constant & hardened, if there come no money in, but if money be offered (whereof he must have much brought him to fill his filthy coffers) he setteth at liberty as pleaseth him, both his own laws and the word of god.  
This we must also know, that God had in his laws an other decree which may lawfully be called peculiar, because it extendeth no way to other nations, neither ought it to be in force at all times. And that was, that when any husband deceased without children, the brother which remained on live, or some other next of kin, should marry the first man's wife left, so that the first child which should be begotten of that marriage should be counted the son of him that was dead, and should fully succeed him as touching his inheritance. For God would not in that public wealth, that men should altogether be extinguished, and he provided that the same distinction of lands should be kept as much as might be. And seeing the same is not used in our public wealths, neither hath God commanded that it should, it therefore pertaineth nothing unto us. Wherefore we must keep ourselves under the general and common law, 
She that is left of the kinsman ought to he married.  namely that no man presume to marry the wife of his brother being dead although he died without children.  
Let us also know that in the beginning, when only the family of Adam lived on the earth, brethren were not forbidden as they were afterward For brethren were driven of necessity to marry their sisters. But afterward when men were increased in number, shame showed itself forth, and they began by the instinction of God, or by nature, either to abstain from prohibited persons, or at the least to know that such conjunctions were full of ignominy. But what time they began first to abstain, it appeareth not by the history. 
The Gods of the Half-buried ●h●●● Sisters.  Peradventure the Heathen poets have declared that necessity of the elders which compelled the family of the first Parents to constrain the brother to marry the Sister, when as they fable that their Gods had their Sisters to wives: for the chief of them, namely jupiter had juno, which in Virgil speaketh thus of herself: But I which walk the Queen of the Gods both sister and wife to jupiter.  
And although the word of God, 
Causes 〈◊〉 many degrees in marriages a● forbidden. Augustine.  and instinct of nature were sufficient by themselves to make us to abstain from the foresaid coninunctions, yet are there many good causes of prohibition alleged by divers writers. Augustine in his xu book De civitate dei and xvi chap. writeth that the same abstinence was very profitable to dilate more amply the bonds of human fellowship. For if marriages should be included within the walls of one family, them should there come no kindred's with others. Furthermore, it is not meet, that one and the self man should occupy the persons of divers kindreds, namely that one man should be both uncle and husband of one woman, and the same woman to be both Aunt and wife of one man. Which reason Cicero also hath touched in his fift book Definibus, and also Plutarch in his .108. problem. And they being both Ethnics could not have seen this but being illustrate by the light of nature. This also is the third reason, because these persons, from whom we should abstain, do dwell together often times in one house. Wherefore if there should be many married folks together, they would not use themselves so gravely and severely as domestical shamefastness requireth. 
Plutarch. The causes of strife between kinsfolk ought to be cut of.  Plutarch in the place before said, hath set forth two other reasons, besides those which we have declared: One is, because between kinsfolks, discords are to be feared. For they would soon complain that the right of kindred should be taken away: which saying I do understand thus, if either she or he which should overskyp the nearer degree, and marry with the degree farther of, she which were nearer would think that she had injury done unto her, as though in overskipping her, he would put her to shame: as it is a common use in wills and Testaments, where they which are nighest of kin may not nor ought not to be forgotten of him which maketh the will. And in the law for raising up seed to the brother already deceased, the first place must be given to the nighest of kin, who if he refused to use his right, was made ashamed, as that law doth more amply declare the same. Wherefore seeing discords between all men are to be abhorred, 
Women for that they are weak ought not to have their patrimonies diminished but increased.  much more are they utterly to be detested between kinsfolks. Plutarch also bringeth an other reason, because women are weak, and therefore they have need of many & sundry patrons, wherefore when they are married to strange men, if they should be evil handled by their husbands, as often times they are, they have all their kinsfolks easily for patrons: but if they be wives to their own kinsfolks, and happen to be evil entreated of them, they should then have very few to defend their cause. For other kinsfolks would not be so ready, for their sakes to fall out with their own kin, which they would not be grieved to do with strangers.  
But now that I am in hand with Plutarch, I remember that which he hath written in the sixth problem, 
Of the matrimoni of brethren and Sisters children. Plutarch.  and I think it is 〈◊〉 unprofitable to declare it, although it seem to disagree from that which Augustine writeth in his xu book De civitate dei xvi chapter of the matrimony of Brothers and Sisters children. For he affirmeth there, that before his time, the same was lawful, although those kinds of marriages seemed very rare, because men after a sort eschewed to contract with persons so nigh: but he saith that the licence was afterward taken away. Which I surely can not perceive in the Roman laws, which were publicly received & allowed: which yet were used through out Aphrica. Wherefore it may seem obscure to some of what laws Augustine speaketh, whereby he saith that in his time those kinds of matrimonies were prohibited. But we must understand, that in his time the law of Theodosius the elder was of force, who was the first among the Emperors that I know of, which prohibited matrimony of this degree. Which also Aurelius Victor and Paulus Diaconus do testify. And that is found at this day written in the book called Codex Theodosianus, concerning incestuous marriages, by these words. Let this sentence remain concerning them, whosoever from henceforth shall defile himself with the marriage of his cousin germane, or of his sister's daughter, or of his brother's daughter, or of his wives daughter, lastly of all whose marriage is forbidden and condemned. But that law is not in these days found in the Digests, neither in the book of the Code, nor in the Authentikes. Which nevertheless Clother the king followed, as it is red in the laws of the Almains, entitled of unlawful marriages, yea and it is confirmed by the ecclesiastical Canons and decrees in Gracian. 35. Question the second and third, also by the counsel of Agathen in the 61. Canon. And Gregory the first in the same place is found to be of the same opinion in the chap. Quaedam ex Romana, etc. This answereth to the sixth interrogation of Augustine Bishop of Cantorbury, and affirmeth that those which be joined by the degree of cousin Germans, aught to abstain from contracting of matrimony one with an other. Yea and long before Gregory his time, Ambrose hath in his 66. Epistle ad Paternum, condemned the marriage of brethren's children, & he testifieth that it was forbidden by the law of Theodosius which I have also brought. And if I should use conjecture, I think Theodosius did it by the persuasion of Ambrose, who had a singular respect to public honesty. Neither was that law so severe at that time, but that sometimes it might be released as he declareth in that Epistle to Paternus. In that Ambrose affirmeth there that such marriages were prohibited by God's law, It can be made probable to none, which shall attentively consider the words of the law of god, and doings of the fathers. How the Romans have behaved themselves, toward their cousins, as concerning matrimonies in the old time, this I have observed Ligustine saith in the 2. book and 5. decade of Livy, that his father gave him his uncles daughter to wife. Cicero also writeth in his oration for Cluentius, that Cluentia had lawfully married her cousin germane M. Aurius. And M. Antonius the Philosopher took to wife Faustina his cousin germane, as julius Capitolinus testifieth. And before Rome was builded the marriages of Turnus and Lavinia were in hand, which came of two sisters. Howbeit Plutarch writeth in the place above mentioned, that at the first when Rome was built, it was forbidden by a law, that they which were nigh of kin should not marry together. But yet he writeth that the law for brethren and sisters children, was upon this occasion released, because a certain man being both honest, and also well beloved of the people of Rome, when he was grievously oppressed with poverty took to wife his sister's daughter which was rich, and wealthy, for the which cause he was accused of incest. But the matter being decided, he was quited by the judgement of the people of Rome: for he was greatly favoured in the city. Then after that, it was decreed by the consent of the people of Rome that from thence forth it should be lawful for brethren and sisters children to marry together. These things I thought good to declare of this kind of matrimony both out of God's laws, and the old & new laws of the Romans, and also out of the fathers and ecclesiastical Canons. Whereunto I will add that there be very many Cities professing the gospel which do not admit the marriages of brethren and sisters children, as Surike, Berna, Basile, Schapusin, Sangallum, Biema, etc. In the kingdom also of England when I was there, that degree was excluded from matrimony. Wherefore in places where the magistrate forbiddeth these marriages the faithful aught for those causes which I have before declared to abstain from them.  
But now I will go to the present matter, If Othoniel as I have before said were cousin unto Achsa, he might marry her by the law of God: but if he were her uncle, it was not lawful by the common law. But he married her. Wherefore we must needs say one of these two things: either that it was a fault, for the fathers as we have before said were not always free from sin: or else that god would have this done by a privilege or certain prerogative, which we may not for all that take example by. Neither is this to be forgotten, that after the accustomed manner of Scriptures, 
Kinsfolks in scriptures are called brethren  they which were any way of kin together were called brethren, as Loth is called the brother of Abraham, & the kinsfolks of jesus Christ the son of God are called in the history of the gospel his brethren. So may it also be in this place that Othoniel may be called the brother of Chaleb, when as he was but only some other way of kin unto him. And the interpreters do use this exposition often times, which I would not disallow, but that I see this particle in the text, The younger, which is not wont to be added, but when sisters and brethren in deed are compared together. But now will I go to other things which are to be considered in this history.  
Chaleb had promised him which should conquer the city of Debir, 
Whether Chalebs' promiss were a rash promiss.  his daughter to wife. What if any wicked person had performed that, should he by the virtue of the promise have been made the son in law of Chaleb? surely it seemeth not. For what other thing had this been, than to betray his daughter? Therefore it may appear that he promised rashly. For a wise man ought to foresee those things which might happen. How be it we must consider that there were not at that time such wicked and flagitious men among the Israelites, for as long as those elders lived, which governed the public wealth together with josua, as it shallbe declared in this history, the people feared god. Wherefore it followeth, that they used to put those to death by the law which were guilty of very grievous crimes. Therefore there was no danger lest any such man should conquer the city, to whom for that act Hacsah should be given to wife of duty. But if there remained certain small and common faults in him which had conquered it, the same might be recompensed by his other virtues. For there is is none so absolute and perfect, but that some times he may fall. Moreover there were some hope of amendment of life. And the conqueror might be so nigh of kin, as peradventure this Othoniel was, that he could not marry the daughter of Chaleb. Wherefore it seemeth that at the least in that part it was a rash promise. But I do not think it can be accused of rashness, 
A constant rule of all human promises.  for as much as all promises aught among the godly so far forth to be of force, as they do agree with the word of god, which thing if jepthe had diligently considered, he would never have suffered himself to have committed so unworthy things against his daughter. This condition surely in all covenants and promises ought to be counted for a most constant rule.  
We gather also hereby, that it is lawful to go about a wife by just ways and means, as we see Othoniel now to have done: and as also holy David did, 
A man by just means may go about a wife.  who did not only kill Goliath the giant, but also he gave Saul an hundredth forekynnes of the Philistianes', for the obtaining of Michol to wife. We are hereby taught also, that wise parents ought to seek them a son in law, not by riches not by power or nobility, but by virtue. Now of days they do not so, 
How a son in a law should be sought.  and therefore the miserable daughters are very often times betrayed by their parents, and very many marriages have unhappy success. Wherefore I can not discommend the saying of Themistocles, 
The saying of Themistocles.  who being demanded why he had preferred a poor man to be his son in law before a rich and wealthy man, he answered: that he had rather have a son in law which wanted money, than to have money wanting a man.  

It is lawful to set rewards for good deeds  We learn moreover by this history, that it is lawful for princes to stir up men courageously to enterprise honest acts, and which they ought otherwise of duty to have done, to set forth unto them some rewards. For we see that Chaleb did so now, and also Saul, when he promised his daughter to him which could kill Goliath, and we remember Christ hath promised them an hundredth fold in this life, 
Good & honest actions are of themselves to be sought for.  which for his sake should leave father and mother, children and brothers. Wherefore we must know that good & honest actions, are by themselves sufficient to be sought for, for as much as in this world nothing can happen more sweater, than to obey god, & with a good conscience to be joined unto him, in living uprightly according to his commandments. Wherefore admit we should obtain no other thing, yet a sufficient reward & gain should be rendered unto us, 
Why God set forth rewards and gifts.  if we may have a quiet and pacified conscience, and be inwardly filled with spiritual joy, but god (such is his goodness) would moreover set forth unto us gifts and rewards. For he seeth the disposition & nature of a man to be feeble and flow to all things that be good, healthful and honest: he would therefore stir up the same by promising manifold & sundry rewards, which kind of remedy we had not needed, if we had continued perfect and absolute, as we were created. Who I pray you, needeth with reward to be stirred up to drink when he is thirsty, or to eat when he is hungry? surely no body. Wherefore neither need men, if they hungered and thrusted for righteousness, (as they ought to do) a reward to stir them up to it. A mother also useth not to be enticed with rewards to give suck, to feed, and care for her own child, that it perish not. 
Promises and threatenings are added in the law to the commandments.  Wherefore the promises of god are therefore necessary unto men, because they by reason of sin have waxed cold from a vehement affection and zeal toward godly and holy works, we be altogether dull and sluggish to the offices of godliness and righteousness: wherefore God of his gentleness would add spurs of promises: which appeareth most manifestly in the law, where almost for every commandment are both threatenings & also promises added. Wherefore seeing holy men have done this oftentimes, seeing also the law of God hath done so, and the same is found in the new testament, we may conclude without doubt that it is lawful. For than is that which we do, to be allowed, when it agreeth with the example of god himself, and rule of the scriptures, or else with the excellent acts of holy men.  

Whether it be lawful to do good for rewards sake.  But now must we see, whether he which doth good works, and performeth the which he is bound to do by the law of God, aught to be moved with hope of the reward, or whether rather he should only have a regard to goodness, righteousness and gods pleasure? To answer to this question, I think that this must be the first ground, that a man is not only appointed to some certain end, when as god doth nothing rashly or by chance, but also he is appointed to many ends, which nevertheless are so joined together, that they do mutually serve and help one an other by a certain order. 
How man is appointed to an end.  First we are created to set forth the glory of God: then that by the sight and perfect knowledge of God we should come to be happy: and that whilst we live here, we should live together among ourselves in an acceptable fellowship to God. Soldiers do therefore bear weapons and make wars, to defend honest and just causes, and that in that sort by which God in his laws hath commanded to be defended, which men moreover ought so to be encouraged to bring this thing to pass, that though there were no other reward or gift coming unto them, yet ought they to enterprise it. Moreover men use to fight to defend their country, wives, children, kinsfolks, & friends. And if so be that they besides these look for just stipends, whereby they may honestly nourish both themselves & theirs, no man will count that for a vice in them. 
For what things we may avoid wicked acts.  For the Apostle hath said in the first Epistle to the Cor. Who goeth on warfarre at his own cost? But now to descend to things more particular, when any man tempereth himself from any grievous wicked act, he ought to do the first to the intent he may obey the commandments of God, as it is mete. Then that thereby he may escape either eternal or civil punishments. Moreover that he may not offend the minds of the brethren, and pluck them back from a holy conversation and pure life, by his wicked example, and finally that by his wickedness he provoke not the wrath of God, either against himself or his family, or against the people. Wherefore it is manifest, that the end of our actions is not simple, but sundry and manifold.  
And this being thus finished and concluded, we must diligently take heed, 
Which end is to be preferred before the rest.  that when many ends are set before us, we may prefer that before the rest, which by good right excelleth the rest. For if it should be otherwise done, and if those things which are hindermost and of smaller value should be preferred before the better, we should be justly condemned for perverting the order of things. Wherefore we must take heed, that we direct not God himself or the worshipping of him, either to our own commodity, or else to any other ends. For than should that surely happen unto us which Augustine doth so sore detest, 
Augustine.  that we should have the fruition of those things which we only ought to use, & contrariwise we should use those things which we should have the fruition of, than which perverseness in human actions no worse thing can be thought. 
What is the chief perverseness of human actions.  Wherefore when it is demanded, whether it be lawful in well doing to have a respect to the gain or reward. We can not well deny but that it is lawful: for as much as god himself hath promised a reward to them which live godly: neither did God that for any other cause than by his gifts and allurements to stir up men to just, good, godly and holy works. 
Neither is the reward only to be desired, neither the chief parts must be ascribed unto it  But although we do not unjustly in having a regard unto the reward offered us by God, when we are occupied in good works: yet this is diligently to be taken heed of, that we be not moved only because of the reward which is offered us. Neither is this sufficient, for if a man would say that he would in doing good both obtain the reward set forth, and by the same work obey God, he must take heed, that he attribute not the chiefest parts to the gift or reward, because always (as I have already said) that among the ends each of them as he is more excellent by nature, so ought it to be preferred in the first place. And in this there needeth a singular diligence: because it oftentimes happeneth, that we deceive ourselves, falsely supposing that nothing is more excellent or dearer to our minds than god, from whom nevertheless we are by little and little withdrawn and plucked back by reason of to much desire and delight of reward or gift. Wherefore it afterward happeneth, 
If we prefer other things before god we incur into grievous punishments.  that we come to great miseries thereby: For when god perceiveth that we more esteem those things, which ought to be of less estimation with us, he withdraweth them away, lest they should more and more pluck us away from him. Which thing happened many times to the Israelites, from whom God sometimes took away riches, liberty, and the promised land, to call them again to himself, whom they less esteemed than their riches, possessions, and also Idols. Wherefore those things being marked and observed which I have rehearsed, I doubt not but that it is lawful for godly men after the sincere & earnest desire of God to do good for reward and gift.  
Neither am I ignorant that bernard writeth in his little book of loving of God, that charity by itself can not be empty, although it behold no reward. 
bernard.  etc. By which words he putteth us in mind of two things: both that the works of charity in themselves have so much delectation, pleasure and commodity, as may be sufficient for them which live well, although of that their well doing they should have no other reward given them of God. And that we in loving of God should look for no other reward, but this, that he according to his goodness will not suffer, but faithfully to render those things which are to be rendered unto us. And therefore no man ought chief to be moved with the desire of the reward. 
A comparison of the love of the children & of the wife.  And he addeth, that he doth far prefer the love of the wife toward her husband before the love and obeisance wherewith the children love the father. For as much as the sons do so love their father, because they hope they shallbe enriched of him by his inheritance: wherefore their love (as he thinketh) is not so pure. But the wife if she be such a one as she ought to be, she wisheth good to her husband for his own cause and his own sake, although she hopeth or looketh to obtain no good at his hand. Many have thought that the sentence of this father ought to be allowed, & have gone about to make plain the same by a certain distinction not so circumspectly invented by them in my opinion: for they affirm that we may measure God or his nature by our worthiness, or that we may behold him, according as our perfection & uprightness is. Moreover they say that we must do what soever we do, for his sake in the first consideration, and not in respect that he is our chief goodness and felicity. And this they think that bernard meant by the words now alleged. For they bring these words which he writeth in another place, 
We must worship god also in that he is our felicity & blessedness.  namely that he suspected all that love wherewith we love any thing besides God. But these men do not mark that by this distinction, which is found out rather by the judgement of men, than by the verity of the Scriptures, that they are against the sentence of God. For he said unto Abraham as it is written in Gen. I am thy reward and that very ample: walk thou therefore before me, & be perfect, undoubtedly by these words God offereth himself unto us, not imagined by himself, or plucked away from our commodities, but in respect that he is our reward.  
Moreover, as I said now at the first, god would not adjoin promises, gifts and rewards to his commandments, in vain or without effect, but advisedly and most wisely. Did he that I pray thee that we should close our eyes and overskip them? 
To look for a reward set forth unto us by God is not only of such as are unperfect.  I think not. Neither canst thou say that they serve for the ruder sort, and such as be not yet absolute and perfect: for I will demand straight way of thee, whether Abraham, Moses, David, the Prophets and Apostles were not so perfect, as either the nature of men in this life can be, or is required of us? If thou wilt say they were imperfect, then can not I tell what excellency or perfection of men thou feignest to thyself. Paul certainly setteth forth himself unto ythers as a perfect man, in such sort, as a man may in this life be perfect, when he wrote be ye perfect as I am perfect. I speak not how the Scripture yea god himself pronounceth Moses' to be most meek, he commendeth David also that he was made according to his will and heart. Wherefore if thou wilt grant that these were notable excellent and perfect men (as men may be in this world) neither canst thou deny the promises and rewards offered to them of god. This without doubt followeth that men of the excellenter sort may in well living and doing lift up their eyes to the reward.  

Augustine.  And I think Augustine hath trimely made manifest this thing where as he saith in his book of confessions, he loveth thee not (speaking to God) which loveth any thing besides thee, 
We may love gain and rewards for gods sake.  which he loveth not for thy sake. By these words is gathered, that we may love gain and rewards for gods sake: for it is lawful to embrace the mean ends for the last and chief goodness. Neither are we forbidden but that we may sometimes wish for meat, drink, and cloth, and such things as are needful for this life, yea and Christ hath commanded by express words that we should ask them, and he hath promised them to those which seek for the kingdom of God: for he hath said, first seek the kingdom of God and these things shallbe ministered unto you. Wherefore it is true, that these may be so hoped for, regarded and received of God as gifts and rewards, and not as the principal things. For they also are to be referred to a farther end, according to Paul's most wholesome admonition, who hath written: whether we eat, or whether we drink, or whether we do any other thing, let us do it to the glory of God. And finally seeing God himself, his glory, 
What is the foundation of earthly promises.  benevolence & favour are the root and foundation of other promises, and of every reward, so often as we shall behold these other things, for as much as they are comprehended in those former things, we must never suffer to have one separated from an other, but in the latter continually look upon those which are first. Whereby as Augustine hath given us counsel, we shall love nothing besides God which for his sake we should not love. And thus much of this said question, 
In latter promises the first are continually to be beholden.  now we will return to the history. For as much as it is now manifest that it was lawful for Chaleb to set forth a reward to all them, which should conquer the city of Debir, to encourage them to perform that, which they ought otherwise of duty to have done: it was counted no sin in Othoniel (of whom we now entreat) courageously to fight for the obtaining of a wife, which he knew otherwise to be acceptable to God.   

14 And it came to pass, as he went, she moved him, to ask of her father a field and she lighted of her Ass, and Chaleb said unto her: What wilt thou?  
15 And she answered him, give me a blessing, for thou hast given me a dry land, give me also springs of water. And Chaleb gave her springs both above and beneath.  
In the xv. chap. of josua, where all these things of Achsah and Othoniel are rehearsed in manner, by so many words, 
David kimhi  only three differences are perceived in the word. One is, that which is here Techitioth and Alioth, is there Techitith & Alith. Moreover there it is said Tinna & here is Hicah. Lastly there is Scadah & here is Haschadah. R.D. Kimhi hath noted these things. For the interpreters of the hebrews are most precise, yea in observing the very pricks, I would they were as quick in sight & diligent in rendering reasons of annotations. Hachsah persuaded & provoked her husband, to ask the field of Chaleb her father, which I therefore tell you, because the Latin translation is corrupted. For it hath that the husband persuaded the wife to ask the field of Chaleb. 
The policy of Achsah.  Furthermore by this we may consider the sharpness of the wit of a woman. She therefore moveth her husband, to ask the field, because she was persuaded with herself, that her father would not deny him that which he should ask. (She thought moreover that if her husband obtained the field, she should easily by herself afterward obtain the waters, whereas if she should have asked them both at one time (namely the field and the waters) it might peradventure be hard to obtain both together. But if the field were first given to her husband, her father might be counted very hard, if he should deny his daughter the waters, she requiring them of him. And in ask she wisely watched a fit time, namely when she should be brought to her husband: for then parents are wont to show themselves more gentle towards their children, when they see that they shallbe by & by taken from them. Wherefore though they were at other times hard, than yet they somewhat relent. In this reason of the petition I have followed Levi the son of Gerson, 
Levi the son of Gherson.  who expoundeth that Hachsah would therefore have her husband to ask the ground first that she might the better afterward desire the waters. But R. D. Kimhi. in interpreting of the book of josua, saith, that he, namely Othoniel would not ask it, 
D. Kimhi.  wherefore the woman herself was constrained by herself to ask her father. And this seemeth to be the meaning of this interpreter, Chaleb had before given unto his daughter the field, as land for her dowry, the soil whereof was dry & barren, wherefore the witty maiden took occasion to ask, that it might be fertile thorough water. But howsoever it be, it skilleth not much, let us only diligently mark this, that Chaleb was liberal & honourable. For that he granted his daughter both the waters above, & the waters beneath.  
She lighted of her Ass. She lighted, to declare her due obeisance towards her father, and to make her petition the more acceptable, and she so lighted that she kneeled on the ground with her knees, as the Hebrew word signifieth. For the Hebrews use that word, Sanach, when they will signify a stake or wedge or any such thing to be driven. To be short, she asked upon her knees those things which she desired. Rebecka also, as it is written in the book of Gen. when she saw Isaak to whom she was brought for to be his wife, she lighted of her camel whereon she sat. Neither let us marvel that Achsah being the daughter of a prince road on an Ass: 
Asses are very used in Syria.  seeing that in Syria Asses are very much used: for this kind of beast, which is of his own nature cold, is more used in hotter countries, than in regions toward the north. And as we shall hear in this history, fifty sons of a certain judge road upon fifty Asses. Mephiboseth also the nephew of Saul the king, and Balaam the Prophet used this kind of beast. 
Rivers & fountains of waters are much set by in Syria Why GOD brought his people to dry regions.  Neither is it in vain that this request for waters is so diligently described in this place: for as much as Syria hath ground fertile enough, but that it wanteth water here and there. Wherefore it cometh to pass that rivers and fountains of waters are much esteemed in those places. And God of purpose brought his people to these so dry regions, neither would he have them dwell in watery places, that they wailing for water might continually depend upon him, and thereby might have the better occasion, to pray the oftener to the heavenly father, and the more servantly to observe his commandments. Neither hath God himself left this his counsel unmencioned of in the holy scriptures.  

The Hebrew maidens which had dowerye lands, might mary out of their own tribe  Such things as Chaleb giveth his daughter, belong (as some think) either to the dowry or to the augmentation thereof, which might be done by the civil law of that nation. For it was not forbidden, the wives might not give ground, and lands to their husbands in the name of a dowry, so that they married in their own tribe and family, as now Achsah was given to Othoniel, who assuredly was of the same tribe and family that she was of. But if she had married in an other tribe, it had not been lawful for her to give ground and lands to her husband by the name of a dowry. For God had commanded, and that diligently and precisely, that ground and lands in especial coming by inheritance should not be alienated from their families for marriages sake. And the daughters of Zalphead gave an occasion of this law making, as it is written in the book of Num. the 27. and 36. chap. For those maidens, having no brethren, obtained of God by Moses, that they might not be put beside their Father's inheritance, but that in the division of the land of Chanaan those lands might be assigned unto them, which should have been given either to their father or to their brethren. But this was expressedly commanded them that they should not marry out of their own tribe and family.  

Whether husbands in the old time received dowries of their wives.  But whether husbands received dowries of their wives before the law, it is uncertain. The servant of Abraham rather gave gifts to Rebecka than received, for as much as he brought with him golden and silver vessels in the name of Abraham and Isaak to be given to his wife. But there is no mention made of the maidens dowry. jacob also served for his wives, so far was he from receiving any thing of them in the name of a dowry Sechem also the son of Hemorh inordinately loving Dina the daughter of jacob, with whom he had committed fornication, said unto the sons of jacob: Increase her dowry as ye list, I will refuse no condition, so that I may have your sister to wife. How be it I can not tell, how the custom of the ancient fathers in not taking but giving doweries to wives which they should marry, aught to be commended, yet I thought good to rehearse those things which I have read of this matter by the way. And to begin with Magadorus (as it is in Plaucus) in his comedy Aulularia when he should take to wife the daughter of a poor man, 
Magadorus of Plautus.  being also without dowry, commendeth his counsel by these words. If (sayeth he) other men would do after my example, the City would then be in better concord, and envy should not be so rife among us, as it is. They, namely the wives will fear us the more, and we shall keep them with much less cost, etc. When I consider these things, they seem to be very wisely spoken. For now & then it happeneth, that one city is after a sort divided into two parts, when as the daughters of poor men are without hope, to marry with them that be more rich, either because of the smallness of their dowry, or else because they be altogether without dowry. For they obtain that never but by a certain hap, or else very rarely. Wherefore the richer and mightier sort are much envied & grievously hated of the poorer sort. Besides that, wives that have good doweries do not fear their husbands, yea they contemn and despise them, counting them as unworthy to be matched with them in marriage. Lastly their ornaments and lusts can not be satisfied but with extreme charges Plutarch saith in the Apothegmata of Lycurgus, 
Plutarch.  when he was demanded, why he had commanded by a law that virgins should marry without dowry, he answered, to the intent some should not be left unmarried for poverty sake, or other some should be to much laboured for, and esteemed because of their riches, but that every man diligently considering the manners of the maidens, might choose him a wife by her virtue. He showeth also in the 30. problem, 
The law of Decemuiri.  that a bride brought to the bridegrooms house only a distaff and a spindle. The Decem viri of Rome decreed also by the laws of Solon, that a woman should be without a dowry, and should bring from her father's house only three garments & also certain vessels of small price, because they would declare that the fellowship of marriage is not confirmed by money, but by the love of children. These certainly agree very trim with that which is written of Paul and Vulpian in the Pandectes of gift between the husband and the wife. It is written also of the Egyptians, 
The custom of the Egyptians.  that if they received dowry of their wives, they should be then counted, as their wives bondmen. Which custom did manifestly teach, that it seemeth both full of ignominy, and also unprofitable, to seek a dowry for wives, when as nothing is more noble than liberty, and nature hath ordained that the husband should rule the wife. 
The manner of the Spaniards  And it is written that the Spaniards had a custom that the wives should bring to their husbands a distaff with flax on it, in stead of a dowry. I could make mention of a great many beside, to show, that all the men in the old time allowed not, that husbands should have dowries given them when they married their wives. But certainly the laws of God make mention very oftentimes of a dowry. And I am assured that it was used somewhere before the law. In Exodus, he which had defiled a virgin, was bound to marry her, so that her father were content: which if he were not, then was he compelled to give her a dowry, as the law saith the dowry of virgins is. Furthermore in the first book of kings ix chap. Pharaoh gave for a dowry unto Solomon which had married his daughter Gazar, a city which he had taken from the Chananites. Besides this the Roman laws, which otherwise are most full of equity of all other laws, do make much mention of dowries, and have many whole titles, in which this thing only is entreated of.  
But now seeing we are come thus far, 
The definition of a dowry.  it were good to define what a dowry is, that thereby we may the eassyer know, how much of godly men is to be attributed unto it in contracting of matrimonies. A dowry is a right to use things, which are given to the husband by his wife, or by others in her name, to sustain the burdens of matrimony. And although a dowry be properly said a right of using, yet notwithstanding those things which are given unto the man, are oftentimes called by this word dowry. But the end is chief to be marked in this definition, namely to sustain the burdens of matrimony. It seemeth also that seeing the husband bestoweth very much in nourishing his wife, and honestly maintaining her, justice and equity require that somewhat be recompensed unto him again. 
An error concerning dowry  Wherefore for as much as a dowry hath this foundation of justice, there is no doubt but that it is a thing lawful. But in it is an error not to be suffered, because some are not ashamed to say, that by a dowry concord between man and wife is the easilier obtained. 
friendship grounded on profit and pleasure is weak.  This both reason and experience teacheth to be most false. Who is ignorant, that that kind of amity which hath a respect only to profit, and which is founded only upon pleasure, is very frail and transitory? Moreover experience teacheth, that marriages so contracted that no other thing be considered but only beauty of the wife, & the dowry, have very ill success. Wherefore those are reprehended by the common proverb, 
Against to great dowryes and such as be against all virtue & honesty.  Qui uxores oculis & digitis ducunt, such as marry wives with their eyes and fingers: that is which are moved only with beauty and money. Wherefore just laws ought not to take away dowryes, but severely to forbid, that they be not to much increased, or that they be not contrary to virtue and honesty. Therefore the Roman laws commanded those dowries to be cut of, which were greater than the ability of the giver could bear, as it is written in the Digests of the law of dowries. And contrariwise we must take heed, that the parents or tutors being overcome with covetousness give not less than honesty requireth, as it is written in the title de dote inofficiosa. And because dowries are given to sustain the burdens of matrimony, those can not be excused, which when they have received them of their wives, are not afeard afterward to use their wives unworthily. They be beside that unjust because they violate the law of God, by which they ought to love their wives as themselves and their own body, when as they will not conveniently help them with their own goods. Yea there be some, which if they were not letted by public laws would consume, sell and utterly alienate their wives dowries. And that that should not happen, laws, chief the Roman laws have diligently provided for: for they decree that the dominion of the dowry should remain with the wives although the husbands had the fruit & use thereof as long as the marriage should last. But what, I pray you, shall I say of them, which do suffer so grievous & intolerable burdens of matrimony to be daily augmented, in to much cokering & flattering of their wives? Surely they sin most grievously, for as much as now neither their own patrimony, neither their wives doweries can be sufficient, they will so abound every way in ornaments & sumptuousness. How beit godly husbands & holy wives ought to appoint all things moderately. But why think we have the laws ordained so many things, & by so many ways concerning doweries? 
Why the dowry ought to remain for the wives.  Because they would keep the citizens without hurt or damage, when they marry & are joined together in matrimony. For it is expedient for the public wealth, that if the husband do die, the dowry may remain whole unto the wife, wherewith if she will she may marry again. Or if the wife die before, that the dowry may serve to nourish, apparel & bring up the children gotten by matrimony.  
But thou wilt ask, wherefore are doweries said to be given by this title to sustain the burdens of matrimony? 
A dowry is not the price of matrimony.  Lest the same dowry should be counted a price, as though wives & marriages were things to be sold. For which self cause in the digests, gifts between the husband & the wife are prohibited, namely, that in matrimonies already contracted, gifts between the husband and wife should not be received. Furthermore when as divorcements were given by that civil law, if gifts between man and wife had been lawful, marriages should most easily have been dissolved. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  For if one of the married would not give unto the other as much as he would demand, he should by and by have been repudiated. The men in deed might give certain gifts unto their wives before the marriages, which were called jointures, as some certain recompencinges of the dowry. But when they were once married together, the Roman laws permitted not that they should give gifts one to an other. Of which thing Plutarch also hath made mention, out of whom nevertheless is brought an other reason, than the which I showed to be taken of the laws. These be the words in the 35. &, 36. precept of matrimony: Certain bodies are said to consist of severed things, as an host, & an navy, other bodies of things joined together, as a house and a ship: other some are united & congealed together as all living creatures are. Wherefore matrimony which consisteth of living creatures is united and settled together. But the matrimony which consists either for dowry sake, or for children longeth to bodies joined together. And the which consisteth for pleasure & carnal copulation, may be numbered among the severed bodies. For there man & wife may be said to dwell together, but not to live together. And as in living creatures the temperatures of humours run through out all the parts: so marriage must mingle bodies, money, friends & kinsfolks together. And the maker of the Roman laws forbade persons coupled in matrimony to take or to give gifts one to an other, not to the intent they should not be partakers of any one thing, but that they should think all things to be common, etc. 
Certain maidens had dowryes out of the treasury.  But these things are to be understand of free gifts & not of dowries, which otherwise were both lawful & also much used in the Roman public wealth. For the daughters of Scipio, Curius and Cincinnatus had dowryes out of the treasury, because of the poverty of their parents, to the intent they should not be married without doweries.  
Yea and the general council holden at orleans (as it is rehearsed in the .30. 
The general council holden at orleans.  Questi. 5. chap. Nullum sine) decreed that no matrimony should be contracted without a dowry. Let the dowry (saith it) be according to the ability, neither let any person presume to marry but publicly. 
It is false that matrimony can not be contracted without a dowry.  This Canon I gladly allow in that it condemneth secret marriages: but in that it decreeth the matrimonies can not be contracted without a dowry, for as much as it is not confirmed by the testimony of the word of God, I can not admit it. For there are & have been very many which have married wives clean without any dowry, yea & those men of so great honesty and authority, that it should seem very rash to condemn their fact, seeing the holy scriptures are not against it: neither do I judge that matrimony should by any means be denied to those women which are without dowry, if they have need of matrimony. Paul furthermore testifieth, the matrimony shadoweth the conjunction of Christ with the church: wherefore if we should look upon the truth, the church had nothing which it could offer unto Christ in the name of a dowry, yea rather (as Ezechiel teacheth) God found it rolled in blood and mire. The fathers in the old testament seem to have had wives sometimes without dowries. Wherefore it seemeth to be decreed, the men may and that it is lawful to receive dowries when they are given, & that the same custom is honest, so that the just mean be not exceeded, and he which marrieth be not alured to matrimony by the name of the dowry as the principal cause. The manners and godliness of the wife ought chief to be regarded, neither aught any man by and by to persuade himself. If I shall marry a wife without a dowry, I shall therefore have her the better and the quieter, 
Jerome. The wife of Law.  seeing (as Jerome declareth in his first book against jovinian) Cato Censorius had Actoria Paula to wife, who was borne of a base kindred, who was poor also and without a dowerye, and yet for all that show as a dronckard, weak, and proud unto the same Cato.   

16 And the children of Keni Moses father in law, went up out of the city of the Palm trees with the children of judah, into the wilderness of judah, that lieth in the south of Arad: and went and dwelled among the people.  
In the conquering the city of Hebron and Debir there is mention made also of the children of Moses' father in law: they were Ethniks in deed by kind, 
Of the Kenites  but they were joined with the Israelites in will and faith, from whom also in the first offspring of kindred they were not strangers: for as much as they came of Madian the son of Abraham by his wife Keturah. And the same Kenites constantly abode with the hebrews till their captivity into Babylon, for as much as the Rechabites came of the Kenites, as it is written in the book of Paralipomenon. But why they were called Kenites it is uncertain. But some think that it came of this, because the son of jethro, namely Hobab, the brother of Moses' wife, was called Kin by an other name. He therefore in the beginning with his family dwelled together with the Beniamites in the fields of jericho, when the Israelites passing over jordane under josua possessed the city of jericho. But after when they saw that the tribe of judah possessed the cities of Hebron & Debir, they went unto them, and dwelled more commodiously in the plain of Harad, although they had no certain houses, but lived continually as it were in tents.  

The city of Palms.  Although some suspect the city of Palms to have been Engaddi, yet most part of the expositors interpret it to be jericho, with whom josephus de Antiquit. Hebr. agreeth, and also Paraphrastes Caldaicus, yea and the book of Deut in the xxxiiii. chap. testifieth the same. For as much as that city had a notable grove of Palms of a hundred furlongs, 
Strabo.  which thing Strabo also testifieth. And yet we may not think that the Kenites re-edified the city of jericho: for it was accursed by the commandment of josua, who amongst other things published this (as it is to be believed) in the name of God, namely that he which should attempt to repair it, should wrap himself under the curse which came to pass in very deed: For in the time of Ahab the wicked king, one Aiel built it up again, but to his own great hurt. Foyes his two sons Abiram & Segub perished when the city was in repairing, as it is written in the first book of kings xvi chap. But the country or ground thereof belonged by division unto the tribe of Benjamin. 
The field of jericho belonged to the tribe of Benjamin.  And these Kenites as it seemeth had pitched tents there, either for warfare, or else for keeping of sheep, in which they lived for a time either about the cicie or else between the decayed places of the city. And there was a regard had unto them in distributing of the land, & in assigning of fields (as josephus also testifieth) according to the promise made unto them by Moses, which is written in the x. chap. of Num. And it is thought to be very likely that their lot was in the tribe of judah which being not yet possessed by the children of Israel, they dwelled (as it is said) in the land with the Beniamites in the field of jericho. This exposition seemeth full and manifest enough.  

Kimhi  But Kimhi followeth an other opinion, and thinketh that the children of Israel, when they after they had conquered Hebron and Debir in the time of josua, had determined utterly to destroy the city of jericho, understanding that the Kenites dwelt there like strangers as I think (because they came of the stock of Madian) before they overthrew all the city, they called them away, that they might not perish with the other Chananites. The same courtesy did Saul show unto them, when he should make war against Amelek, as it is written in the first book of Samuel xv. chap. For he commanded the Kenites to departed, lest they should be destroyed with Amelek: and he showed a cause, namely because they were good and gentle unto the Israelites coming up out of Egypt. Kimhi addeth moreover, that Amelek and the Kenites were of a far contrary affection toward the Israelites. For the Kenites loved them wonderful well. But Amelek hated them deadly. Wherefore even as god had bound himself by an oath, the war should be continually made against Amelek: so would he have the Kenites recompensed always with benefits. This interpretation should be very likely, if this departing of the Kenites from jericho, were not put by our history after Hebron and Debir were conquered. But jericho was conquered of josua first of all after he had passed over jordane: and certainly before he had gotten Hebron & Debir Besides this our history entreateth either of the Kenites which remained in Madian, or else of those which had joined themselves in fellowship with the people of Israel. It seemeth that this can not be spoken of the first, when as jericho is not in Madian, yea it is far distant from thence, but if we shall understand this to be spoken of those which came with Israel, how should it be understand that they dwelled in jericho, before josua took it? Moreover it is not found in the text of the history, that they were called forth as Kimhi writeth: but it is plainly written that they went from thence to judah. Wherefore I can better agree with josephus, 
josephus. Why the Kenites departed from jericho.  who writeth the they therefore departed from thence, because in the division of the land, & distributing of fields (as I have before said) their inheritance fell about the tribe of judah wherefore they got them unto it when Hebron & Debir were conquered. But why from the time they came over jordane even to this time they dwelled rather about jericho than in any other place, seeing the scripture speaketh not of it, I am content to lack the knowledge thereof.  
But because this Kenite (as many hebrews confess) was the father in law of Moses, which thing also Jerome confirmeth in his book of traditions or Hebrew questions upon the first book of Samuel & upon Paralip. we must therefore call to memory jethro, of whom is mention made more largely in the book of Exodus. That jethro was he to whom Moses came when he fled out of Egypt, 
What this word Cohen signifieth.  who was also either prince or priest of Madian. For the Hebrew word Cohen signifieth both, & therefore the holy histories writeth of the sons of David that they were Cohenim that is princes, & highly exalted amongst magistrates: 
two. Sam viii. Aben-Esra  for so were kings wont to exalt their children. Although Aben-Esra affirmeth Moses' father in law to have been priest of Madian. And saith that he ministered not to Idols, but to the true god: for the pure worshipping of god was not so peculiar to the people of Israel, but that there were godly men in other places, which worshipped god sincerely. There is no doubt but the Melchisedech was such a one, whom the scripture calleth the priest of the high god. Moses' defended the daughters of this jethro from the shepherds at the well, by which means he was made his son in law. And afterward when he fed his sheep not far from the mount Sina he was called of god, to deliver the people of Israel from the Egyptian bondage. Wherefore he asked leave of him to departed & went his way to Egypt, & from thence after wonder full works of god, he led the people into the desert, and fought against Amelek in whose land Kenite the Madianite dwelled. And when Moses had obtained the victory, jethro, who was not with Amelek in the war, came unto Moses his son in law, & rejoiced at his happy success in the battle, he did sacrifice, and communicated together with his son in law, & the rest of the Israelites in giving thanks to god. He gave also unto Moses' wholesome counsel, not to weary himself in hearing all causes: But rather that he should have men chosen out, which might both hear & also determine common and light causes, & such as were harder, to be referred only to him: and he for the most hard matters to ask counsel of god, and look what god had answered & commanded, the same to be decreed for the people. When jethro or Kenite had done these with Moses in the wilderness after the war of Amelek before the law was given, he returned into his own country as it is written in the xviii. Chap. of Exodus.  
But concerning his return into his own country, there are two opinions, 
Of the return of Moses' father in law into his country.  both of the hebrews & our men. Some say that he returned to dispose and set an order in his domestical things, and to make preparation for his family to journey with the Israelites. Which things being all finished almost in one years space, he returned to his son in law, and went together with him and the Israelites to the land of Chanaan. And so they say, although it be said in the history that he departed before, yet it is truly put in the book of Num. that Moses spoke with him, in the second year from the departure out of Egypt, when the tabernacle was then finished, & orders appointed, whereby the hebrews should go forward. For he destre him, not to departed from him, but to be as it were an eye to the israelites in this their journey into strange countries, for that he knew all the places of the desert very well, because he was borne in the country adjoining unto it. Not because the pillars and clouds led not the Israelites safely & sound, but because this man was very cunning in pitching and camping an host. Moses would therefore (as they say) have him to instruct the troops of Soldiers which should go forth, and to provide that they going forward, should abide joined together, and should keep the just manner of warlike order. Whereunto this also was a help, for that by reason of his knowledge of the countries he could easily admonish the Israelites of the nature of those places, and how far distant and nigh they were together. Howbeit other say, that jethro so returned to his house, after he had rejoiced with Moses that he returned not unto him again: for as it is to be believed, he was very aged, and therefore he spent the rest of his age with his neighbours and family in Madian, exercising his office either of a prince or else of a priest. Nevertheless they think that he left a son with Moses, called Hobab, to the intent he might be thoroughly instructed by Moses his kinsman, and by Aaron, and other excellent men of the hebrews, in Godliness and knowledge of worshipping of God. Therefore they will have this man to be he, whom Moses spoke unto in the ten of Num. and made overseer for pitching of the camps. Besides that they say that this man's sons & family were now at this present called Kenites. And I myself, to say what I think true, do much agree with this latter sentence.  
For Balaam the Prophet in the .24. chap. of Num. prophesied peculiarly of the Kenites, 
Balaam the Prophet.  that they should have their habitations in the most fenced places, and that they should there abide, till they were led away captives by the Assyrians, & he joineth them (as it appeareth manifestly in that place) with Amelek: for (as I said before) they inhabited all one land with the Amelekites. Wherefore it is gathered that jethro so departed from Moses into Madian, to dwell there continually. And so it might be that Balaam the Prophet joined the Kenites with the Amelekites, of which Kenites nevertheless part were with the Israelites, for as much as jethro (as it is said) left his son with them.  
Besides this in the ten chap. of Num. Hobab was desired of Moses, to come & go with the Israelites, whether they went: who refused to go any farther, because he was minded to return home into his country. For he was left there of his father to be better instructed in the worshipping of God, and he abode with the Israelites till they were ready to departed thence, And then he thought to have returned into his country: but being desired of Moses, he consented at length to journey forth with the israelites. But these things could not have been so, if we should think the Hobab had been jethro, which after he had divided & set his things in order should have returned again to Moses, with the mind & purpose to have gone forward with the Israelits. For what needed Moses to have entreated him to do that, for which cause he came from his own house to do? Or why should he have changed his purpose to return into his own country, which he had before utterly forsaken? Lastly why should he afterward have denied to go, which he had before decreed with himself to do? I know in deed there be some but not many which affirm, that jethro was that Hobab with whom Moses spoke in the book of Num. which thing let them affirm for me, howbeit I thought good to declare what I judged most likely.  
And that the family of the Kenites dwelled long among the Amelekites or very nigh adjoining unto them, the first book of Samuel testifieth, where it is written that Saul called forth the Kenites, lest he should have destroyed them together with the Amelekites. Wherefore it seemeth that part of the Kenites dwelled with the Amelekites, & part with the Israelits, of which both of them were always most friendly to the hebrews. And god declareth that he had excellently adorned them in their public wealth, & that with three principal gifts. For they excelled in the study & knowledge of the law. 
Three things God seemeth to have given to the Kenites.  They were also notable in obtaining of a great victory. lastly they lived virtuously and godly. And concerning the study of the law, wherein they flourished, the first book of Paralipomenon and second chapter toward the end, is a witness unto them. For there is mention made of them with the family of jambes, that is, of Othoniel, and they are said to have been Scribes: whereby it appeareth that the tradition of the hebrews is not to be despised, that in the doctrine of the law, they were the disciples of Othoniel: for they are reckoned in his family. And it is a very common thing, to count disciples in the place of children. 
Jerome.  Jerome also in his questions upon Paral. alloweth this opinion, which (as it is said) seemeth to agree with the scriptures. Neither do I think that for any other cause there is mention made of them in this place among the acts of Othoniel, 
Why mention is made here of the Kenites.  but only because they lived together always with his family most lovingly. They are also counted with the tribe of judah, although they were not of the stock of the Israelites. Wherefore they amongst other were a figure of the calling of the Gentiles. The other notable ornament of theirs in that public wealth was that noble victory, which is declared in the .4. chap. of this book. For jahel, the wife of Aber the Kenite slew Sisara the captain of war of jabin king of Chanaan, and God would by the hand of a woman of this family grant great health to the Israelites. Lastly that they were well mannered, and observers of their father's commandments, the family of jonadab the son of Rechab hath declared. They drunk no wine, which at that time was the manner of the Nazarites, 
Praise of the Rechabites.  and notably despising earthly things they dwelled not in houses, but lived in tents, and exercised the art of a shepherd which is most simple. For which thing they are very much commended of jeremy the Prophet, and adorned with a most ample promiss above the jews, because they had given more service & obedience unto him namely Rechab their parent, than the hebrews had done unto God himself, which nevertheless did continually boast in that father and holy progenitors. Wherefore we know that to be most true which Paul hath taught to the Romans, that they in deed had Abraham to their father, which followed the steps of his faith, they were not jews by nature, but by will and faith were made Proselytes, and in godliness and holiness far passed very many of those which were by nature Iewes.  
We gather moreover hereby, 
It is very profitable for men to join themselves to good & godly people.  that it much availeth us to join ourselves with good men, and with the fellowship of the godly. The Kenites which were the posterity of Hobab, if they would have rested (as the most part of men do) in their own country, and in the place where they were borne, they had fallen at length into the ignorance of God and of his laws, whereby they should easily have been like unto their neighbour Amalek. But because they despising their own things, and kindled with the faith of the promiss of God, joined themselves unto the Israelites, 
What are the most honest causes of peregrination.  therefore God gave them such good success in their things. We ought to remember with ourselves the most honest cause of the peregrination of these men. For all good men travail not into strange countries for one purpose. There be very many, which do therefore often times leave their country, because they may not worship God there after the sincere & lawful manner of worshipping, yea they are grievously troubled there, if they endeavour themselves thereunto. So Abraham was called out of his land and from his kindred, lest he should still have gone forward with his elders to contaminate himself with idolatry. So Christ also said, if they shall persecute us in one city, let us fly unto an other. But there be other, which though they be not letted at home from the true godliness, yet for all that they will go see those places, where they think they may yet get more profit, 
Plato his pergrination is praised.  and be more certainly instructed in things divine and necessary for salvation. For which cause Plato is commended, because he came to the Egyptians, & went to a part of Italy, that is great Grease: he went also unto divers nations, as though he should follow wisdom flying from him. So in like wise Saba the queen is commended in the holy scriptures, which travailed from so far countries to hear Solomon: after this manner the Kenites (of whom we entreat) followed the people of Israel: for although at home they knew & worshipped one God, whose Priest their father also was, yet nevertheless they desired to be still more instructed, and more absolutely to receive the laws, institutions and worshipping of God.  
They are also very much worthy of praise, which do for this cause only travail into other countries to profit others, and to help and deliver them from the miseries wherewith they be oppressed. After which sort the poets have said that Hercules wandered through the world, 
Hercules.  by his might to destroy wicked and hurtful men, which miserably afflicted mankind. Neither did the apostles travail throughout the whole world for any other cause, than to deliver men out of the mouth of the devil, and by the preaching of the Gospel to lose them from their chains of errors. Christ also for this self same cause would travail and journey among men, that by his doctrine and death he might deliver mankind from eternal destruction. Wherefore the Kenites may be numbered with these: for they also adjoined themselves companions with the Israelites, to help them through the desert. For (as it is said) they having good knowledge of those places, might stand the jews in great steed. These counsels are plainly judged good and honest, for whose causes peregrinations which are taken without compulsion, are honest and praise worthy.  
There may be other reasons also of peregrination, which as they be not always to be refused, yet are they nothing to be compared with these, either in praise, or else in worthiness. Wherefore let godly men take heed when they journey into far countries, that they apply themselves as much as is possible unto these causes & reasons now mentioned. And as God hath not defrauded these Kenites of the fruit which they looked for, but made them partakers and that plentifully of those good things which he had prepared for his people, so seeing also he is now the same God which he was then, we must believe, that he will not suffer himself to departed from his accustomed manner and perpetual goodness, so that we observe the good and just causes and reasons of peregrination.  

Seneca What is chief to be observed in peregrination.  But in that thing we have need of great wareness and diligence, namely that chief (as Seneca hath well admonished in his .105. epistle to Lucillas') we depart from ourselves, that is that we lay away our wicked affections, because the changing of places do little profit, if we carry about together with us the same affections, which we had before. Yea and the chief helpeth to the renewing of godliness, that we be made other from ourselves. For what had the good laws, honest manners, and chaste religion which the jews professed, profited the Kenites, if they would have brought their own things with them, and continued in the same wherein they were conversant before? Wherefore they which do travail into other countries for study and godliness sake, ought not to have this purpose before them, to behold the Cities, buildings, rivers, fields, vineyards woods, plays and qualities of men: For all these things although they somewhat delight the beholders, as children which with pleasure do maruayl at every new and strange thing, yet they do nothing, or very little help. The chief cause ought to be, that they only study above all other things to be made better, as touching godliness & doctrine. For if they shall despise this, they shall be said to wander, rather than justly to journey. Let them not therefore retain with them any longer those evils which are to be avoided, yet let them above all things journey from the ignorance of God, from the unskilfulness of the holy Scriptures, from corrupt affections, and from wicked and pernicious examples. This is the just cause of peregrination, which the Kenites by their deed do declare unto us. If the Lacedæmonians had had a regard to this, they would not by their laws have prohibited peregrinations: But I suppose that they regarded this, 
The Lacedæmonians prohibeted peregrinations.  which they marked so to come to pass for the most part, that the citizens in travailing into strange countries, learned of the strangers whom they went to see, not their virtues and wisdom, but rather their vices and errors, and afterward being infected with many evils, they returned into their country, where they destroyed their Citizens by a certain pestiferous contagiousness. Which thing surely no man doubteth but that it is a grievous evil and discommodity to a public wealth. 
Why peregrinations do profit.  And yet we may not therefore decree that all peregrinations are hurtful. For there can be found no City, no people, nor no public wealth in the world, which hath not many things unperfect in manners & laws, which may be amended and corrected by the sight and knowledge of others. 
Licurgu●.  Lycurgus' certainly which made that law, profited much in travailing into strange countries. Yea and the Decemuiri of the Romans went themselves into Graecia, 
Decemuiri of the Romans.  to the end they would know the laws of that people, and by that means they wonderfully provided for their public wealth. And thus much for peregrination.  
And now let us finish this history, judging that the children of Kenite were of that stock which were begotten of Hobab in the wilderness among the children of Israel: And that Hobab was the son of Moses' father in law, & his wives brother germane. Neither ought this to move us because it is said in the ten 
Aben-Esra.  of Num. Chothen because as Aben-Esra there testifieth, that word signifieth not only a father in law, but also the brother of the wife, and some have translated the same word there not for a father in law, but a kinsman. But these Kenites departed out of the field of jericho, that they might obtain possession with the tribe of judah. And therefore they are said to have dwelled with the people. For first they followed them in iourneyeng with them, & now by the same right they are said to have dwelled with them. And they ascended, 
The situation jericho.  because jericho was situate in a valley, and between it an jerusalem was a desert longing to judah, which as it is very likely had in it woody places, and meet for pasture. And that it was so, it is easily gathered out of the Gospel of Luke, where Christ put forth a parable, namely that a man descended from jerusalem to jericho, and fell into the hands of thieves. And certainly if he descended, it is manifest that these ascended, when they followed the tribe of judah going toward jerusalem. And because the place was full of woods, it was an easy matter (especially in the time of Christ when the common wealth of the hebrews was very much out of frame) for it to be full of thieves. There certainly (as far as can be perceived) the Kenites received their lot. And I think I have spoken enough as touching this history.   

17. And judah went with simeon his brother, and smote the Chananites dwelling in Zephat, and utterly destroyed it, and called the name of the City Horma.  
18. And judah took Hazza and the borders thereof, and Ascalon with the borders thereof, and Aekron with the borders thereof.  
Now we are come to that place where the long parenthesis (which I before admonished you of) endeth. And whatsoever followeth after these words: The children of judah fight against jerusalem took it. 
Here the aforesaid parenthesis endeth.  etc. to this place, are declared by a parenthesis. For all those things happened not after the death of josua, but when he was yet living. And now the history returneth to that setting forward to battle which they of judah and the Symeonites took in hand, stirred up by the oracle of God. And therefore it is written: And judah went with simeon his brother, and smore the Chananites dwelling in Zephat, and utterly destroyed it, and called the name of the City Horma. 
The vow of Cherem that is of the curse.  The hebrews did not utterly throw down nor destroy certain cities which they possessed, but dwelled in them. Howbeit some they cursed and clean defaced. And their vow was called in Hebrew, Cherem, of the thing that was promised, derived from this word Charam, which is to waste, to destroy, to kill, to deface, & to give under curse. The Grecians called that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: They called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as things consecrated and put apart. And it may be that so they called them, because they were hanged up in temples, and were separated from the use of men, neither was it lawful to remove them out of that place. Yea and men sometimes were called by that name. Paul also used that word many times, for he saith to the Galathians: Let him be accursed whosoever shall preach any other Gospel. And to the Romans he wished himself to be made a curse for the brethren. And to the first of the Corinthians he saith: he the loveth not the lord jesus, let him be accursed, Maranatha, where he taketh this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this word Cherem, that is, a thing separated and sejoined utterly from man's occupying or use, so that it was wicked either to touch it, or to put it to any use. Wherefore we have a testimony in the book of josua, 
Why the city of jericho was made a curse.  the .6. chap. of the city ●●●●cho. And it seemed to have been so accursed because it was after a sort th● 〈◊〉 fruits of the Cities that were taken. For after they were passed over jordane, it was the first of all the cities that was conquered, and that by no man's help, for that the walls thereof fell down of their own accord, and through the working of God. And therefore it was meet that the spoils thereof should altogether be consecrated unto God. 
Whether the destruction of cities pertain to the worshipping of God.  But that seemeth to be utterly far from the worshipping of God to destroy both cities and men, and these seem to have a show of cruelty, rather than of religion. To that I answer, that the destruction of towns in deed of their own nature, belong neither to religion nor yet to godliness, but so far forth as they are referred to the glory of God. And that may happen two manner of ways. As when that destruction is counted as a certain monument of the severity and justice of God against those nations which he for their wickedness would have destroyed, or as a certain testimony of God's goodness and mercy towards the Israelites, whom in that expedition he mercifully helped. Therefore the overthrowing of the city, houses, men, and beasts, did show the justice and severity of God. And the consecration declared the goodness, help and mercy showed to that people. Moreover God would by that means prove the obedience of his people in abstaining from the spoils which were consecrated unto God. 
God by these curses proved his people.  For we know that soldiers when they have gotten the victory, are hardly restrained from the prey. But they which obeyed not the curse published, were most grievously punished: which the holy history of josua declareth to have happened unto Acham, because he usurped unto himself some of the spoils of jericho. We know also that Saul for this cause was deprived of his kingdom, because he had reserved Agag the king, and certain oxen and fat cattle of the pray which were bound before to the vow of the curse.  

The form of the curse.  Of the form and end of the curse we have spoken enough. For the form is the destruction of cities, men and beasts, and the consecration of gold, silver, iron, brass, precious stones, and costly things, which were appointed only to the use of the tabernacle. But the end was that they might be monuments of God's goodness and justice, 
The end of the same.  and also an exercise and trial of the Israelites. Now resteth somewhat to speak of the matter and efficient cause thereof.  
The matter was, what soever was found on live in those cities, for all that ought to be killed, 
The matter of the same.  and the buildings and other garnishinges of the city ought to be clean destroyed: but as for the ornaments and riches, they were (as it is said) consecrated unto the worshipping of God. But there is to be marked, that none were vowed unto so horrible a destruction, but such as were already declared and known to be enemies of God: for it is not lawful to kill Innocentes. Wherefore they sinned most grievously which so vowed Paul's death, that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed him. And at this day they behave themselves more than wickedly, 
jephre.  which say that they have vowed themselves most cruelly to kill all the Professors of the gospel. Yea, and jephte without doubt was deceived, 
Agamemnon.  which because of his kind of vowing thought that his daughter should either be slain, or else compelled to perpetual virginity. Agamemnon also is to be condemned, which (as Cicero declareth in his book of offices) vowed unto Diana the fairest woman that should be borne in his kingdom. And to perform this foolish vow, he sacrificed his daughter Iphigenia. 
The efficient cause of a curse  But the efficient cause of the vow Cherem, sometimes is God, as it is written in the vii and ten chap. of Deut. For there it is commanded that places dedicated to Idols, altars, images, groves, & monuments should be utterly destroyed, and that was a perpetual curse in the land of Chanaan, and to be always observed. Sometimes the Prince made such a vow, as we read of josua, and sometimes the people, as we find in the .21. chap. of Num. The prophets also sometimes did this, & so Samuel commanded Saul, clean to destroi all things belonging to the Amelekites  
The name of this city, whereof we now entreat, was afterward called Horma, for it was not so called before, and it was so called of the word Cherem. For such a name were they wont to give unto such places as were wasted and destroyed by a curse. In the book of Num. 21. chapter a certain portion of the Chananites, which the Israelites possessed by violence, was by reason of such a vow called Horma.  
But some peradventure will ask, 
These destructions of Cities are not against charity. Augustine.  whether these destructions of towns were against charity? To whom I answer no. Because such enemies were chosen to be utterly destroyed of the jews by the judgement of God, and not by the lust of men. But as touching the love or hatred of enemies, we must understand that Augustine hath written toward the end of the first book upon the sermon of the Lord on the mountain, that he doth ascend one step of righteousness, which loveth his neighbour, although he yet hate his enemy. But then shall he perform benevolence and gentleness at the commandment of him which came to fulfil the law, and not to break it, when he shall stretch it even to the love of the enemy. For that degree, though it be somewhat, yet it is so small, that it may be common also with Publicans. Neither that which is said in the law: Thou shalt hate thine enemy, 
It is not lawful for the unperfect to hate their enemies.  is to be taken as a commandment unto the just man, but as a permission to the weak. Thus much he writeth, with whom (if I should speak as I think) I do not agree, but am certainly persuaded, that to hate our enemies is not permitted of God, no not to the unperfect. For it is an everlasting precept, that we should love our neighbour as ourselves. 
Who is our neighbour.  And he is our neighbour whom we help by any occasion, as Christ hath declared in the parable of the jews and of the Samaritan. They were compared as enemies one to an other, wherefore the condition of enmity when it happeneth, can not let, but that such as are enemies one to an other be yet neighbours. Moreover for as much as we see the David & other prophets did oftentimes curse their enemies, by what means can we call them weak, whom God gave liberty to hate their enemies. For they were holy men and very perfect. 
Augustine,  Neither doth that seem to make much to the purpose, which the same Augustine saith, namely that the sayings of these holy men were no vows & desires, but rather forespeakinges & prophecies of them, who living under the old testament did oftentimes prophecy the chance of things to come. For the apostles are also found in the new testament not only to have spoken words of cursings (as Paul when he saith: I would to god they were cut of which do trouble you) but also to have most grievously punished some. For as much (as it is written in the acts of the apostles) the same Paul deprived Elimas' the Magicien of his sight, and Peter slew Ananias and Saphira. Wherefore we must rather say that these great men did not such things of an hatred granted to unperfect men, but that they were driven thereunto by some other manner of means. 
Mark the distinction.  And therefore me thinketh we must make this distinction, that they sometimes had to do for their own causes, & sometimes for god's cause. When they had to do for their matters, all their doings were ordered with all modesty and gentleness. As we see David to have done, who many times spared Saul his deadly enemy. Moses' also & other holy men did constantly & valiantly very often grievous things. But when the matters of God were in hand, the same men behaved themselves severely & nobly. And if they should have done that in their own causes, they might have seemed to wrest the sword out of the hand of God and of the Magistrate, which they do which revenge their own injuries.  
This is also to be added, that men which are appointed to take in hand & to defend God's cause, 
What is chiefly to be taken heed of when God's matters are in hand.  although they may then do things sharply & severely, yet they must precisely & diligently take heed, that under that pretence, they cocker not their own affections. The apostles when they desired Christ to send fire from heaven upon the Samaritans (as they knew was done in the old time, at the prayers of Helias) were rebuked of the Lord, because they knew not of whose spirit they were, which without doubt was a most apt answer. For they whom God sendeth to execute these offices, ought not now to be counted private or simple men, 
Whether it be lawful to pray against tyrants & to curse them Augustine.  but such as were prepared and instructed of him, to be in his steed upon the earth. But whether it be lawful for private men to pray against ungodly and cruel tyrants, by whom the true worshipping of God is hindered, and to curse them, Augustine answereth, that it is always lawful for godly men to pray unto God against the kingdom of sin. And that may be clean taken away, when the ungodly forsake their wickedness, for whose unfeigned repentance we must always pray unto God. But if they seem passed all hope, it is lawful to pray that their sins may sometimes at the length come to an end: namely that when they are taken away, they might cease both to hinder the worshipping of God, and also to trouble the Saints. For as much as it is not expedient that their sin should escape unpunished, for when it is least without punishment, it is mere unjustice. But when the punishment of God is adjoined unto it, than there is in him less deformity. Wherefore God is of the same Augustine called very well not a cruel tormentor, 
Augustine.  but a just corrector. Moreover, because holy men are very familiar with God, and therefore when by some heavenly revelation, 
Saints sometimes rejoice & also are sorry for the destruction of the wicked.  they are acertained of his will, because they exceedingly love him, they cannot but allow his sentence, yea they faithfully pray that the same may be accomplished. Although (in that they be men) they be both sorry, and also take it grievously to have their neighbours so vexed. After which sort Samuel mourned for Saul the king, whom be knew nevertheless to be rejected of god. jeremy also wept for the captivity which was at hand, and Christ wept for the City of jerusalem which should be destroyed. For they which be men in deed, 
God requireth not the not feeling of the stoics.  can not chose but be sorry for their neighbours and their own flesh when it is afflicted. Neither doth God require of us that Stoic lack of compassion. But as touching this matter, if the Reaver desire to know more, let him look upon my Commentaries to the Corrinthians. But as touching this present purpose, that is to say, that the people of Israel in destroying & cursing of these peoples, followed not their own hatred, but the instinction of God, for they were his lieutenants, and might be called his workmen, when as they destroyed those whom god himself had declared to be enemies, and commanded that they should be destroyed by them.  
And judah took Hazzam, and the borders thereof. These words do all so confirm that those things which are now declared, were done after the death of josua, when the public wealth of the Israelites was governed by elders. For when in the book of josua the xiii chap. those Cities were reckoned which were least unconquered after josuas' death, these cities Haza, Ascalon, and Accaron are expressed by name. But there is a doubt, after what sort these Cities were said to have pertained to the Philistians in the time of Samuel, when Saul did then reign. Yea and the same is written in the third chap. of this book. There are some which affirm that these Cities were not now altogether taken, but so possessed, that the Israelites obtained some part of the land which belonged unto them, which seemeth not very likely unto me, seeing that the history saith that not only every one of these Cities were taken, but that also the ends and borders of them came into the power of judah. Wherefore I would rather judge that their opinion is best, which affirm that judah did now in deed possess these Cities, as it is written, but afterward when the Israelites sinned, they were again driven out of them by the Philistians, who won them again to their own use, and so did win them, that they counted them as most principal dominions, for they did set over each of them certain noble governors. Neither aught that much to move us, because the history doth only name judah now, & speaketh nothing of simeon. For that might be, because the lot of both these tribes was joined together, and they had made a covenant to fight together: therefore when we hear the name of the one, we must therewith also under stand the name of the other. And the name of simeon is rather unspoken of, because God himself in his oracle gave judah the principality in this expedition.   

19 And the Lord was with judah, & he possessed the mountain: for he could not drive out the inhabitants of the valley, because they had iron chariots.  
He possessed the mountain. 
The figure zeugma.  It is written in Hebrew Veioresch Hahar, which if it were properly translated is, he drove away the mountain, which without doubt is a figurative phrase, for the figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added, by which figure, one and the self word serveth for two members, because that word joschebe which is inhabitors, aught to be repeated: that even as it is said that judah could not drive out the inhabitors of the valley, so also must be understand that the inhabitors of the mountain were expelled by him, so that this word Hahar is the genitive case, as is this word Haamak, that is, of the valley. The conquering of both these was painful, because Cities founded upon mountains are by nature of the place well fenced, and they which dwelled in the 〈◊〉 valleys, were very expert in a kind of fence, I mean iron chariotes. But least peradventure we should think that the inhabitors of the mountains were driven out of their place of judah by the strength of men there is set before. And the Lord was with judah. As though it had been said, because they fought by the favour of God, therefore the hilly places were conquered. Wherefore if God had aided them of judah with the like favour in their battle in the valley, they should also have overcome those which inhabited the valley. There seemeth also a cause to be given because they had iron chariotes.  
He that shall read the Iliads of Homer, shall easily perceive that the men in the old time used chariotes in battles, & also the same may be gathered both out of the most ancient histories, & also out of the latter writers, 
Quintus Curtius.  & amongst other Quintus Curtius writing the life of Alexander doth plainly make mention of such chariots in the battle fought against Darius. But I think no writer writeth more plainly of them than doth Livy. 
Titus Livius.  For he in that battle wherein Antiochus was overcome of the Romans, which is in the .4. decade, & seventh book, thus describeth the chariotes which he calleth hooked. He saith that they were fenced chiefly after this manner. 
The description of hooked chariotes.  The points about the draft tree standing out from the yoke, had as it were horns, wherewith whatsoever they met they might thrust it through: and two hooks hung out at each end of the cart, the one even with the cart, the other fastened downward to the earth, the former served to cut asunder what so ever came on the side of it, the other was made to crush them which fell down, or went under. There were also two sundry hooks fastened after the same sort to the exetrees of both the wheels. etc. The use therefore of these chariotes endured till the time that Antiochus was overcome. Howbeit we never read that the Romans used them. And that they were horrible to behold, and hard to be conquered, may manifestly be gathered by the book of josua: For there in the vii chap. when the tribe of joseph complained because it was so many in number, and had obtained so narrow a lot, josua commanded them, that if they had not room enough, they should go and dwell or else conquer the places of their enemies adjoining unto them. They excused themselves, that they could not do that, because their neighbours had iron chariotes. But to repeat more ancienter things, Pharaoh (as it is written in the book of Exodus) when he persecuted the Israelites which fled, is said to have had chariotes, and with the same he took upon him to enter into the sea. But they being overthrown by the power of God, he was punished for breaking his fidelity.  

Iron chariotes cannot resist god  But this is diligently to be considered of us, whether either iron chariotes, or hooked carts can withstand the power and promise of God, which if we shall deny (as in very deed we must deny) why are they then put here as the cause that the victory was not obtained? 
Mark the distinction.  Whereunto I answer, that in this place is set forth unto us the nighest cause, namely that which was seen. And certainly it was a cause, if we should look only upon man's strength. For the Chananites being so armed and appointed could not be overcome of the Israelites, which were weaker than they, 
Why god granted not the hole victory unto judah.  and not so well armed and fenced. But if the power and might of God be considered, the same could not be letted either by chariots and weapons or else by power of soldiers. Why did not God therefore which had given part of the victory, grant the whole also? Kimhi answereth that God did it to prove the Israelites thereby. For if they should have been constrained (as in deed they were) to dwell for a while with these nations, than experience should have tried how much they would set by their God, namely whether they would persever in the lawful woorshypping of him, or whether they would incline to their own mad customs and worshipping of Idols. This in deed is a true cause, and is set forth also in the third chapter of this book, and toward the end likewise of the second. There is also an other cause added, namely to teach them the art and faculty of fighting: for they which lived before their time, had no skill of these things. And it is written in Exodus that it was done that wild beasts should not to much abound, which must needs have followed, if the land should have been brought into a wilderness, before the hebrews could have filled it all. And of these causes I have made mention before.  
But the Paraphrastes Chaldaicus bringeth an other cause besides these, and saith that the children of Israel had sinned: Wherefore he thinketh it was done, that God justly and woorthylye withdrew his aid and gave not unto them when they fought, the whole and full victory. And that, though the scripture do not now express it, may evidently be gathered by other places. For we are very often taught by the holy scriptures that idolatry and sins were just causes why the Israelites sometimes went without the victory promised unto them. And though there had been no other sin, we might allege this, that their faith and prayers were sometimes somewhat more slack than they ought to have been. 
When faith & prayers wax faint, than the victory is taken away.  Which manifestly appeareth in that war which the hebrews made in the wilderness against Amelecke for the enemy overcame, when Moses began to be faint in prayer. And again, the victory was restored unto the people of God, when the faith and prayer of Moses was more earnest and vehement. Sin therefore is not only the cause of death, but it bringeth also all infirmities, weakness and miseries. Contrarily faith is the cause of all strength, might, and victories. Wherefore it is very well written in the xi. Chapter to the hebrews, that the Saints through faith have won kingdoms. Which may and ought to be referred to the spiritual victory. Wherefore john doth faithfully admonish us, when he saith. This is the victory which overcometh the world, even our faith.  
By these may be gathered that God leaveth those destitute of his aid, 
God forsaketh them that forsake him.  which do forsake him. And that may easily be declared by our first Father Adam. Who, as he was created of God, before sin, he had that power of strength and will, that he might if he had would have resisted sin. 
Adam was not altogether forsaken of God after his sin.  But when he filthily fell from God, God also forsook him, but not utterly, howbeit he forsook him so that he lost many of his gifts, and much favour. For God would not have taken so many good things away from him, but that he first had alienated himself from God through sin. After the same sort happeneth it to those which are now borne a new, who although they have not yet recovered a perfect free will, nevertheless for so much as they are somewhat restored, and may now work together with God, if they shall despise the gifts which they have in them, and will not use them as it is meet they should, God will justly forsake them, seeing they shrink first away from him. As we may see in the parable of the Lord, wherein it is written, That the master going into a far country distributed money unto his servants, to be increased by their industry and labour, which thing as many of the servants as did, they were both commended of their master when he returned, and also nobelly rewarded. But he which despised the commandment of his Lord, was grievously reproved, and grievously punished, for the money committed unto him.  
But if we shall speak of the first generation, 
Concerning eternal reprobation, the reprobate are forsaken of God before they forsake him.  whereby we are borne the children of wrath, and we all are of that mass, which lieth under the curse, from which God by his election delivereth whom he will: and whom he will not, he forsaketh according to his own will and purpose, which is always just, though it be hidden from us.  that that is not brought to pass by works foreseen, neither that we have done any good or evil before we were borne, it is manifest, that certain, I mean reprobates, are forsaken of God as touching his election, before that they forsake him by their proper will, for so much as they had not it from the beginning. But we at this present, speak not of this matter, neither will descend into this question. But that which we have now affirmed Augustine hath set forth in the .14. chap. of his Soliloquii animae ad deum. 
Augustine.  Thou Lord (saith he) dost not forsake me, unless I first forsake thee. And in his book de natura et gratia against the Pelagians in the .27. and .28. chap. he elegantly expoundeth after what sort God is forsaken of men before he forsaketh them. 
By pride god is forsaken before he forsaketh.  Among other vices (saith he) pride which is borne in us, is the head of all evils. Which pride useth then to show forth itself, when we are doing well, and when we are in the chief course of the victory. There the vain heart of man is puffed up, so that every man thinketh himself not to be as other men are. This is for the most part, the first departure from God, whereby he again withdraweth himself from us. And even as we do not depart from him by steps, but in heart and affection, so is he separated from us, not concerning place, (for, for as much as he is infinite he occupieth all things) but he withdraweth from us his favour, gifts, grace, and help. 
God useth also to punish the elect to their salvation.   
And when he is so departed, they which are forsaken, undoubtedly fall & come to great misery: which falls yet & miseries (as he is good) he useth as remedies toward his elect, that they may learn that in the same misery which before they had forgotten, namely, that their strength was supported by God, and that it was his mere gift, in that before they did any thing that was good, or attained to any prosperous things: that being so admonished, they might return into the way, and with most faithful prayers to implore of him help, aid, and strength, as they which had now proved, by their own ill, that they had all these things of him when they stood. And after this sort is that interpreted, which the Apostle writeth to the Phil. With fear and trembling, work your salvation. For it is God which worketh in you both to will and also to perform, according to his good pleasure. Wherefore fear and trembling aught always to be driven into us, lest when things go well land prosperous with us we wax proud, and whilst we profit in our renovation and instauration. Then must we always with fear and trembling mark that it is God which worketh in us both to will and to perform. 
We must not live in security  Neither did the Apostle say, live rightly and holily with security: For he which is secure from himself, esteemeth things so, as though they depended of himself, which is not to be suffered, when as it is God himself which worketh in us both to will and to perform.  
But peradventure thou wilt ask, seeing God from the beginning nobly promised unto judah, that he would deliver the land into his hands, and hath not now granted the perfect victory, 
Augustine. Whether the will of god may be changed.  whether he have changed his sentence? Hear what Augustine writeth of the will of God in his .22 book De civitate Dei and first chap. The will of God (saith he) is not changed, but we are changed. But he seemeth after a sort to be changed, when where as before he was gentle unto us, he now appeareth angry: and contrarily where as before he showed himself to be angry, he now in a manner gently offereth himself unto us. Wherefore when we ourselves are changed we do find him after a sort, to be changed in those things which we suffer. Even as the sun seemeth to be changed, when we ourselves are half blind, or that our eyes be grieved by some disease. For he which before was pleasant, merry, and sweet, beginneth now to be troublesome & hurtful, not as touching his own nature (which always abideth one, & is unchangeable) but by reason of our disease & vice, whereunto we are newly fallen. 
What were the causes of the unperfect victory of them of judah.  Wherefore let us more plainly gather the causes of the unperfect victory. The nighest cause and the true cause was, because the Chananites had Iron chariots: for taking away God's help, the hebrews were not like unto them, being so well fenced & appointed. And god (as jonathas the Chaldeian testifieth) withdrew his favour & aid, because they had sinned. Wherefore a just punishment followed them, that they went without the victory. But God which is always very merciful to his elect, useth this punishment to the commodity of the Israelites: namely first to teach them the art of warfare: then the his aid, being withdrawn, they might feel their own weakness, & might see with what manner of enemies they should have to do. Besides this that the earth might not be wasted of wild beasts, & brought into a wilderness. Finally, thereby to try them.  

What temptation is.  Temptation is nothing else, but to take proof or trial of any thing. Wherefore the end of temptation is rightly called knowledge: as they which will pass over a water, 
The end of temptation.  do try out the shallow places, to know the depth of the water: wounds also are tried of Surgeons, to feel the deepness of them. In tempting therefore knowledge is sought. But God needeth not that new and fresh knowledge, for such is his nature, that he knoweth all things most perfectly. But when he tempteth, he only doth it, to lead men to the knowledge of those things which they ought to know. 
To what end holy men are tempted.  Wherefore when he sometimes tempteth good & holy men, he bringeth into light and maketh open the faith, obedience, strength and godliness, which before lay hid in their hearts, that they which see the same things, might glorify God the author of them. And that they which are so tempted, when they have gotten the victory, may give him thanks, and desire of him, that even as he hath done now, so he would vouchsafe to help them continually in temptations Moreover thereby, they do conceive a greater hope, the god will be with them to help them in time to come, when as they see that he hath so lovingly granted unto them the same help now. Wherefore the end of these temptations is, not that God should know those things, whereof he was before ignorant, but that thereby his gifts, favour and grace might not be hidden. But because sometimes it happeneth, that in temptations, even the elect are overcome, god granteth them after their fall, to rise up again from sin a great deal more modest than they were before, which the holy scriptures testify to have been done in Peter and David. The end theyfore of such temptations, is, that we knowing our own weakness, might lay down our peacocks tail, and have a regard to God himself, as to the fountain of all good things. But the reprobate do fall in temptations, 
For what cause the reprobate are tempted.  and that always from one evil to a worse, that their iniquity, unrighteousness and wickedness might be manifested, which before lay hid in their hearts, and whilst they lay hid, they might easily appear unto men, good men. But God will have those things brought to light, that his judgements and condemnation upon them may appear, as in very deed they are most just. And certainly after this manner were the Israelites tempted in the desert, as many as were reprobate.  
If temptations turn to good for the godly, why do they pray against them, 
Whether we may pray against temptations.  when as they pray in the lords prayer, Led us not into temptation? Whereunto I answer, that we may not pray against the first kind of temptation, wherein we get the victory, except peradventure for as much as we are full of imfyrmitye whilst in that battle we overcome the enemy, we also ourselves are in some part wounded. For godly men desire that all fallings, though they be never so little, may be driven from them. 
Temptations wherein we, overcome are not of themselves to be prayed against  Howbeit we may not pray to be rid of these battles altogether, wherein we overcome: Yea holy men have sometimes desired to have the same granted unto them. For David said: Prove me God, burn my reins and my heart, james also saith that such temptations pertain to our felicity when he writeth. Blessed is the man which suffereth temptation, etc. So far is it absent, that it should seem to be prayed against. 
What kind of temptation we must pray against.  But those are to be prayed against wherein godly men slip and are overcome, although at length they turn to them to good: because that in every falling, both God is offended and also his law violated, which we must by all means abhor and detest. For although we persuade ourselves, that thereby some good things will come: yet must we always remember, that the same happeneth not by the desert of sin, but by the goodness of god. And it is a constant rule that sins are not to be wished for, though we might get never so much good thereby. The third kind of temptation whereby men fall into destruction, 
What the godly must wait for when they are tempted with adversity.  must altogether be prayed against, although they which be godly in deed, and the elect of god, are not afeard of the kind of temptation, For as much as they stand not in doubt of their salvation. But the godly must always look for this, when they are afflicted by the goodness of god, that it would please him to mitigate the temptations, and give them strength to bear them, for as much as he hath promised by his Apostle so to do. For it is written to the Corinthians: God is faithful, which will not suffer you to be tempted above your power, but will with the temptation make a way out, But whether god doth stir up men to sins by temptation, shall be afterward declared. But now to the history.   

20 And they gave Hebron unto Chaleb, as Moses said: and he expelled thence the three sons of Enak.  
21 And the children of Benjamin did not cast out the jebusites that inhabited jerusalem: Wherefore the jebusites dwelled with the children of Benjamin in jerusalem, unto this day.  
This sentence is therefore repeated, because now the wars of the tribe of judah are declared, of which wars, Chaleb without doubt was the captain. Wherefore here is declared what he obtained. Namely those things which God would have done (as he had spoken by Moses) as it is written in the first chap. of Deut. and xiii chap. of Num. and xiiii. and xxv. chap. of josuah. But that which is written after it how that the children of Benjamin did not cast out the jebusites that inhabited jerusalem, but dwelled together with them, pertaineth to those things, which the other tribes had to do with the Chananites, and it beginneth with Benjamin for this cause, because that tribe was next to judah, yea and that which is now written of Benjamin, 
The city of jerusalem was common to Benjamin & judah  is declared of the tribe of judah in the book of josuah toward the end of the xv. chap. And I think that that was therefore done, because the city of jerusalem was in the limit of both the tribes, and was inhabited together both of them of judah, and also of the Beniamites. Yea and some affirm that the part of the city where the temple stood belonged to the tribe of Benjamin, and to that purpose do they wrest that, which jacob the Patriarch said on his death bed, when he blessed his son Benjamin: Benjamin is a ravening wolf, early taking his prey, in the morning, and dividing the spoils at even: thinking this oracle to belong to the morning and evening sacrifices of the Temple. But how truly they so do, I will not now reason. But yet they are not so far out of the way, as Augustine, which drew the saying of the patriarch to Paul the Apostle, because he was of the tribe of Benjamin.  

A feigned tale of the hebrews.  I am not ignorant, how the hebrews writ, that the jebusites were not cast out for this cause, because that judas and Benjamin would keep the covenant, which (as it is written in the xxi. chapter of Gen.) was made between Abraham and Abimilech King of the Gerarites, where the most holy patriarch swore, that he would not molest neither the same Abimilech, neither his children, nor yet his children's children, wherefore seeing he and his posterity inhabited jerusalem, and his children's children lived even to this time, they say it was not lawful for the hebrews, for because of their oath given, to cast them out. But afterward under David, the time of the covenant was out, because then were the children's children of Abimilech worn out. And for that cause David did cast out the jebusites out of the city of jerusalem, as it is written in the latter book of Samuel the v. chapter. But these are but fables, yea if we look in the foresaid book of Samuel we shall find, that the strong fenced Castle of that city was the cause that the jebusites were not cast out before.  
For David to the end be would obtain the castle, promised a noble reward to him that could conquer it, namely that he would make him Captain of the whole host of Israel: 
Two causes why the jebusites were not expelled out of jerusalem.  which office joab obtained, because he first of all Conquered the Castle. There were two causes why they of judah and the Beniamites did not cast out the jebusites out of the city. One was because they obeyed not the word of God as they should have done: wherefore they are much to be blamed. The other cause was, because by the providence of God, and his most wise dispensation, the whole victory of these nations was reserved for David and Solomon. For so God abuseth the sins of men, that they hinder not but set forward his Counsels, specially for the advancing of his elect.  
But to return to the hebrews how should they know that the posterity of Abimilech dwelled in jerusalem. The Scripture testifieth no such thing. Neither can they tell whether Abimilech & his stock belonged to the jebusites. Wherefore let us leave their feigned opinion unto themselves, 
jerusalem was in the old time called jebus.  & let us follow this sentence now alleged, as the truer. But this is not to be overskipped, that jerusalem was sometimes called jebus. For as much as the xix chapter of this book testifieth the same, & also the first book of Paralipomenon in the xi. chap. The sum is, the jebusites possessed the castle, which being well fenced, & for as much as God had justly with drawn his help for the Hebrews, they could not be driven out of it, but Benjamin and the tribe of judah obtained the City in the mean time. 
Why Saul & David triumphed in jerusalem.  Unto which city Saul and David went after they had gotten the victory against the Philistians, and David himself brought thither the head of Goliath whom he had slain. Peradventure that city seemed meet for that triumph, because it was common to the tribe of judah and Benjamin, unto which tribes David and Saul belonged. For as David was of the tribe of judah, so was Saul a Beniamite.  
And the jebusites dwelled in jerusalem, unto this day. That is even to the time of Samuel who is thought to have written this book. For afterward came David, when he ruled over all Israel and expelled the jebusites from thence, as it is said.   

22 In like manner they that were of the house of joseph went up to Bethel, and the Lord was with them.  
23 And the house of joseph caused Bethel to be searched (which before time was called Luz.)  
24 And the spies saw a man come out of the city, and they said unto him: show us, we pray thee, the way into the city, and we will show thee mercy.  
25 And when he had showed them the way into the city: they smote it with the edge of the sword. But let the man and all his household go free.  
26 And the man went into the land of the hittites, and built a city, and called the name thereof Luz: which is the name thereof unto this day.  
After the tribes of judah and Benjamin is also declared in a certain order what the other tribes did. The house of joseph comprehendeth with it Ephraim & Manasses. First therefore is declared what those tribes joined together did, afterward shallbe showed of each of their doings particularly. This is chief set first, that God was with them, to make us to understand that this enterprise had good success, because God wrought with them. The name of the city (but afterward) was called Bethel, that is, the house of God, because jacob when he had there seen God and his angels ascending and descending upon a ladder (as it is written in the 28. chap. of Gen:) so named it. 
Luz is not jerusalem.  But in the old time it was called Luz, which word signifieth in Hebrew a walnut, or an Almond or else a filbert Nut, because peradventure that place was set with walnut trees, filbert trees, Almond trees, and the like kind of trees. They are very much deceived, which thought this city to have been jerusalem, for jerusalem was taken long before, neither was it ever called Luz or Bethel. And besides that this city pertained to the house of joseph, 
A forged tale of the jews.  but jerusalem longed to the lot of Benjamin and judah. But that which the hebrews trifle concerning the gate of this city, is not worthy to be rehearsed. For what is more childish than to say, that the way of entrance into the city was through a cave, at the mouth whereof was a nut tree, a tree I say great and hollow, whereby they went down into the cave which would entre into the city, and for that cause it was called Luz. They should have spoken somewhat more likely, if they had said, there had been a gate in some secret part or side of the walls, the coming whereunto should have been by certain turnings, and circuits so that strangers should not easily have found out the way unto the same. 
David Kimhi  D. Kimhi writeth that there were many gardens there.  
If I should speak my fantasy herein, I think that the spies of the Israelites did not ask him which came out of the city for the door or gate thereof, but which was the weaker part of the city or less fenced, that thereby they might the easier take it. 
The third espial mentioned in the scripture  Now is rehearsed in the scripture the third espial. For the first is written in the 13. chap. of the book of Num: And other happened under josuah, when those two searched the city of jericho, whom Rahab the harlot kept with great fidelity, and this is the third which we have now in hand. Although I am not ignorant how joseph in the book of Gen: laid to his brethren's charge that they were espies. 
What in the office of spies.  But the office or work of spies is (as chrysostom sayeth expounding those words of Paul in the second chap: of the Epistle to the Galathians, that there were false brethren entered to espy out our liberty) to know the doings of the adversaries, that they & theirs may have the easier entrance to conquer or repulse them. 
The end of espial.  Now we understand that it is an action, and we see to what end it is ordained. Moreover it cometh from enemies and from the mind of an adversary, but it is done privily and craftily. As it is lawful to fight with enemies by violence and weapons, when war is justly taken in hand: so is it just and lawful to use the art and subtlety of especials.  

Jerome. Espial is a thing indifferent.  Wherefore Jerome upon the 27. chap. of Ezechiel sayeth, that espial, is an indifferent thing, namely which a man may use both well and evil. Moses and josua used it well, and also the house of joseph. If so be that the war be unjust, the espial also serving thereunto must needs be unjust. Wherefore the brethren of joseph, when he said unto them, by the health of Pharaoh, ye be spies, did put that away from them as an injury or a rebuke. 
The punishment of spies.  But the punishment of spies is, if they be taken, all one with the punishment, wherewith enemies are punished when they fall into the hands of their enemies. For it skilleth not whether a man fight with weapons, or by subtlety and craft. Wherefore they must be of a valiant courage, 
Spies must be valiant. josephus.  which for the common profit adventure their life in playing the spies. For it is not every man's office to be a good spy. josephus writeth that the spies which were sent by josua, were Geometricians, because they ought well and clearly to know the situation of the land of Chanaan. And Homer made Ulysses and Dyomedes spies, 
Homerus.  which otherwise were noble men. Paul the Apostle in the Epistle to the Galath. The place before mentioned the second chap. excellently referred the work of espial to cententions of Religion, where he writeth that there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, that there were certain incommers being false brethren, which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, came in. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to espy out our liberty as though he should say, they subtly sought & searched out our opinion, to resist it, and made search with great diligence whether they that were with us kept uncircumcision, and that was to espy out the liberty of the Church, namely that by it, they might overthrow christian's.  
And the spies saw a man come out of the city. For what cause he went forth the history declareth not: but there may be many causes imagined, either for that he went to seek somewhat to serve him for his household, or else because he would fly out of the city being besieged, or finally, that he also might spy out what was done by his adversaries.  
And they said unto him: show us, we pray thee, the way into the city. They speak fair unto the man, & they pray him, the matter is not done by violence, but they go about by friendly words to allure him to betray the City.  

Whether the spies of the Chananites could promise safely?  And we will show thee mercy.  the spies had not the chief government in the publicque: wealth, how dared they promise safety unto this man, especially if they had no peculiar commandment to do it. Thou wilt say peradventure, they did trust that the Senate of the public wealth and Captains of the war would ratify that which they had promised. But the superior power can not confirm that which is done by the subjects, unless it be also lawful for the same power both to promise and also to perform that which they did. And God had prohibited by express words that the Chananites & those proscripte people should have their lives granted them. Peradventure they had before their eyes that example of Rahab the harlot, whose life in the time of josua was not only spared, but also she was received with all that belonged unto her, and had in honour of the hebrews. And thereby they judged that it was in their power, 
The laws made by god against the Chananites might be mitigated.  to promise mercy and safety unto this man. And as touching the commandment of God they thought gods laws not to be so rigorous, but they might be mitigated with some equity, as they remembered was done with the Gabaonites, who were never the less Hevites or Hemorrites. Thou wilt say peradventure: They were so saved, that they were brought into bondage. 
Bondage is a civil death.  And necessity of bondage is a certain kind of civil death: wherefore in that the life of the body was granted them, the commandment of the Lord seemeth not to be violated, for they were killed after a sort. The question is not dissolved by this reason. For God prescribed by law that the Chananites should be put to death, he referred not that to a civil death, but to a natural death: for otherwise Saul might have excused himself, because he killed not Agag the king of Amalek with an outward death. For he might have said that he had already killed him civilly.  
But because we are fallen into talk of the Gabaonites, 
Of the Gabaonites.  I think it good to say thus much of them. 
God ratified the oath performed to the Gabaonites.  First that God did ratify that oath which the Israelites performed unto them, for as much as he aided the host of the hebrews in delivering their city from the other Chananites. But if so be that they had violated the curse, which was set forth of God, he would not then have done it. For, because of the sin of Achan, who had by stealth saved somewhat of that which was cursed in jericho, he did not help his people, but suffered them foully to be slain, when they fought against the city Hay. Besides this it is written in the latter book of Samuel that God plagued the Israelites three years continually with most grievous famine, because the Gabaonites were contrary to the oath slain & of Saul miserably dispersed. Wherefore (according to their request) they had seven of saul's posterity delivered them to be hanged. These are most certain signs that God ratified the covenant which was made with the Gabaonites, although the hebrews did grievously sin because they asked not counsel of God. Augustine saith upon the x. chap. of the judges, 
Augustine,  when he interpreteth that place where it is written, that God promised josua that he would be with him in the defence of the city Gabaon. For he said, be not afeard: for I will deliver them (namely the Chananites which besieged that city) into thine hands, if this league (saith he) now made with the Gabaonites had displeased God, then would he have commanded josua, not to take in hand that expedition, but rather to have broken the covenant made with that nation. But contrarily he encouraged him, and of his own accord, not called upon, promised to aid him in the fight, as it may appear by the history.  
But why he did allow the league so made, 
Why God allowed the league made with the Gabaonites.  there may be two reasons given for it. One (which is there mentioned) because they had bound it with an oath. And if the Israelites should have violated that, their neighbours would have counted them as irreligious and ungodly, and their God should have been mocked and contemned. Wherefore lest the name of God and the fame of the Israelites should have been evil spoken of, it was ratified, although it was unwisely and without praise performed. The other cause is, 
The Gabaonites were turned to the true God.  because the Gabaonites did now believe in the true God, and were ready to embrace his religion and worshipping. Which may easily be gathered by two arguments. For they said (as it is written in the ix. chap. of the book of josua) that they came in the name of the Lord being therefore moved thereunto, because they had heard what things God had done for that people's sake both in Egypt, and also in the desert, and likewise about jordane. This is a token, that they now believed the God of the Israelites. Moreover the same appeareth in that they were appointed by the hebrews to carry and to prepare wood and also to draw water for the sacrifices which were done unto the true God. Therefore they were made labourers and servants of the tabernacle, and of the tribe of Levi, whereof they were called Nathinites.  

Nathinites.  And that the laws which were made of God against the seven nations which inhabited the land of Chanaan were by this equity to be interpreted and mitigated that if they returned to the true God, & would make peace with the jews, they should not be destroyed, it manifestly appeareth by that which is written in the xi, chap: of the book of josua, namely how those nations were therefore destroyed, because none of them (the Gabaonites only excepted) made peace with the Israelites. For God, to the end he would extinguish them, had hardened their hearts, and therefore they most obstinately fought against the Israelites.  

Why god hardened the hearts of the Chananites.  But the cause why God so hardened their hearts was, because their sins were full. Wherefore they believed not as did the Gabaonites, neither adjoined they themselves unto the Israelites. And for that cause they continually resisting them, fought so unluckily, that at length they were clean destroyed. But if so be that they had made peace with the jews, and not despised their godliness and religion, they should have had the same given them which the Gabaonites had.  
But in that they did not so, their former sins were the hindrance thereof, for God for those sins took away his spirit and grace from their hearts, that at the last they might suffer most just punishment for their wickedness. This is the equity and mitigations of those laws against the Chananites.  

Why the Gabaonites were brought into bondage.  But there ariseth a doubt, why the punishment of bondage was imposed to the Gabaonites, if they now became so good and faithful. Whereunto is answered, that they therefore fell into bondage, because they used fraud and guile.  
For God would for this cause have them so punished, lest he should seem to allow deceit and evil arts.  

Whether the Luzite repented Jerome.  Now resteth to inquire what this betrayer of Luz did, whether he believed and embraced the true worshipping of God. Out of the holy scriptures we can gather nothing of this thing. Peradventure it may seem to some, that he abode still in his ungodliness, because he went away from thence, neither abode he with the jews. But this is but a weak reason. For jethro also departed from Moses, whom he came to see in the desert, although (as I think) he left his son with Moses. Neither would Christ have all those continually with him whom he healed, and which believed in him: yea he said to one of them, who would have dwelled with him, return to thine own and show unto them what hath happened unto the. etc.   

¶ Of Prodition or treason.  
THis place admonisheth us somewhat to entreat of Prodition or treason, and it is demanded, whether it be at any time lawful: or whether it be always forbidden? 
Jerome  Jerome de optimo genere interpretandi to Pammachius saith, that princes in deed do admit treason, but they condemn the traitors, 
Antigonus.  whereunto agreeth the saying of Antigonus the king, which is, I love traitors so long as they are in betrayeng, but when they have betrayed I hate them. Plutarch rehearseth the same of Rhimotalcus' king of the Thracians, 
plutarch.  who fell from Anthony to Augustus, and after his victory, boasted of the same among his cups, 
Augustus.  and that so insolently and above measure, that Augustus turning him to his friend, said this sentence of him, I allow the treason, but I praise not the traitor. Which sentence though it seemeth allowable and just at the first sight, yet ought it not to be counted either true or wise. For if wise men will allow and praise any action, they must also praise and allow the author thereof. Neither doth any man that lawfully unto others, which he would not suffer himself. And there is no man which would be content to be betrayed himself or any of his. 
Lasthenes.  Furthermore one Lasthenes when he had betrayed his country Olinthus to the Macedonians, & thought that for the same he should have been highly honoured of them, it happened far otherwise unto him. For he was called of the soldiers a traitor every where through out the camp. Wherefore he grievously complained of the same matter to Philip the king, who made him answer. 
Philip of Macedonia.  That his Macedonians were very rude & rustical people which knew not how to call things by any other name, than by their own & proper name. They call (saith he) a boat, a boat. This was as if he should have answered,  thou art such a one, thou oughtest not to be called by any other name. 
Asconius Paedianus.  Asconius Paedianus in secundam verrinam saith, that to betray is worse than to besiege. For the enemies (saith he) besiege, & it ought not to be counted a vice in them. But they betray which would seem friends, and aught to be such in deed towards us. And therefore when they depart from their office of friendship, 
Jerome. Theodosius the Emperor.  they sin far more grievously than do the other. Jerome also in the place before alleged De optimo genere interpretandi ad Pammachium, showeth how Theodosius the Emperor put to death Hesychius the consul, because he opened the letters of the patriarch Gamaliel, neither was that any marvel, because with the Romans it was death, to open the secrets of any man, as it is written in the digests De re militari, in the law Omne, & in the third law & in the Codice de commerciis & mercaturis And in the digests. Ad legen juliani maiestatis in the law 1. 2. 3. he the giveth over munitions committed to his charge, falleth into the danger of treason.  
The example also of Camillus is worthy to be noted, 
Camillus.  who commanded the schoolmaster of the children of the Phaliscians' to be with stripes brought home of his disciples into his country, because he would have betrayed them. 
The Physician of Pyrrhus.  The Physician likewise of Pyrrhus, which promised unto the Romans that for their sakes he would kill his king, was by them detected unto the king, that he might the diligentlier beware of him. Whereby peace followed between Pyrrhus and the Romans. Esay in the xvi. chap: doth therefore vehemently rebuke the Moabites, because they had so cruelly entreated the Israelites when they were oppressed of their enemies, and admonisheth them, not to betray the jews flying unto them in their time for succour. And Paul writeth in the latter Epistle to Tymothe, that in the latter times there should be men corrupted with most grievous and mischievous deeds, among which he reckoneth traitors also. Besides this the citizens are sworn unto the Magistrates, to defend the city or public wealth when need shall require. And though they were not sworn, 
The members of all living things do endanger themselves for the nobler parts.  yet the natural and common law requireth the same of them: which thing the members of all living things do testify, which do willingly and most readily endanger themselves for the body, and for the nobler parts thereof, I mean the head or heart. Which self thing the citizens are by the laws of nature bound to do for their country, if it be in danger. Wherefore if they should betray it, they can not be excused, but that they sin most grievously.  
But it were good before we go any farther, to define what prodition is. 
What is to betray.  To betray seemeth in Latin (as much as needeth to this present purpose) to signify three things, namely to bewray, to deceive & deliver up. Prodition therefore is an action, whereby by guile, bewrayeng or delivering up, our neighbours or their goods are hurt, and that especially of those, which ought rather to defend the same.  
But there be many kinds of prodition. For they do betray, 
Many kinds of prodition. Augustine.  which do by subtle guile detect the faults of their brethren Augustine. confirmeth this kind of prodition in his 2. question first, chap. Si peccaverit, where he saith reprehend thy brother secretly, of whose sin thou hast private knowledge: for if thou shalt do it before all men, thou shalt not then be a corrector of sin, but a betrayer. Also he which circumventeth an other, & bringeth him into danger, he betrayeth him. Wherefore Jerome (as it is written 24. question the 3. chap. Transferunt: 
Jerome. ) saith that the same belongeth principally unto false Prophets & evil Pastors, which by their evil doctrine and examples destroy the sheep of Christ committed to their charge, whom they ought to defend. They are numbered amongst them, which deliver castles and munitions unto their enemies. Whereof it is written at large, 22. question the .5. chap. De forma. They are also counted betrayers, which do detect & open secrets committed unto them, especially such as are of great weight, & bring in danger the life, estimation or goods of their brethren. And this kind is noted in the title. 
chrysostom.  De paenitentia, distinct. 6. chap. Sacerdotes. Finally chrysostom upon Matthew the .25. homely, as is alleged in the decrees 11. question the third, and chap. Nolite timere. Not only they are said to betray the truth, which in the place of it speak a lie, but they also which do not freely profess the same. Wherefore there are reckoned many ways or kinds of prodition. But we will not speak of them all now presently: but only will touch those kinds which make for our purpose.  

One man some times is both a betrayer and a spy.  Howbeit I think it good, this to be added, that some judge that prodition & espial do not much differ one from another, and that it may sometimes come to pass, that one man may be both a betrayer & a spy. For if any Citizen be corrupted with money by the enemies, the same is both a betrayer of his country, & is also in the mean time a domestical spy. But this seemeth not to be wisely spoken, because the nature of these things (as it appeareth by their definitions) doth very much differ, although sometimes they cleave both in one man, so that the same man, may be both a betrayer & a spy. Even as music & Grammar differ much one from an other, & yet it oftentimes happeneth the one man is both a Grammarian & a physician. Nevertheless the difference (which I have before mentioned) is for the most part observed, although not always, namely that espial cometh of enemies, and prodition of them which be amongst us, whom we trust as friends.  

Whether prodition be at any time lawful. Augustine.  But to the end we may the plainlier know, concerning prodition, whether it be at any time lawful? I think it best to call to memory those words which Augustine writeth against the letters of Petilianus the second book and 10. chap: We may not (saith he) hear the complaints of such as suffer, but seek out the mind of them which are the doers. This the man of God wrote against the Donatists, which accused our men, as betrayers & persecutors. And to them he answereth the Paul also delivered up some to Satan, whose salvation nevertheless seemed to be committed to his charge: but for all that, because he did it of a good mind, namely to teach them not to blaspheme, and that their spirit might be saved in the day of the Lord, he could not be accused either of treason, or else of delivering up, because (as it is before said). The complaints of them which suffer are not to be heard, 
What prodition is good.  but we must seek out the mind of the doers. Wherefore when war or controversy shall happen between any, of which the one part is known to have a just & good cause, if the other part which defendeth the worse cause, & therefore doth unjustly, will by no means be brought to any good & reasonable conditions, surely good men which peradventure are found on the same side, aught in such sort to help & to defend the other part as they may advance justice. And if it be need, they ought to fall from the unjust to just men. Neither can their prodition be condemned justly as ill, although before they were never so much friends & very nigh unto those, which work unjustly.  

What cause the Israelites had against the Chananites. Epiphanius:  Now must we speak somewhat of the Israelites cause against the Chananites which may be considered of us two manner of ways, namely either by common law and ordinary law of nature, or else by faith, and by the word of God. Concerning the natural or common law Epiphanius writeth that the land of Palestine pertained in very deed to the children of Sem, by occasion whereof Melchisedek reigned there, which was either Sem himself, or else one of his children. But the Chananites which came of Cham, passing over the bounds of egypt and Africa, which were appointed unto them, did cast out of Palestine the sons of Sem. And therefore the hebrews, which were the posterity of Sem, when they required to be restored to their Father's lands, seemed to do it justly, and rightfully. Wherefore (as he sayeth) GOD did both restore unto the Israelites the countries which belonged unto their ancestors, and also punished the Chananites for their wickedness, and this he did all with one and the self same work. Howbeit I can not easily agree to Epiphanius opinion, for there was past prescription of very long time, for at the least there were five hundredth years. Wherefore it could not be said that the Chananites possessed that land unjustly. If we should go by this reason now in our time, then should there be none in a manner counted a lawful prince and just possessor, when as their ancestor came to the possession of those provinces and kingdoms by violence, driving out botht the kings and the inhabitors that were in them before. Wherefore the Israelites seemed not to have any just causes by man's law, by which they might make claim unto the land of Palestine as to their own, neither alleged they at any time any such reason. And yet for all that they had good right thereunto for as much as god testified as well by words as by wonderful works, that it was his will that the hebrews should have the possession of those regions, to whom (as David hath well said) both the earth and the fullness thereof belongeth. Neither could the Chananites murmur against the judgement of God, for as much as they were justly cut of from their right, for their sundry and manifold wicked Acts. Wherefore none could in this cause justly defend the Chananites if they will cleave to the true God, and believe his words. Whereby it followeth that this Luzite which betrayed his citizens did it either of faith, as did Rahab in jericho, or else by some human bargain. For the keepers or spies said unto him, We will show thee mercy. If he were stricken with fear, how could that (as they say) happen unto a constant man (for he was after a sort a prisoner, and was fallen into the hands of his enemies) then was he brought to it by human convention, and then did he foully, for it is not lawful for any man, to make any filthy covenants against his country. Neither can he be excused because of fear, 
It is not lawful for any man to make any filthy covenants against his country.  for nothing is to be done against justice and conscience, although what fear so ever he should be stricken with, but if he were stirred up unto it by faith, and for that he saw his citizens obstinately to resist the word of God and his works, than he did well, neither can his treason be either disallowed or else condemned. For no laws, no vows, no covenants or bonds, though they be never so straight, 
Fear must not cause us to do any thing against justice.  can bind any man to fight against or to resist the word of God: which word all men must earnestly labour to have done and fulfilled. For this sentence abideth and shall perpetually abide: That we must obey God more than men. Neither can any man (as Christ sayeth) serve two masters, specially if they command contrary things. 
It is lawful for the magistrate privily to send inquisitors.  Moreover the Magistrate is to be aided in rooting out of vice and naughtiness, and to him without doubt is lawful privily to send men, to make inquiry, and to deject wicked Acts, that the offenders may be punished, and (as God hath commanded) that evil may be taken away from the world. Yea and it is also lawful for him to offer rewards to men confederated together for some ill purpose, 
It is lawful for them to offer rewards to conspirators to open their conspiracy. Augustine  to allure them to open and detect the conspiracy, because that assuredly pertaineth to treason. Howbeit heresy is never either to be dissembled, or to be praised, or any wicked Act to be committed that lawful kind of treason should have good success. Wherefore Augustine in his latter book of Retractions testifieth, that he wrote his book de Mendatio chief for this cause, because some, to the end they would detect the Priscillianistes, feigned themselves to be followers of the same heresy, for that the same Priscillianistes when they were accused, 
Of the Priscillianistes.  affirmed with great stoutness, that they were far from any such doctrine. But for all that afterward they disclosed themselves unto those, whom (being deceived by their dissimulation) they thought they might well have trusted. But Augustine in the same book De mendatio, teacheth that by this dissimulation of the Catholics, very many evils & dangers chanced. For there they commend Priscillianus, they unjustly praise his book which is entitled Libra, they allowed the heresy, pronouncing many things which could not be spoken without blasphemy. Moreover that which they did was dangerous: for if they which after this sort dissembling were of any authority or estimation, the heretics might by their commendation be confirmed in their opinion, & those specially with whom they did so dissemble. For those peradventure were Priscillianistes before (although not very firm & constant) which after they heard their heresy to be praised of a grave man, did then stick more & more in their error. Furthermore in thus dissembling, and being conversant with the Priscillianistes, the dissembler also might easily fall into danger, that he himself at length might become of a Catholic, a Priscillianiste. And finally the heretics themselves by the dissimulation of our men, might easily gather, that they did very well, in hiding, dissembling and denying their doings. But that betrayeng is sometimes lawful in a just cause, and such a cause as is without the dangers above mentioned, not only the reasons which we have before alleged do declare, but we may also prove it by very many examples written here and there in the scriptures. 
The Gabaonites. Rahab.  The Gabaonites betrayed the rest of the Chananites, when they fell from them to the hebrews. Rahab also betrayed her public wealth or king, in receiving, hiding, and sending away them which were deadly enemies unto it: who is said nevertheless in the Epistle to the hebrews to have done those things by faith. 
jahel.  jahel also the wife of Aher the Kenite betrayed Sisara, for she by a marvelous craft slew him whom she had called into her and closely hidden: as it shallbe afterward declared in his place in this history of the judges. 
jonathas.  Yea and jonathas the son of Saul betrayed unto David the will and counsels of his father, as it is written in the first book of Samuel. 
Husay the Arachite.  Besides all these Husay the Arachite betrayed Absalon the son of David, when he withstanding the counsel of Achitophel did thrust in his own counsel which was far worse, and showed all things unto David. I might bring in a great many more examples. But I think these are sufficient for the aware reader.  

Certain cautions are to be added to lawful prodition. The first caution.  Now resteth only to declare certain cautions or provisoes, wherewith lawful treason is to be decked and adorned, and not to be condemned. The first is, that he which betrayeth be by a certain faith assured that the cause is just which he advanceth: which can not be done, except that he have sure proof of the goodness thereof by the word of God. Neither do I at this present argue, whether the same word be revealed unto him in heart, 
The second caution.  or whether it be opened unto him in the holy scriptures. Then must he take heed, that being now well assured of the righteousness and honesty, whereunto he is inclined, he be only provoked thereunto with the love thereof, and not with the hope of reward or gain, or for fear of any misfortune, which he desireth to escape, or to satisfy his hatred and enmities deceived. 
The third caution.  For so should he seek his own, and not justice, neither the obedience of his faith, and of the will of God. Furthermore it is very necessary that a man be not driven to that but then when all other kind of remedies want. For Rahab so did: for except she had then so kept the Hebrew spies, they had been by man's reason undone, neither was there then any other way to save them. And certainly it oftentimes chanceth, that all other ways & means being tried, the worse part will not be brought to soberness, so that there is no other remedy, but only by prodition. And I would therefore have these cautions diligently observed, because that men are to much prone to proditions, and that such as are both filthy and wicked. Wherefore we must take heed that by the example of good men they flatter not themselves as though they were innocent. 
The fourth caution.  Moreover Paul hath admonished us not only to avoid that which is evil itself, but also the show thereof. Howbeit we must understand this doctrine of his in such sort as we may accomplish it. For it is lawful sometimes to commit a thing which is evil to see to, but not evil in very deed: whilst yet there is hope that the thing may be strait way made plain, so that the which at the first sight seemed evil, may manifestly be known to be good. So the Apostle himself circumcised Timothe, and shaved his head, which of themselves and in very deed were not evil, although they seemed to have had a certain show of evil unto certain of the Ethnics which were converted, & were not yet well strengthened. 
The fifth caution.  Finally perjury or lying are not to be mingled with those proditions which may be allowable. For as much as it is manifest by the Apostolical rule, the evils are not to be committed, whereby good things may follow. I know there be some which go about to defend those kind of lies which are called officious or honest. 
Honest and officious lies are not to be allowed. Augustine.  But Augustine doth not allow that. Whose reasons they which are desirous to know, let them read his book Ad Consentium. I assuredly agree unto his opinion. For though there were no other reason, yet me thinketh this were sufficient, because the liar bringeth himself out of credit, whereby nothing that he afterward speaketh can scarcely be believed, for they which hear it will suspect it always as a lie. And besides this that scripture doth every where detest lies. And we are commanded (as Peter saith) to speak as it were the words of god. And these words are pure, neither must we grant that there is any lie found in them, as Augustine hath very well written unto Jerome. 
What is to be answered concerning the lies of the saints.  And though we read that the saints did sometimes lie, yet we must either not excuse them, seeing they were men, or else we must think that it was done by the will of god. For than the action, which of his own nature, appeareth to be vicious, ceaseth 〈◊〉 to be sin, when it is manifest that god hath commanded the same. And after this sort Abraham is excused, in that he would have killed his son. The Israelites also are defended, which when they departed, took away with them, those things which they had borrowed of the Egyptians.  
These cautions at this present offer themselves unto me, 
He answereth to the reasons put in the be-beginning.  whereby may be adorned this kind of prodition, which may be allowed or defended, which otherwise is a thing to be cursed & detested, as it is manifest that the prodition of judah was. Neither can the reasons which I have alleged in the beginning, any thing hinder but that some prodition may be approved. We declared first by the authority of Jerome, 
To the first.  Antigonus, augustus, & Philip of Macedonia the traitors have been accustomed to be evil spoken of. I answer that therefore that happened, because proditions for the most part lack these cautions before declared. For they which are traitors have not for the most part a respect to that which is just & honest, neither are they sure of the will of god, neither have they any sure proof that the cause is right which they follow, but are only brought to betray for hatred, & for their own commodity, & for fear & wicked affects. And they might also oftentimes have defended justice by other ways & means. Besides this they are not afeard therein to make lies, & to commit manifest sins. Furthermore I repeat that again which I said before, that it was evil said of them in pronouncing that they loved that treason, & hated the traitors: seeing either seemeth either equally to be allowed, or else equally to be condemned. And to be brief, the testimonies which were brought can only take place in naughty & damnable treasons. And to such as consider of themselves, that they would not themselves nor theirs to be betrayed, & therefore will not that any kind of prodition should be counted good, we must answer as S. Augustine saith. That the complaints of such as suffer are not to be heard, but we must seek out the mind of the doers.  
Secondly we declared by the opinion of Appianus, 
To the second.  that prodition was far worse than besieging, because this namely besieging is done by enemies, but the other by friends. We will easily grant to that: for if a naughty and unjust prodition be conferred also with an unjust besieging, 
As some besieging is just, so also is some prodition good  than shall prodition be judged far worser, for as much as it cometh from friends, of whom we look neither to be hurt, nor yet to receive any damage. But even as some besieging is found just, what inconvenience shall it be then, or not agreeing with the truth, if some prodition also be found just? The comparison therefore of Appianus, is so to be understand, that either of the things compared together be evil. For as the Grammarians say, the comparative degree always requires the positive degree, wherein the comparison is made. And in that Theodosius the Emperor (as Jerome testifieth) did put to death a betrayer, it is no marvel, when as the Roman laws so ordained in the digests, & in the Codice as it is before showed & they determine so of the prodition, whereby places of munnition are delivered up to the enemies, 
Evil prodition is to be counted among most grievous crimes.  & likewise for treason. And assuredly that prodition which is evil, aught to be counted for a most grievous crime. For if thereby come any loss of name or fame, then is it against the commandment of god, which commandeth. Thou shalt not bear false witness. But if it bring loss of good and possessions, then is the commandment broken which is ordained against theft. Finally if it be the cause of loss of body & life, it violateth the precept, wherein god hath commanded, Thou shalt not kill. And there is no doubt, but that of proditions such murders oftentimes happen: for the inhabiters of cities which are betrayed, are wont to be slain of their enemies. 
Naughty proditions are justly punished with death.  Wherefore when that war is unjust, the wicked betrayer is guilty of the murder which thereof followeth. And therefore if laws or princes have ordained death for this wicked crime, I think it is not unjustly done: but the letteth not, but that there may be good proditions found. Who doubteth but that thieves should be hanged, when as nevertheless it ●s lawful in just war to take spoils from the enemies.  

To the third.  The Romans (as it was afterward declared) took vengeance of the schoolmaster of the children of the Phaliscians', & they detected unto Pyrrhus his physician which would have betrayed him. These things are true in deed, but I may easily answer that the Romans had here a regard to two things. First that these (namely the schoolmaster & the Physician) had not in that which they did, a regard to justice, but were only stirred up thereunto by covetousness or hatred. Wherefore they seemed to have deserved not a reward but a punishment. Furthermore that Romans had a wondered great desire of glory, which they called valiantness of mind. And being stirred up with that, they thought that victory in a manner unworthy, which they got not by force, but after this sort, which seemed to be very cowardly. And it is possible, that they thought to win those against whom they warred, and rather by benefits, or at the  way no less by benefits than by force.  

To the fourth. The Edomites ●nd Moabites did unjustly betray the jews.  Isai (as it was said) admonished the Moabites in the name of God, that they should not betray them which did fly unto them, because they seemed to do that of envy and malice, and not that they were desirous to set forward the will of God. For God had not commanded the Moabites to afflict the Israelites. Wherefore when the hebrews were betrayed of the Moabites or of the Edomites, that could not be done but of cruelty, for as much as the laws of neighbourhed & kindred were violated. And that Paul spoke unto Timothe of a wicked prodition, it is more manifest, than I shall need now to declare.  

To the fift.  Lastly were objected oaths & laws of nature wherewith citizens are bound to defend their country. Of which I answer, that all these are so far forth to be observed, as long as the oaths and promises be not against the word of god and good laws. Which thing if it be afterward known, them are they of no force, yea they are then utterly void. To these I add, that it manifestly appeareth by the cautions now alleged, that we must neither for swear nor lie, whereby a laudable & good prodition should succeed. Wherefore they which swear unto their magistrates, 
The prodition of the Counsel holden at Constantia.  & promise to defend the city, can not be excused, when their mind is to betray & to deceive. This have the Antichrists done in the counsel holden at Constantia. For that they might then easier allure thither john Husse, & Jerome of Praga, they promised him safety by public faith. And therefore they can not defend their prodition (admit it were nothing else) as just and honest. But they were without doubt treacherers and wicked betrayers in swearing & promising that by their letters which they would not perform.  
But now we must return to the history. 
How the Luzite might be suffered of the israelites to go in safety.  It is not certain (as it is said) whether this Luzite had faith, or whether he were an infidel. If he had faith, his prodition is to be commended, otherwise it is to be discommended. But if he believed not, neither cleaved unto the true God, why did the Israelites let him go? Forsooth because he of his own will went into banishment. Neither seemed this to be against the counsel of God. For God would therefore have those people cut of, lest they dwelling together with the hebrews should have given them an occasion of falling and offence. Wherefore when they departed, and chose wilful banishment, that came to pass, which God would have to be done. But thou wilt say: By this means might all those nations have been sent away, 
Why the Chana●it s departed not, & give place to the Israelites.  neither ought they to have been slain as god had commanded. What might have been done I need not to answer, for as much as that is demanded which could not be done. For so many and so great were the sins of those nations, that they utterly deserved death. Wherefore god taking away his spirit from them, did so harden their hearts, that they endeavoured not themselves to departed, but rather to resist the Israelites as much as in them lay. They made many battles therefore, in which as god had ordained, and as they had deserved, they came to utter destruction, although a very few of them were saved in departing, or else in embracing the true religion.  
And they smote the city with the edge of the sword. This is not to be ascribed to cruelty, but rather to obedience and religion toward the true god: for so was it his will to be done, and so had he commanded.  
But they let the man and his household go free. How they could discern this man's family from the rest it is not written. But it is most likely that either he entered with the Israelites into the city, or else he showed unto them his house, by some token, whereby they might leave it safe and untouched according to their purpose. Rahab certainly in jericho hung a purple cord in the window of her house, to avoid the misery and sacking of the soldiers.  
And the man went into the land of the Hithites, Kimhi writeth that these Hithites were none of those seven nations, which were commanded to be destroyed in the land of Chanaan. But he declareth not what these Hithites were. And these are the names of those nations, which should have been destroyed of the Israelites. The Chananites, the jebusites, Hemorrhites, Gergesites, Pheresites, Hithites, and Hivites. These are the nations which god commanded to be weeded out of the land promised unto the Israelites. But this is to be noted by the way, that there is a difference between these words Kethim and Chethim, for that which is written by Kaph signifieth, as they interpret, the Italians, or such as dwell in Islands, or the Macedonians: and that word is found in Esay, jeremy, and in the book of Num: where the prophecies of Balaam are mentioned. But that word which is written with this letter Cheth, signifieth either one of the seven nations of the country of the Chananites, or else those to whom it is said that this Luzite went.  
And he built a City, and called the name of it Luz. 
The manner of banished men in building or adourning of citi●s.  So men that were driven out of their country were wont to do, that being moved with the love of their country, to call the places which they did build, either by the name of their country which they left, or else to build them as near as they could in form like the other. So it is said that Aeneas did in Italy build Troy, & the city of the Pisites was in the same country built by the Grecians. Like wise the Israelites leaving the land of Palestine, decked up a city granted unto them in Egypt, like unto jerusalem, building a temple there, ordaining also Priests and sacrifices, as they had before in jerusalem. In which doing they sinned most heinously, although nevertheless they were moved thereunto by the love of their country which they had forsaken.  
Unto this day. The time of Samuel is by those words noted, who is thought to be the writer of this history. And by this sentence the hebrews do gather, that that City and the name thereof, endured to the time of Samuel.   

27 But Manasses did not expel Beth-Sean, with her towns, and Thaanach with her towns, the Inhabiters of Dor with her towns, the inhabiters of jibleam with her towns, neither the inhabiters of Megiddo with her towns. And the Chananites began to dwell in the land.  
28 And it came to pass, that as soon as Israel was waxed mighto, they put the Chananites to tributes, and expelled them not.  
29 In like manner Ephraim expelled not the Chananites that dwelled in Gazer, and therefore the Chananites dwelled still in Gazer among them.  
30 Neither did Zebulon expel the inhabiters of Kitron, neither the inhabiters of Nahalol, wherefore the Chananites dwelled among them, and became tributaries unto them.  
31 Aser also did not cast out the inhabiters of Acho, and the inhabiters of Zidon, & of Achlab, Achzib, Helbab, Aphik, and Rehob.  
32 And the Aserites dwelled among the Chananites the inhabiters of the land: for they did not drive them out.  
33 Neither did Nephtalim drive out the inhabiters of Bethsemes, nor the inhabiters of Bethanath: but dwelled amongst the Chananites the inhabiters of the land: and the inhabiters of Bethsemes, and Beth-Anath became tributaries unto them.  

The sins of the Israelites.  In this place the holy history setteth forth the sin of the Israelites, in that they did not cast out and destroy those people's, as God had commanded them, but made them tributaries unto them. Before the other tribes Manasses is reckoned: and the names of his Cities, which are here mentioned, are rehearsed in the book of josuah, the, 17. chap. where almost these self same words are rehearsed, namely how Manasses although he did not conquer them, did for all that make them tributaries unto him. But that is not so to be understand, as though this sin were then committed: for as long as josuah lived, the people did not so openly fall, yea rather the people did their duty diligently all josuas time, and all the time of the Elders, which had seen Moses, and had lived together with josua, as we shall hear strait way in this book: but these things are spoken in that place by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, by anticipation.  
And the hebrewe phrase is to be noted, namely: And Benethiah, that is, her daughters. For it signifieth little suburbs, towns and villages, which when they are compared with greater cities, do seem to be daughters of those Cities. The same kind of speaking is used also in other languages. 
Cities called Matrices and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scithopolis.  For we call often times the principal Cities Matrices, that is, chief Cities, and the Grecians call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Beth-San was a City in the tribe of Manasses, which was afterward called Scythopolis, of which city both Ptholomey and also Jerome have made mention. Thaanach is reckoned to be ten miles distant from Cesaria, in the way to Ptolemais.  
But the Chananites began to dwell in the land. This hebrewe word joel, which the latin interpreter translateth presumpsit, and we have turned it caepit, that is, began, signifieth also to will, to be at rest, and to swear. The sense seemeth to be this, that the Chananites, seeing they were not rooted out, would have gladly been content to have tarried in those places, where before they dwelled, and that peradventure with a bond and an oath, but in such sort that they would have given a certain tribute unto the Israelites, which now had prevailed. But they of Manasses, because they could not cast these out, were punished for their small faith. For if they had perfectly believed, even as God was with them in the conquering of Luz and other Cities, so would he also have aided them, in casting them out: but because their faith was so diminished, God withdrew his aid from them, but in the mean time he referred this punishment (as I have before said) to profitable ends, & meet for his providence. And they although they could not upon the sudden expel their enemies, yet ought they not to cease of from making war against them, neither was it lawful for them to make any covenant or league with them.  
And it appeareth that they required tribute of these nations, and bargained with them without any lawful cause: for thus speaketh the scripture. And it came to pass that as soon as Israel waxed mighty, they put the Chananites to tribute. Wherefore they prevailed against them, and they were stronger than those nations: and therefore they can not be excused, in that they most filthily made covenants with them. For they seemed to be enticed thereunto by covetousness of money and servitude of those nations.  
And in expelling did not expel them. 
What the doubling of a word signifieth w●●h the Hebrews.  This doubling of words in the hebrew expresseth a perfect and absolute action, and this signifieth as much as if it should have been said: And they bruised them, and some of them they expelled, but they did not utterly destroy them, as God had commanded. But what can we answer of Solomon, 
Solomon also brought these nations under tribute.  which (in the first book of kings the .9. chap. and in the .8. chap. of Paralip.) is written to have brought under tribute the rest of the Amorrites, hittites. etc. I believe verily that the rest of those nations embraced the religion of the true God. For David, who was otherwise a most noble king and valiant Captain, and who possessed his kingdom perfectly, suffered them not to worship idols in his dominions. And if Solomon did afterward lay a greater burden on them, than he did on the Israelites, he can not lawfully be blamed: for he did so also with the Gabaonites. For it is meet that the Israelites should be handled more gently of their King, than strangers. Neither should Solomon be excused, if he did that for to much greedy desire of money, or if he did bargain with them for money, that they keeping still their idolatrous and false worshipping, might live unpunished in his kingdom.  
Ephraim also expelled not the Chananites. It is not declared that this tribe did put their enemies to tribute: which I think nevertheless they did, when as it was declared before that Manasses did so, and we shall hear strait way that the tribe of Zebulon did the same. For it is not very likely that those Ephraites were better than their fellows. As touching the city Gazer, Jerome saith that it was .4. miles distant from Nicopolis, which is Emaus: and is called by an other name Gazer. Kitron also in the tribe of Zebulon and Nahalol were compelled to pay tribute, that they might have Chananites to be their citizens. The city Acho was afterward called Ptolemais. 
Ptolemais. Dispa.  Achzib also was called afterward Dispa, being ix miles distant from Acho in the way toward Tire. Likewise the tribe of Nephtalim brought the Chananites under tribute.   

¶ Of Mass.  
Because in these places there is often mention made of this hebrew word Mass, which signifieth tribute, of which word is derived Mishah, 
Whence the word Mass is thought to be derived.  which of some is taken for tribute, which was wont to be paid of every person: And some of the Pope's hirelings think that their Mass had his name from thence, therefore peradventure it shall not be unprofitable somewhat to write of it. That word is red in Deut. the .16. chap. when God commanded that seven weeks should be reckoned after Easter, and then should be kept the feast of Pentecoste. Thou shalt appear (saith he) before the Lord, and shalt give Missah Nethobath jedecha, that is, a free oblation of thine own hand. And that oblation was so called as an yearly tribute, which nevertheless was willing and without constraint. Howbeit, other (and peradventure more truly) do interpretate that word to signify sufficient, namely that there should be given as much as should be enough and sufficient: for in the .15. chap. of that book, where the Lord commanded the Israelites to open their hands unto the poor, & to lend him that which might be sufficient, that hebrew word Dai the Chaldey Paraphrast enterpreth Misshah. In which place I take it that there is a regard to be had as well of the poverty of the poor, as of the ability of the giver. For that was commanded to be osberued in voluntary oblations, namely that so much should be given, as the ability of the givers could bear, and as much as seemed meet for the worshipping of God. From hence do these our Papists think their Mass to be derived, as though it were a tribute, and a willing oblation, which might be offered every where unto God in the church, for the quick & the dead. But I think not so. 
Certain Hebrew words are observed in the latin church The hebrew words came not unto the latin church but by the Greek church.  I know right well, that the church hath borrowed certain words of the hebrews, as Satan, Osianna, Zebaoth, Halleluia, Pasah, or Pascha, and such other more. But we must mark, that those words came not unto the Latin Church, but by the Greek Church: for as much as those words are found in the new Testament, as it is written first in Greek, & also in the translation of the old Testament, as it was turned by the lxx Wherefore we have no hebrew words derived to our Church, which the Greek Church had not first. But if we shall diligently peruse over the books of the Greek father, we shall never find this word Missa which is Mass, used of them. Wherefore I think that this word of Missa is not derived from the hebrews.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The Greek church called the holy supper 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which work signifieth a common & public work. Neither is that word proper to holy things: yea it is also applied unto profane actions which are public. And who knoweth not that the administration of the supper of the Lord is a thing pertaining to Christian people? For as many as be present, aught to be partakers thereof, and to communicate together. 
An argument against private masses.  And lest I should overskyp this, the etymology of this word bringeth no small argument against private Masses. Besides this that word pertaineth not only, to the Lords supper, but also it is attributed to other holy functions, wherefore it is written in the acts of the apostles the .13. chap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whcyh some have turned, whilst they did sacrifice, when as rather they should have said, whilst they served or wrought publicly, namely in a holy thing which they did without doubt in preaching of the Gospel. 
Names of the holy supper among the latins.  This holy function namely the lords supper had other names among the Latins. For it was sometimes called the Communion, sometimes the supper of the Lord, other sometimes the Sacrament of the body of Christ, or the breaking of bread. And our fathers have often times called it as the Greek fathers did, dreadful mysteries and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
How the fathers called the supper a sacrifice.  I will not speak of, how they used to call it often times by the name of a sacrifice, not therefore (as our adversaries do foolishly imagine) because that there the body & blood of Christ is offered unto God for a sacrifice for the quick & the dead. Although the father's abhorred not from that kind of speech, whereby they said that the body and blood of Christ was offered unto God. But what they understood by those words, if they be diligently red, they do manifestly expound, namely that then were thanks given unto  

The most ancient fathers used not the main of Mass. Augustine.  By those names did the most ancient fathers call the lords supper. But they made never mention of the Mass. For it thou shalt read Ireneus, Tertulilan, Cyprian, Hilary, and their like, thou shalt never find that word in them in that signification. Augustine maketh mention twice of it, namely in her sermon de tempore. 237. where he maketh mention of the Mass of those that were to be instructed before baptism. In that place he exhoreth men to forgive injuries one to another. For (saith he) we must come to the Mass of those that are to be instructed where we shall pray: forgive us our trespasses, as we also forgive our trespassers. And be writeth also in the sermon de tempore .91. these words: In the history which is to be red at Masses. Some are in doubt whether those sermons were of Augustine's writing or no, 
When the name of Mass begun to be used.  but to me they seem to be the style and sentences of Augustine. And as I conjecture, I think that this name Mass began almost to be used at that time: howbeit but seldom, and not often. For if it had been then a word in much use, Augustine in especial who framed his writing unto the vulgar people, would oftener have made mention of it.  
They allege Ignatius in his Epistle ad Smyrnenses. 
Ignatius An argument against private Masses.  But that place maketh very much against the massmongers: for as much as there Ignatius ordained that Masses should in no wise be had, unless the Bishop were present, with such great wariness did antiquity abhor private communions. For he would have all men to be present at that doing of it, & specially the Bishops. These things have I said, as grautning unto the adversaries, that it was the very book of Ignatius, 
The epistles of Ignatius are Apocriphas.  & that it containeth in it the word Mass, which yet we are not compelled to grant: For it is apocrypha, yea, and that as their own Gratian testifieth. Moreover those Epistles were written in Greek, and therefore I am assured, that be which turend it into latin, did put this word Mass for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For thus it is written in Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and strait way after that, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. This is the Greek sentence of Ignatius, wherein as appeareth there is no mention made of this word Mass.  
Leo also is cited in his .9. Epistle to Dioscurus, 
Leo. And argument against private Masses.  where I confess that that father made mention of Mass, but yet in such sort, that in the same place he is wonderfully against private Masses. For he was demanded, seeing that the temple was not so large, that it could not contain the whole people, which came while holy things were administered, what the rest of the multitude should do which remained without and could not be present. Leo answered, that when that part of the people is gone forth which was before present at the holy celebration, the residue might succeed and repeat again those holy things. If so be that private masses had been then in use, what needed of that matter to have asked counsel of Leo the bishop of Rome? Surely this question is a manifest token that Mass was not used to be had but once.  
They were wont also to bring johannes Cassianus, 
johannes Casianus.  who lived in the time of Honorius, and was driven out of the Church of jerusalem by heretics, from whence he came to Massilia, and was a Monk by profession. For he maketh mention of Mass in his .3. book .7. and 8. chap. but he wresteth the signification of that word far otherwise than to the holy Communion. For by Mass he understandeth perfection, finishing, and absolution. Wherefore he saith: praestolatur congregationis missam. Let him tarry the end or fullness of the congregation. That is, that the multitude and congregation may be absolved and fulfyled. And by and by after, Contenti somno, quia missa vigiliarum usque ad lucem conceditur, That is, being content with the sleep which is permitted them from the end of the vigiles unto day light: whereby this word Missa he understandeth that time of the watch wherein the vigiles were ended. For than was it lawful for the Monks to sleep until day light. Neither must I overship, that there is mention most manifestly made of Masses in the exposition of the xi chap. of the Proverbs of Solomon, which exposition is ascribed to Jerome. 
The exposition of the proverbs is falsely ascribed to Jerome.  But that book without controversy is none of jeromes' writing. For Gregory is there alleged, who lived long after Augustine and Jerome. Bruno Amerbachius in his epistle which he set before the book, saith that he saw in an old book, that that interpretation was entitled to Beda. 
Many abuses in the church in the time of Beda.  And if it were so, than it is no marvel, if he made mention of Masses, for then in the time of Beda the priest, many abuses had crept into the church. I do therefore admonish you of that, because in that place that counterfeit Jerome affirmeth that the sovies of such as are dead, are by the celebrations of Masses delivered out of Purgatory. Jerome was not so wont to speak  

From whence this word Mass cometh.  Now resteth to declare from whence the name of Mass, which undoubtedly is a latin word, seemeth to be derived. The old fathers, if a man will diligentlies mark their writings, did put this word remissa, which is forgiveness, for this word remissio, 
Tertullian.  which is also forgiveness. Tertullianus in his .4. book agaynsts Martion, the .249. side. We have spoken (saith he) de remissa peccatorum, that is of the remission of sins. 
Cyprian.  Cyprian de bono patientiae, saith: Qui remissam peccatorum erat daturus lavatro regenerationis tingi non est dedignatus. He which came to give remission of sins, disdained not to be washed with the lavacre of regeneration. The same man writeth in the .14. epistle of his .13. book. Qui blasphemat spiritum sanctum remissam peccatorum non habet, that is, he which blasphemeth the holy Ghost, hath not remission of sins. Wherefore seeing in steed of remissio they have said remissa, they may be counted also in stead of missio to have used this word missa. Therefore that which was done in the Church post missionem Cathecumenorum, 
Cathecumenites,  that is after the sending away of the Cathecumenites, they called Missa, that is Mass. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (to declare that also by the way) is to teach & to instruct, especially by voice, and not by writing: whereof they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which were not yet washed with the lavacre of regeneration, but were instructed of their faith. Tertullian called them Audientes or Auditores, that is, hearers. But Augustine called them Competentes, that is desirers, or requesters (that is of baptism.) For before they should be baptized at Easter, they signified their names .40. days before, in which space they were instructed, & not only their faith, but also their life and manners were examined of the Pastors of the church. 
The Cathecumenites & not communicantes were sent out by the Deacon. Cyrillus. Gregory.  But in the holy assembling when the holy scriptures were red, & the sermon done, the Deacon cried: Exeunto Catechumeni, that is: let the Cathecumenites go forth, & the Grecians said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, holy things for holy ones: as it is gathered out of the service book of the elders. Also out of Cyrillus upon john the xii book & l chap: yea in Gregory's time (as he testifieth himself in his second book & .23. chap. of his dialogues) it was said: if any man communicate not, let him give place. And that manner may appear to be very like unto a certain custom of the ethnics: For in a certain usage of their service of God (as Festus declareth) the Sergeant said: 
Festus. A manner of the ethnics in a certain service of theirs. Apuleius.  Exesto hostis victus, mulier, virgo, that is, let the overcome enemy, the woman & the maid go forth, for in that kind of service it was forbidden that those kind of persons should be present. And Apuleius in his .2. book saith, that the Priest did use when he offered sacrifices, to say thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, who shall abide here? To whom was answered: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, As though it should have been said: honest & good men, when as they which were polluted & unworthy were gone. So was it done in our church: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  for after that saying aforesaid of the Deacon, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fallers away, & such as were put to repentance went their way. Of these orders Dionysius made mention. They were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were vexed with evil spirits. Peradventure they were excommunicated, for those at that time, I mean in the primative church, were delivered up to Satan.  

Missa as it were Missio. Ambrose.  Therefore (as it now appeareth, by that which we have said) the Latin church called the celebration of the sacrament of the holy supper Missam, as it were missionem, that is, a sending away. For Ambrose also said in a certain place, missas facere. And surely this sentence seemeth much more probable unto me, than doth theirs which think that name to be derived of this hebrew word Mass. But now that we have entreated of the name of Mass, 
Parts of the Mass.  we will also set forth the parts thereof, as they were had among the elders. The Grecians seem to have begun their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the exercise of the Lords supper at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Lord have mercy upon us, As though before all they would implore forgiveness of their sins. Which phrase the latin church hath borrowed of thee, which some attribute to Gregory. But whilst the people gathered together, and before they were assembled, they sung a piece of some Psalm, 
Introitus.  or some part of the scripture, and that song they called Introitus, that is an entrance, because that at that time the people might enter in. And they make Celestine author of that. After 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the people being in a manner glad, for the obtaining of pardon for their sins, to give thanks unto God, 
Gloria in excel●s collects.  did sing this hymn Gloria in altissimis, that is: Glory to God on high, which they will have to be the invention of Telesphorus. Then had they collects, which are ascribed unto Gelasius. Moreover, certain lessons were rehearsed out of the holy scriptures, either out of the old testament, or else out of the Acts, or Epistles of the Apostles. 
The Epistle.  Which lessons being done, there was to be rehearsed some part of the evangelical history. But when the Readers had red unto the church the first lessons, the deacon stood up in a high place, or pulpit, namely to be seen, and to be understand of all men, 
The Gospel. The gradual. Halleluiah.  where he distinctly pronounced that which was to be red out of the Gospel. But whilst he went and ascended up the stairs, the people used to sing some verses of Psalms, which commonly they called Graduales, that is, stair songs. They added also unto them, Halleluiah, that is, praise the Lord, as it were clapping of hands with a joyous cry, for the glad tidings of the gospel. This hebrewe word Halleluiah, seemeth to be taken out of the Church of jerusalem: whereof there is mention made also in the Apocalypse, and in the title of certain Psalms, When the Deacon had read the Gospel, the Bishop, 
A Sermon.  or the Pastor of the Church added thereunto an interpretation and exhortation: wherein vices were reproved, and deliberation taken of such as were to be excommunicated. Which things being thus finished, 
The Papists have transposed the sending away of the people.  the Cathecumenites and others which would not communicatr, were sent away. But in our time, because there are found very seldom any Cathecumenites, and they which do not communicate do stand mingled with the rest, yea almost none communicate except it be the Sacrificer alone. The Papists have differred that Missio, that is, that sending away, to the end of their abominations. For than they use to say with a loud voice, Ite, Missa est, That is: Go your way, 
Ite Missa est.  now is the departure.  
But in the old time, those things being finished, 
The Symbol of the faith.  which we have rehearsed, they which abode to be partakers of the holy Supper, did sing the Symbol of the faith, that they might diligently instruct one an other in the principal heads of religion, wherein they consented. For in Symbols is comprehended the fumme of faith, which comprehension or sum, 
The Symbol is called the tradition of the Church. Tertulian. The counsel of Nice.  if a man will diligently read the old Fathers, he shall find to be called Traditio Ecclesiae, that is the tradition of the Church, which is both taken out of the holy Scriptures, and also necessary to be believed for salvation. And sometimes Tertullian bringeth it against the heretics which denied the holy Scriptures. The Synod holden at Nicena made a full and perfect Symbol, but not the first, for as much as there were certain Symbols before, as we may know even of Tertullian himself. Then while they song the Creed or Symbol, such as were present offered of their goods such things as they thought good. 
Three uses of oblation.  The offering served for three manner of uses, for part of it was spent on certain moderate banquets, which the Christians did at that time very religiously celebrate among themselves, and they were commonly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Charitable banquetes.  that is charitable banquets. Part of that which remained was distributed unto the poor. And finally some of the bread & wine was laid up for the use of the holy Supper. And that this oblation of things was then added, 
Offertory. collects.  two things do testify. first certain verses which were song by the people, whilst the offering was in doing, which was therefore called of them Offertorium, that is an offering. The same is also known by those collects which are red in that part of the Mass. Yea, and justinus the most ancient Martyr hath made mention of the same oblation in his Apology or defence, and Cyprian also, and some of the old Fathers. 
Sursum corda.  After these things, when they came to administer the holy Supper, they said Sursum corda, that is: life up your hearts, as the Ethnics used to cry in their holy things, 
Hoc age.  Hoc age, that is, do this. And surely the Christians said so very aptly, and in convenient time, thereby to admonish themselves, to think at that time upon no carnal nor earthly thing, but wholly to life up their minds unto heaven, where Christ is to be sought, and not in earth, as though he were included in the bread or wine. After that they gave thanks, when they said: 
Gratias agimus tibi. From whence is had the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Proper words of the Supper The lords Prayer. Sanc●us. Prefaces. Canon  We give thanks O Lord holy father, almighty, and everlasting God, through Christ our Lord. etc. These things are most ancient, and are found very often in old ecclesiastical writers. Yea and that mystery of the body and blood of Christ was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, giving of thanks, because all the accomplishing thereof dependeth up on thanks giving. And when the people had said: Through our Lord Christ, he went to the proper words of the Supper. Which being rehearsed, there was said the lords prayer. But Xystus before the rehearsal of it, would have the people to sing Sanctus Sanctus. etc. that is, holy, holy. etc. And that there might be better occasion given to come to that song, certain prefaces were put before. And to those they peeced their Canon, which one Scolasticus (as Gregory mentioneth in his Register) made: which in deed the same Gregory alloweth not, because he would put in things of his own, and neglected the lords prayer. The kiss of peace, is said to be the invention of Leo the second. 
Kiss of peace.  Which seemeth not so to me, for as much as that manner was in the Church, even in the time of the apostles, that Christians should entertain one another with the kiss of peace. Yea and Paul in his Epistles hath made mention of that kind of salvation. 
Agnus dei.  And justine also the martyr in his second Apology hath mentioned of this kiss. The song of Agnus dei, that is the Lamb of God, 
Distribution of the sacrament.  is said to have been brought in by one Innocentius. And when all these things were finished, they came to the distribution of the Sacrament. Which whilst it was in doing, or when it was finished, they sung a song of thanks giving, 
Post communion Prayers at the end.  which they called Post Communionem, that is, a after Communion. And all these things being finished and ended, the Minister sent away the people, blessing them with a lucky blessing.  
All these things, although they led away the Christian people from that first simplicity of using the lords Supper, very many things being added as it seemed good unto sundry men: nevertheless after a sort they might be borne withal, neither can they justly be accused either of superstition, or else of Idolatry. 
Rites were not like in all churches. The church of milan.  Howbeit they were not a like in all Churches, neither were they observed after one manner. For yet in the Church of Milan it is otherwise used after the institution of Ambrose. But afterward the Romanen Antichristes' corrupted all things, as I shall declare in an other place.  
And that by the old institution were observed those things which I have mentioned, 
Tertulian.  I could easily prove by most ancient writers. Tertullian in his apology saith: we assemble and gather together, that we praying might embrace one another, as though we would make a rushing into God with our prayers. This violence is acceptable unto God. We pray also for Emperors, & for their ministers & powers, for the state of the world, for the quietness of things, & the tarrying of the end. These things declare the sum of the collects. And for the rehearsing of the Scriptures, he addeth: we assemble together to the rehearsal of the holy scriptures, if the quality of the present time doth compel us, either to foresee any thing, or diligently to acknowledge any faults, we do assuredly feed our faith with holy words, we erect our hope, we fix our confidence, and yet we continually repeat discipline, by inculcating the precepts of God. Theridamas are also exhortations, castigations, and sharp judgements of God, for there was judgement with great weight. etc. These are the things which were done in the holy assembly. Whereunto those things are also to be added, which the same author saith in an other place, namely that the lords Supper was wont to be received at the hands of the chief Ministers. etc. We may by these words perceive the principal parts of the Mass which we have made mention of.  
justine the Martyr in his second Apology maketh mention that the Christians assembled together on the Sunday, 
justine martyr  but he writeth nothing of other feast days. There he saith was rehearsed the holy scriptures, whereunto the Bishop did afterward adjoin his exhortation. Which being finished (saith he) we rise and pray. He addeth afterward: The bread and drink is brought to the bishop, over which he giveth thanks as earnestly as he can: to whom all men answer, Amen. These two words declare that they were not carelessly to be passed over. First thanks were not given rashly, but with as much earnest as might be, that is, with a singular affection. Moreover, it is manifest that all these things were spoken with a loud voice, seeing all the people answered, Amen. Afterward (saith he) is distributed the lords supper, then is the common giving of thanks, and the offering of alms.  
Dionysius in Hierarchia Ecclesiastica maketh mention almost of these same things, namely of the reading of the scriptures, singing of Psalms, Communion, 
Dionysius.  and other things, which were to long now to rehearse. But (which is much to be marveled of) he maketh no mention of the offering of the body of Christ. 
The works of Dionysius are not his which was the Areo-Pagite.  Yet we must not think that he was that Areopagite, of whom the Acts of the Apostles have mentioned. But whatsoever he was, it is not to be doubted, as far as I can judge, but that he was an old writer. But why I can not think that he was an Areopagite, these are the reasons that lead me thereunto. First, because the kind of writing which he useth, especially of the names of God, and de Hierarchia celesti, containeth in it rather the doctrine of vain philosophy, than the pure doctrine of Christian religion, and utterly wanteth edifying: moreover those books are in a manner void of testimonies of the holy scriptures. 
Monks were not in the church in the Apostles tyme.  Furthermore in his Hierarchia Ecclesiastica he maketh Monks as a middle order between a Clerk and the Lay men. When as in the Apostles time, that kind of life was not yet in the Church. Besides this, the ancienter Fathers never made mention of those books: which is a good argument, that those writings were none of that Martyrs doing. Gregory the Roman was the first of all writers that made any mention of him, who in one of his Homilies mentioneth of his writings. But let us leave him and come to Augustine. 
Augustine.   
That father in his .59. epistle to Paulinus, when he dissolveth the .v. question, expoundeth the .4. words which are written in the .1. epistle to Timo. the .2. 
A place to Timothe expounded. 1, Tim: 2.  chap. And these are the words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And he affirmeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to go before the celebration of the sacrament: but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he maketh prayers, which are said in the administration of the sacrament, where after a sort we vow ourselves unto Christ, and he thinketh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be petitions and requests, with which the Minister of the Church prayeth for good things unto the people standing by. And finally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he affirmeth to be the common giving of thanks. I could to these bring a great many more monuments of old writers, but that I think these are sufficient at this present.  
But now to return to the name of Missa, 
Note an other kind of mission  I see there have been some which have thought it to have been derived of the word Missio, that is sending, because those things which were offered of the faithful, were said to be sent, and they think that this hebrewe word Missath gave the occasion to that name, because in Penticoste the jews used to send gifts. But why I do not thyncks the name of Missa to be derived of the hebrewe word, I have before declared. And now I add this, that if Missa were so named of the oblation of things, which were given of the godly, then do the Papists abuse that name, who have no regard at all to the alms of godly men, but only to the oblation of the body and blood of Christ, which they commonly boast, and that impudently, that they do offer it unto God the father for the quick and the dead. But of these things I think I have spoken enough and enough.   

34 And the Amorrites drove the children of Dan unto the mountain, for they suffered them not to come down into the valley.  
35 And the Amorrites began to dwell in the mount Heresch in Aialem, and in Saalbim: and the hand of joseph prevailed, so that they became tributaries.  
36 And the coast of the Amorrites was from the going up of the Scorpions, and from Petra and upward.  
They of the tribe of Dan distrusting the mercy and favour of God, were driven by the Chananites or Amorhites, into the hilly places, where they were scarce able to abide. For their enemies began to usurp the mountain of Heresch, which was appointed to their lot: but the house of joseph aided them, and so prevailed, that they made the Amorhites tributaries. 
The borders of the Amorrites were very large  And how far the borders of the Amorhites extended, is briefly touched. For they reached unto the going up of Scorpions, which is a place in the South borders of the tribe of judah, not far from the dead sea, almost even to Petra, which city is the Metropolitan or chief city of Arabia, 
Petra. Strabo.  from which it is called Arabia Petrea. Strabo describeth it, that it was situated in a plain ground, compassed in with high rocks, from the bottoms whereof flowed most plentiful fountains, when as the whole region which lieth by it, was altogether dry and a desert.   

Whether it be lawful for Christians to dwell with infidels.  
But seeing the Israelites fell, because they dwelled together with ungodly nations, and did rather exact tributes of them, than utterly weed them out, according to the commandment of God. I think it good to entreat whether it be lawful for godly men to be conversant and to dwell together with the ungodly. 
Reasons which prove that. The first reason   
And assuredly there are many reasons, whereby that may seem to be lawful. First, because Christ despised not the feasts of Publicans, Phariseis, and Sinners. Reason. 2 Secondly, Paul to the Corinthians the first epistle, giveth not liberty to a faithful wife, to departed from an infidele, so that he be content to live & dwell together Reason. 3 with her. Moreover, the same Apostle writeth, that if any infidel bid you to a feast, and ye will go with them, then eat such things as are set before you. Reason. 4, By these his words therefore he maketh it free. Furthermore, the same Apostle in the same epistle, saith that he had admonished the Corinthians to avoid whoremongers, raveners, evil speakers, and such like: but not all (saith he) for so must you go out of the world, but if any be called a brother. etc. Wherefore we are not forbidden to avoid the fellowship of all the ungodly. Besides these Reason. 5 Abraham was called out of Chaldey, and commanded to dwell as a stranger among nations, which were far from true religion. Wherefore he dwelled in Reason. 6 the land of Chanaan and Egypt, which places were altogether given to idolatry. Yea, and Lot separated himself from the fellowship and family of his Reason. 7 kinsman Abraham, and went and dwelled in Sodom. Naaman also the Sirian returned to his idolatries. Christ also retained not with him all those whom he Reason, 8 had healed of diseases, but sent them again, sometimes to their own, to declare there, what had happened unto them. Finally by civil laws certain heretics Reason. 9 have had places appointed unto them, as the novatians had in the city of Constantinople, and at this day the jews have every where leave to dwell among the Christians.  
This question surely as it is weighty, so hath it also very many doubts. 
A distinction.  Wherefore we must first make a distinction, what may be lawful to Magistrates, and what to private men. 
another distinction.  Then must we understand that the conversation with infidels hath two considerations: one is, whereby men are driven by compulsion to Idolatrous and unpure worshipping of God, & an other, whereby they remain at liberty. Then we must mark, 
The third distinction.  that they which live together with the ungodly as touching religion, are sometime learned and strong, and sometimes they are both weak and also unlearned. Wherefore I think it good to be judged as touching private men, that if they be learned, 
The learned & strong may be conversant with Infidels.  and have with their learning adjoined constancy, so that they be not compelled to communicate with ungodly rites, may lawfully have to do and be conversant with men that are infidels, provided that there be certain cautions added.  
The first caution is, that they do it with this mind, 
The first Caution.  to teach those which are without godliness, and to bring them to the sincere and pure religion. And therefore whilst they are conversant among them, they ought not to cease: but ought always to go about that purpose, for which they dwell in those places. And that their instruction and doctrine may be fruitful, they must take diligent heed, that they be courteyse, gentle and bounteous toward those, whom they think to join unto Christ. For unless they be fully persuaded, that they which do admonish them and instruct them do love them, & have them in price, the thing, which they have taken in hand shall have but evil success.  
Furthermore they must take heed, that they live holily, justly and honestly, 
The second Caution.  for if the infidels should be offended with their manners, their ministry would utterly be unprofitable: for as much as it nothing availeth to build with one hand and to destroy the same with the other hand.  
Moreover this most of all is to be seen unto, 
The third Caution.  that under the pretence of gentleness or friendship they mingle not themselves with ungodly usages no though they were persuaded, that they could that way allure them the easilier unto Christ. For the rule of the Apostle must abide unshaken, which is that evil things are not to be committed, whereby good things may happen.  
They must beware also, that in being conversant with them, 
The fourth Caution.  they seek not their own cause or commodity. For some there are found, which although they make a pretence that they are desirous to have the Gospel spread abroad. Yet nevertheless in very deed follow & seek for their own pleasures, & gain or advantage. Wherefore if there be no hope (which nevertheless can seldom justly happen) of the health of such infidels, we must no longer have to do with them, but so much as either our necessity or theirs requireth: that is, if peradventure they should be very sore sick, and could not be helped no other way but by our help: or if we ourselves should not be able to get things necessary for our living any other where but among them. It shall be lawful also to be conversant with them, as much as natural and civil necessities require, as if they were our princes, fathers, wives or masters & such like. Now resteth to confirm this sentence, 
Proves out of the holy scriptures. Math. 9  either by testimonies of the holy scriptures or else by examples. Christ assuredly did so, who for this cause was conversant with publicans, sinners, pharisees, & scribes to instruct them of salvation, & to convert them from sins to virtues, and godliness, Wherefore Jerome on the 9 chap. of Matthew hath this saying: 
Ierom●.  Christ in deed went to the feasts of sinners, but to that end that he might have occasion to teach them & to recompense their bid with spiritual meats: neither are there any other things in the rehearsal thereof spoken, but such as Christ himself spoke or did, and what was the power of his doctrine, etc. This same manner did the Prophets in the old time use, when they were conversant with an Idolatrous people And in like sort did the Apostles, when they were sent by Christ, to go abroad among the ethnics. Neither did Paul disdain when he came to Athens, to view the temples of the Idols, and there curiously & subtly to look upon the titles and inscriptions of the altars, whereby he learned that inscription Ignoto Deo, that is, To the unknown god, and thereof he took matter to make an excellent Sermon there, that he might after a sort reprove the men of Athens out of there own proper tables. I think these things are sufficient to confirm the sentence before alleged. 
How we may be conversant with excommunicates.  But before I go from this matter, I thought it good to admonish you of this, that the same cautions being added, it is lawful for godly men to be conversant with such as are excommunicate, namely to bring them into the way, so that they communicate not with them in their fault, or have to do with them for affection sake. 
The weak & unlearned ought not to have to do with infidels.   
But let us go forward, and declare what is to be judged of the weak and unlearned men. They, although they are not compelled to pollute themselves with Idolatrous customs, yet ought they not to dwell together with Infidels. For being unlearned, they have no pretence of teaching. For if they should go about to instruct others, 
The ignorance of Christians as touching faith is to be reproved.  they should by their unskilfulness easily cause the true doctrine of Christ to be had in derision. And surely the ignorance of such men is earnestly to be reproved: forasmuch as among Christians, there is none so very an Idiot found, but that he is bound to be able to render a reason of his faith and in a sort able to instruct strangers. And certainly all men mought quickly do that, if they would suffer themselves to be instructed even meanly in the catechism. Nevertheless such as are infected with this ignorance ought to separate themselves from having familiar fellowship with Infidels as much as need of the body and inevitable necessities will suffer.  
But what shall we say of Schoolmasters? they are oftentimes enemies to piety which yet are appointed to teach good arts and philosophy. 
We may not have to do with ungodly schoolmasters.  I say that it is dangerous to use them, for as much as they do instille oftentimes perverse things into the minds of the hearers, and when as the Scholars are wont to have a marvelous opinion of a learned Schoolmaster it easily afterward commenth to pass, 
Godly schoolmasters do easily advance religion.  that they begin to reverence them, and that exceedingly. Wherefore when they see that they are eloquent and very well learned both in the liberal arts, and also in Philosophy, they can scarce persuade themselves, that those Schoolmasters can err or miserably be deceived in the true religion. 
Origene.  For on the contrary part we see that Origene the Adamantive, being besides the religion of Christ, wherein he was instructed, wonderfully endued also with good arts and Philosophy, did in teaching disciplines of the ethnics bring very many of his hearers to Christ. 
Augustine.  We know also that Augustine, when he willingly gave ear unto Ambrose for his eloquence sake, was turned from a Manichite to a catholic. So, yea and that more easily (for as much as we are more prone to evil then to good) it may oftentimes happen that they which are weak and unlearned in religion, may as touching ungodliness very much increase under ungodly Schoolmasters. And undoubtedly by this means fell julianus the Apostata from Christ, in taking Libanius, jamblicus, and Maximus to be his Schoolmasters. Wherefore for as much as such Schoolmasters can not be had without great danger, my judgement is that we should altogether leave them.  
Thou wilt say peradventure that Paul the Apostle in his first Epistle to the Cor. hath not written these cautions or exceptions of the weak and unlearned ones, when as he plainly writeth: If any that is an infidel shall call you, & ye will go, etc. By these words he seemeth to testify, that all that is referred to our wil Whereunto I answer, that the Apostle did not permit that to be free to every will, but to a will that is rightly & well instructed. For if a man should go to these feasts, to be drunk to pamper his belly or gorge, or to solace himself with filthy talk without doubt he can not be excused with the permission of Paul, but is earnestly to be reproved, for his unhonest will and wicked purpose. Likewise if a man being conversant with infidels should doubt of his own constancy, & should see that he could nothing profit them, among whom he dwelleth, undoubtedly the man can not go thither with a sound conscience, or an upright will. And if he should go, he should not direct that which he doth, to to glory of god (as he is commanded.) Furthermore although Paul hath not in the same place by express words put this caution alleged, yet it followeth not thereby, that the same is not to be added: forasmuch as it is both by firm reason manifest, & also proved by other places of the holy scripture, that that is in no case lawful. And that self same Apostle saith in the same Epistle the vi. chap. that he doth well, which surely purposeth in his heart, that he will keep his virgin: Howbeit he addeth this condition, so that he have no need, and that he hath power over his own wil For if he should otherwise appoint them his daughter would, or had need, then undoubtedly he should not do well. 
To the goodness of an action it is not sufficient that it be not of his own nature evil.  Whereby it appeareth that to the goodness & uprightness of the work, it is not sufficient to see that the work itself of his nature be not evil, or repugnant to the word of god. But more over this is required, that we attempt the same with an upright, perfect & whole mind. Wherefore every one that is unlearned & weak, aught to separate himself from the fellowship or familiarity of that unfaithful, as much as natural & civil necessity suffereth. For seeing that he perceiveth that thereby will come some danger to his soul, he can not with a good mind & sound counsel be conversant with them. Howbeit he may do such duties unto them as are commanded in the law of God, lest he be made guilty of the sentence of Paul, where he saith: whosoever hath not a care of his, & especially of his household, he hath denied the faith, & is worse than an Infidel. Yea and the same Apostle hath commanded, that servants of necessity should obey their Masters.  
Now resteth to show reasons & testimonies of the holy scriptures, 
Testimonies of the holy scriptures for the sentence alleged.  for the dysalowing of this conversation. first our Saviour feared not to say in Matthew the 5. and 18. chap. If thy hand, foot or eye be an offence, or let unto thee, cut him of, and cast him from thee, And these (as the wiser interpreters do declare) spoke he not of the members of the body, but referred them unto those, which are our familiars, & most nigh of kindred unto us. They all are to be separated from our company, although they seem profitable and commodious, when they either separate us from God, which is the everlasting salvation, or do put lets and hynderances, whereby we are called from him. 
chrysostom.  chrysostom in a manner entreating the self same argument saith in the 56. Homely upon john: If we cut of a rotten member from the body, lest it should corrupt the other parts of the body, which undoubtedly we do not, because we despise that member. For who at any time hated his own flesh? How much more should we do the same in those which are wickedly joined unto us, not that we should despise them, but that we should provide that our salvation be not there endangered, where we see that we can nothing at all profit them. Wherefore in this case, it is much unprofitable to desire, or to seek for familiarity or concord. To this also doth the law of Christ tend which he gave in the 18. of Matthew, that they which are in a manner past hope of salvation, & will not hear their brethren justly admonishing them, yea and also despise the voice of the church correcting them, let them be counted as ethnics and publicans. Which thing Paul also hath taught, who in the first of the Corrinthians the v. chap. commanded the incestuous person to be excommunicated, that a little leaven should not pollute the whole dough of the saints.  
Moreover the same Apostle taught, and that in the same Epistle the 15. chap. out of a verse of Menander that Poet, the evil communications corrupt good manners. And thereby he showed, that the right faith of the resurrection, was grievously weakened among the Corinthians, which were newly come unto Christ, and that for that cause because they had lightly given credit unto the arguments & profane reasons of Philosophers or rather heretics. It is not possible to be thought, how the bewitching of wicked words corrupteth the tender faith of the weak ones. Wherefore profitably and conveniently were the Corrinthians admonished, & with them all such as are weak are exhorted, 
The counsels of Physicians to avoid contagiousness.  to abstain from the fellowship of infidels. The physicians also do counsel, that when a contagious disease shall infect either a family or the next family unto it, that such as yet are of perfect health go not unto them which are sick. For that in the bodies & temperatures of men there is a certain agreement, whereby an affection easily issueth from those which are sick to them which are whole and sound, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the poison whereof, though it be not by-and-by felt, of those which take not heed unto themselves, yet for all that within a little while after it deadly corrupteth. Wherefore seeing we are bidden so diligently to beware of the diseases of the body, much more ought we to provide against the vices of the mind that we no way provoke them unto us.  

Our nature is on every side subject to corruption.  Furthermore our nature is so framed, by reason of our natural or original sin, that we are on every side subject to corruption, as both the holy scriptures, and also very many experiences do daily teach us, so that it is not to be doubted, but that we should easily suck in the poison of other men's sins, if we should not with great diligence avoid them. And those sins as they do without any labour cleave unto us before we beware, so being once conceived, they can not be plucked from us but with great pains. 
chrysostom.  Wherefore chrysostom in his 56. Homely upon john which I a little before brought, seemeth wisely to say: If we could make them the better, and not hurt ourselves (he entreateth in the place of infidels and ungodly ones) we should do all things: but when we can do them no good, because they are past amendment, and that we may grievously hurt ourselves, then are they utterly to be cut of. And to confirm his sentence more strongly he bringeth in that which Paul writeth in the first Epistle to the Corinth. the .5 chap. which is, Take away evil from among you. Which words of the Apostle can not be understand of sin, forasmuch as the Greek word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is evil. By which kind of speech a wicked man is signified. Wherefore I shall nothing err, if I a little bend the words of the Apostle to the commodity of the weak ones, saying: Take away yourselves from among the evil ones. For if ye, being weak and unskilful, shall company with them, ye must needs both see and hear very many things against godliness & the religion which ye profess. And because ye are not able neither to confute, nor to reprove them, ye shall seem to be called as witnesses of blasphemies and reproach of the truth. And peradventure there should remain a sting in your minds, wherewith your conscience should be vexed longer than ye think for. Let us hearken unto the wise man, who hath well and faithfully admonished, That he which toucheth pitch shall be filed with it, and that he which hath fellowship with a proud man, will prove like unto him. 
The vices of other men are like unto pitch.  Take upon thee no greater burden, than thou art able to bear, & join not thyself unto a mightier than thou thyself art. Ecclesiasticus the .13. chap. These things do two ways serve for this present matter. first in that the vices of other men are likened unto pitch, which sticketh wonderful fast to the fingers of them which touch it, 
We must have a regard to our own strength.  and also to garments. Secondly are we faithfully admonished to have a regard to our own strength.  

Examples of the holy scriptures  Let the examples of the holy scriptures in any wise teach us. The Israelits were 70. years captives in Babylon, & were so infected with the conversation of unfaithful nations, that afterward when they had leave given them first of Cirus & then of Darius the most noble kings to return home, very many of them would not return, but being overcome with the commodity of houses, fields & merchandises, they remained still among the Chaldians, Medes, & Persians: So cold became they in the love of godliness & study of religion. 
Exodus. ●2.  They were reproved in deed by Esdras, Nehemias', & Zachary, but they were little the better thereby. And how much the hebrews were corrupted by their long conversation with the Egyptians, the things which were by & by done in the wilderness, do plainly testify. For although they had yet before their eyes the singular benefits of God towards them, yet they fell from him to Idolatry, and because in Egypt they had seen an ox superstitiously worshipped, 
Numeri. 2●.  they therefore instigated Aaron, to make them a calf to worship. Which being given them with great rejoicing they began to cry. These are thy gods O Israel, which brought the out of Egypt. Besides this, they iorneing, through the wilderness, when they came to the borders of the Moabites, and were conversant with that nation more familiarly than was meet, they were brought to this point, that they did not only commit filthy whoredom with the shameless women of the Moabites, but also they offered sacrifice unto the most filthy idol namely Baal-Peor and suffered themselves to be admitted to his most unpure sacrifices. Peter the chief Apostle, 
Matthew. 26.  when he had entered into the ungodly haul of the chief Priest, and had there been conversant with the maidens and ungodly servants, forswore his master jesus Christ our saviour. For the which fault afterward, when he departed, he wept most bitterly. 
isaiah. 6.  isaiah when he saw God sit in the temple like a judge, and angels standing about him, which most purely celebrated praises unto him, although he seemed not to himself to be guilty of his own fault, yet he cried out: Woe unto me because I dwell in the middost of a people, that have unclean lips. For the man of God felt, that he had gotten no small infection, by reason he had dwelled so long with an unclean people.  
Alexander that Macedonian, 
Alexander of Macedonia.  which by strength and most noble victories had subdued under him the most part of the earth, was so weakened and effeminated by the manners of the Persians, that those whom he ought to have drawn to his own manners and qualities, he himself took their garments, weakness, hawtenesse and pride, so far was he from bringing them to the institutions of the Macedonians. Wherefore he run into great hatred of his soldiers. Neither is this to be passed over, that long conversation of the godly with infidels (except there appear some fruit of their conversion, and that the same be by all means sought for) doth breed a let or hindrance to their salvation. For when they perceive that our men do live so familiarly with them, they think that the superstitions and idolatries, wherewith they are infected are not so evil, and so much to be detested. And peraduentur they are brought to this point, that in persevering in them, they distrust not but that they may attain to salvation. For unless it were so, they could not persuade themselves, that our men would dissemble it. Besides those things, there are very many of our men, which by the example of this mingled conversation do think that they also may do the same, which they see others to do. Whereby by the deed or example of certain, evil should spread abroad more amply, and our faith and godliness should be had in derision of the ethnics and Papists. And that oftentimes cometh to pass, which we know to have happened in the time of Paul (as it is written in the first Epistle to the Corinthians) that they which otherwise were faithful, by this conversation do communicate with wicked and polluted rites. For by overmuch familiarity with the Infidels, is by little and little made a step to follow their superstition and Idolatry. Wherefore not without a cause did the Apostle cry: Fly from Idolatry. I will not speak also, how that it is not possible, but that, where our men which are weak & without learning and knowledge, are conversant with infidels, sometimes there may hap some talk of religion, wherein although they slip not, yet when they can not overthrow the Sophistical and crafty arguments of their adversaries, brawling and strife sometimes ariseth & from that they fall into hatred, cursing & reproaches, which have no edification, but rather hinder it, so far is it of to get a step to set forward. To this serveth the which Paul hath written in the second Epistle to the Corinthians: draw not the yoke with unbelievers. For what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness? What participation hath light with darkness? or what concord between Christ and Belial? what part hath the faithful with the unfaithful? or what agreeth the temple of God with Idols? These things are so manifest, that they need not the light of interpretation: neither ought they to be understand only for contracting of matrimonies, when as they extend far and over all, & pertain also unto all kind of conversation with the ungodly, which we have with them for our own cause. I know that the shadows of the old law are now by the benefit of Christ removed from us. Howbeit, it is not to be doubted but that those things abide, of which the people of God was by them at that time admonished.  

What was meant by the hems of the hebrews.  Wherefore I demand, what God meant, when he commanded the jews, to sow hems to their garments which they ware? Undoubtedly this he meant, that they being taught by that sign, might understand that they were severed from the ethnics, and that it was not lawful for them to join themselves with them, but as much as necessity should compel. God oftentimes forbade them that they should not return into Egypt, and that they should not seek aid of strange nations. For he would have cut of from his people all occasions of superstitions and Idolatry, yea and the place, which we are now in hand with, testifieth that the Israelites grievously sinned, because they had brought these Idolatrous nations under tribute, and had made a league with them, and dwelled together in the same cities & fields with them. And assuredly to what evil it turned them unto, the history itself declareth: for they brought not the Chananites to the true worshipping of God, but they themselves rather forsaking their God, became like Idolaters.  
I speak not, how that the conversation between the hebrews and Samaritans was so odious even to the time of Christ, that the woman of Samaria (of whom john mentioneth) said unto Christ, 
john. 4.  that the jews were not wont to be familiar with the Samaritans. Moreover it is not meet for Christians, to take away from themselves the boldness and liberty, freely to speak of Christ. Which they must needs do, if they dwell among infidels. For if they dwelling with infidels should familiarly have free talk of Christ, either should they be laughed to scorn, or else they should not be suffered. Undoubtedly the holy fathers in the old time, were both grieved and also mourned, when by any necessity they were compelled to dwell from the people of God. David thereof is witness, who sighed when he was by reason of the unjust violence of Saul constrained to live in desert places. And it appeareth in the Psalms, how grievously he complained and lamented that he was forced to dwell among strangers, & such as were far from god. Daniel & his fellows mought have had the fruition of the kings table, and of most delicate meats, and yet they abjected those commodities & pleasures, lest they should defile themselves with the delicate meats of the ethnics, and with the unclean banquets of the unbelievers. Moses also (as it is written in the xi. to the hebrews) when he mought have been counted the son of the daughter of Pharaoh, and thereby have attained to great honour, he contemned all this, and went unto his brethren, which were oppressed with miserable servitude, in making brick and tiles. They which follow not these examples, do manifestly declare, that they have small mind of the glory of God, and that they will not redeem the same with their own loss or binderance, though it were never so small or little. Do we (saith Paul to the Corrnth. 1.) provoke God? Are we stronger than he? Wherefore they which are weak and unlearned, 
It is not lawful to dwell with infidels when we are compelled to communicate with their ungodly rites.  whilst they take upon them to dwell among infidels, they do without doubt tempt god, and in a manner provoke him, as though they would be stronger than he. I could gather a great many more reasons for this sentence: but these which I have brought, shallbe sufficient at this tyme.  
Now let us come to those, which do so dwell among infidels that they are compelled to be present at their unlawful rites, whether those be learned or unlearned, whether they be strong or weak, what they be, in this case, it maketh no matter: For I comprehend them altogether. I say that none of them, such an habitation or conjunction is to be suffered: but either they must fly from thence, or rather suffer death, than to commit Idolatry. Paul said (as I have before declared) Fly from Idolatry. The law and Prophets, the old and new Testament are full of ordinances, commandments, laws, admonitions, rebukes, whereby strange worshipping is forbidden. 
Daniel. 3.  daniel's fellows chose rather to be cast into the furnace, than they would worship the image set up by a most mighty king. Machabea the mother with her children would rather die, 
Machab. 7.  than she would against the laws of God eat swines flesh. I could reckon an infinite numbered of Martyrs, which most constantly suffered death, rather than they would forsake their godliness, which they had professed, having this saying always before their eyes, fear not them which can kill the body etc. Paul in his first Epistle to the Corinthians affirmeth the same, because we are the temple of God, the members of Christ, and partakers of the table of the Lord, which table can have nothing common with the table of devils.  
All these things are to be applied unto our times, when in the time of Papistry godly men, if they dwell with the ungodly are compelled to be at their Masses and most filthy services: which of all things is not lawful unto them. But some take these probations by me now alleged to be understand of sacrifices done to Idols, and not of the superstitions, which are now used in the time of Papistry. 
An outward work can not be counted for the worshipping of God, except it be grounded by his word.  But they ought to remember that no outward work is to be had for the true worshipping of God, unless it be appointed by the word of God: which if it be not, it can be nothing else but an invention of man. For we can not without faith worship God: and faith can have no place, where the word of God is withdrawn. Wherefore in human actions, how goodly in show so ever they be, unless god by his word do allow them, they can be no worshipping of him. Surely if we would honour men, we are wont chief to mark, 
A similitude.  in what things those men do delight in: and when we have found that out, we think we have bestowed our labour well, when we have showed unto them those things wherein they were wont to rejoice and delight. Why then do we not after the same sort with God, to serve him with that kind of worshipping which he hath allowed by his oracles? Let us hear him in Esay, how that in the oblations, sacrifices, incenses, and offerings which were brought into the temple without faith, he was rather wearied than rejoiced in them. He abhorreth and detesteth these kinds of sacrifices as the Prophets have taught us. If these things are spoken of those sacrifices which they by the word of God used, & that for that cause only, because they were offered without faith: what think we is to be judged of the inventions of men, & feigned worshippings, which being void of the word of God can not be done with faith? 
There is no true god which delighteth in feigned worshippings.  we may verily say that they pertain unto Idolatry. And that may be manifestly gathered hereby, because there is no true God which will be worshipped with these things. Wherefore it followeth that the ungodly whilst they adjoin such rites unto their holy services, they do not worship the true God, but him whom they have feigned with themselves to delight in these things. And for as much as in the whole nature of things there is no such, they worship the Idol of their own mind, and therefore justly and worthily they may be called Idolaters.  
But they say that those things which are said & done in the Mass, 
We must have no regard to the beginning of Ceremonies but whether they agree with the word of God.  had their beginning by the institution of Christ, although they were afterward vitiated thorough men's default. That helpeth them nothing, for as much as in these things we may not have a regard or consideration to their beginning but to their nature and form. And we must diligently mark whether they agree with the word of God. The brazen Serpent by the commandment of God had his beginning, it was also endued with miracles, 
The brazen Serpent.  for the Israelites were by looking upon it delivered from their venomous biting. The same Serpent nevertheless, when the jews worshipped him, and offered incense unto it, the godly men detested it. So that the most holy king Ezechias broke him in pieces, & therewithal utterly put away the worshipping thereof. We must not therefore have a regard to the original of a thing, 
What the hebrews meant when they made themselves the golden calf.  but we must look how it is used, whether it agree with the first institution. The hebrews when they compelled Aaron, to make them a calf to worship, had not that mind to fall from the true GOD, when as they confessed that he brought them out of Egypt. This was only their intent, to worship him under some sign or visible form, and they chose that form whereby they had seen the Egyptians express their God by. 
The manner of of the ethnics in their Idolatry.  So the ethnics testified that they worshipped one God, as the chief author of all things, which they fashioned unto themselves by divers and manifold shapes. For by Pallas they say was signified his wisdom: by Mars his power and might. By jupiter his justice and goodness. Wherefore rites and ceremonies are not to be esteemed by the counsel and will of men. No otherwise must we think to have happened of jeroboam the son of Nabat. 
The counsel of jeroboam.  For he would not (as he pretended) pluck away the people from worshipping of the true God, but because he was afeard of his kingdom, and saw that it might easily happen, that if his men should often go unto the temple of jerusalem, they would fall from him, and return unto the family of David. He said therefore, that to worship the true God, they needed neither the temple of jerusalem, nor yet the ark of the covenant. For that God jehovah, as he was signified unto the jews by the wooden ark and temple of Solomon, so also might he be expressed unto the Israelites by signs of golden calves, so that that worshipping which they should perform at jerusalem, they might commodiously celebrate unto jehovah in Bethel & in Dan. This man therefore went about no other thing but made an outward work, which he obtruded as a worshipping of GOD, and that utterly without his word, which wanting, all that was done was mere superstition and Idolatry. tyrants therefore and princes, when they compel men to polluted rites, although they say they do them for a good intent (as they term it) and how soever they pretend some certain beginning of auncienty, are not yet to be heard. Paul doth in this manner admonish the Ephesians. Communicate not with their unfruitful works, but reprove them. He called them their works, because they could not be called the works of God, 
What is to be done when superstitions are obtruded unto us.  for so much as they very much disagreed from his word. But, what is then to be done, when they are obtruded unto us? Surely we ought to reprove them, and with great liberty (when need requireth) reprehend them. But that is dangerous (say they:) we shall lose our goods and dignities: we shallbe put to death. I grant that, but none of us hath upon this condition received the religion of Christ, that his life, goods and dignities, should remain safe unto himself. Yea Christ hath by express word testified unto every one of us. Except ye renounce all that ye have, and take up your cross, and follow me, ye can not be my disciples: and unless you lose your souls ye can not possess them. After this sort must we frame ourselves.  

The answers of Cyprian.  Cyprian (as Augustine declareth) when he was led to execution, the precedent being desirous that he might escape, said unto him. Now I give thee space to deliberate, to choose which thou wilt, whether thou wilt thus miserably be slain, or obey, and so let go free. The man of God answered, In a thing so holy, deliberation hath no place. They which are not affected with this mind, but are wonderful careful, 
Their punishments which contaminate themselves with superstitions.  lest their life or goods should perish, those men do easily pollute themselves with Masses and unpure superstitions, and for the same cause do suffer most grievous punishments. First truly their conscience miserably afflicteth them. Secondly the light of the truth which before was kindled in their minds, is by little and little extinguished. Thirdly very oftentimes they exceadyngly delight themselves in that dissimulation, so far of are they, to repent them of it. Yea and they go about to persuade the same unto others, and those which will not obey admonitions, they begin to hate, and lastly as much as lieth in them, they stir up against them, the anger, force and might of tyrants and worldly princes. Such a most unhappy end of many of them have I myself seen.  
And in this their dissimulation; thus they use to defend themselves: 
Outward works are certain shows of confession.  we do not this (say they) from our heart: we so behave ourselves only in body and outward gesture. But why do no they consider, outward actions to be a certain show of confession: and even as in the profession of faith and Religion the tongue ought not to disagree from the heart, so also what soever is outwardly done in divine ceremonies, aught with the same profession to agree. Add also thereunto this saying of Paul, with the heart we believe unto righteousness, with the mouth is confession made to salvation. 
It is no true faith which bursteth not out into Act.  Christ likewise said: Who soever shallbe ashamed of me before men, I will also be ashamed of him before my Father. Furthermore I would have those men to understand, that that is not pure and true faith, which bursteth not forth into actions agreeable unto it. Moreover our saviour (who most earnestly sought the glory of his Father) when he had purged the Temple from Merchants, said: The zeal of thy house hath eaten me up. But these our men show forth no following of that godliness and faith, which they crack to be closed in their heart.  
Neither do they remember, 
An inward & outward worshipping.  that even as the inward worshipping of God is found to be it, whereby we judge of him truly and honourably: so also the outward worshipping is, 
Idolatry is of two sorts.  whereby we worship him rightly and as he hath appointed. And that idolatry likewise is of two sorts, for one is, whereby we fain unto ourselves in our heart by evil doctrines such a GOD as we list ourselves. An other is, whereby we transfer the outward worshipping not only to creatures and Idols, but we vitiate the same also with our own inventions and lies.  
We retain (say they) in our heart the right opinion. Grant it be so, but ye abandon your bodies to Idols and to the devil. And Paul affirmeth, that your body is the member of Christ, why do ye then take it and give it to an harlot? But Paul (say they) wrote that of fornication. I know that. But the Prophets in the mean time teach us that idolatry is the greatest fornication of all. For jeremy, ezechiel, 
idolatry is the greatest of all fornications.  and other holy Prophets so inveigh against the jews and their Church, that they say the same Church is like unto an harlot which under every green tree hath abandoned herself to Idols and profane worshippings. Moreover how vain the excuse of these men is, the oracle of GOD plainly declareth, whereby GOD answered thus unto Elias the Prophet. I have left me 7000. men, which have not bowed their knees before Baal: he saith not which think rightly in their heart, and which in their mind believe uprightly, but on the contrary setteth forth a sign of outward worshipping, namely of bowing the knee. 
God hath created the whole man and will have him whole  And he which created the whole man is not content with the half of him, neither will he have his creature parted with the devil. To me (saith God) to me only I say shall every knee bow. Furthermore if this their reason had been of any value, the Corinthians might also by it have excused their doing. For they might have said unto Paul, what, art thou so vehement against us? We ourselves know also, that an Idol is nothing, and we keep the right opinion in our heart, Let God be content with that. 
Other men's faults are not laid to our charge but that we communicate with them.  It is lawful for us in the mean time with the body and outward presence to serve our own commodity.  
Furthermore they say: These things we do nothing at all vitiate, yea we would have them uncorrupt and perfect. Wherefore what sin soever is here committed, it ought not to be ascribed unto us. Whereunto I answer. That that is true in deed, that an other man's sin is imputed to no man, but yet whilst ye are present at profane rites, that is blamed in you, and justly imputed unto you, in that you communicate with an other man's ungodliness. The Apostle in his first Epistle to the Corinthians said: do ye not know that they which do eat of the sacrifice, are made also partakers of the Temple? What say I than? That the Image is any thing? or that it which is offered unto Images is any thing? Nay. But this I say: that the things which the Gentiles offer, they offer unto devils. But I would not that you should be partakers of devils, ye can not drink of the Cup of the Lord, and of the Cup of the devils, ye can not be partakers of the lords table, and of the table of devils. etc. Wherefore, though the corruption of the Sacrifices is not to be imputed to the communicantes, yet for all that the communicating itself, from which they ought to have kept themselves, maketh them blameworthy. And unless the thing were so, why would not the holy Martyrs communicate with the rites of the ethnics? why did Paul so reprove the Corinthians? But here they return again to this, to say, That the Mass is not to be compared with the idolatry of the ethnics. For (say they) though it somewhat stray from the institution of Christ, 
The Mass hath nothing common with the institution of the Lord.  yet ought it not to be counted a profane and an Idolatrous thing. But I affirm it to be so much perverted, that almost it nothing at all agreeth with the institution of Christ, yea it is most utterly contrary unto it. Which is very easy for me to declare.  
first the Supper of the Lord, as it was instituted by Christ, was a common or public work: 
A contrariety between the supper of the Lord & the Mass.  but now cometh forth the sacrificer adorned with monstrous garments, and doth all things alone, the rest stand by & only see and hear. Wherefore if Paul did justly and worthily rebuke the Corinthians, which tarried not one for an other, & said that they could not eat the Lords Supper: how can they worthily call the Papistical Mass, by the name of the Supper of the Lord, whereas only one sacrificer eateth and drinketh? Undoubtedly by no means. Wherefore let them rather call it by any other name, than the Supper of the Lord.  
Furthermore they say, that they do there offer the son of GOD unto the eternal Father. And that is by express words denied in the Epistle to the hebrews. For it teacheth that all things were finished by the only one oblation of Christ. Which being perfect, we may not renew the same again. They will offer up Christ every day. The word of GOD affirmeth, that it was to be offered but once. I confess in deed, that the Fathers (as I have before said) did sometimes in such sort speak as though the body and blood of Christ were either offered or sacrificed in the celebration of the Sacraments. 
How in the supper the body & blood of Christ is offered unto God.  But they very oftentimes interpreted themselves, that those oblations or Sacrifices, were only thanks giving, or a memory and figure of that oblation and sacrifice, which Christ dying upon the cross made.  
They affirm also, that the bread and wine, are changed into the substance of the body and blood of Christ, when as the holy Scripture doth teach us far otherwise. Moreover they lifting up the bread and wine, do set forth to the people creatures to be worshipped in stead of God. For what is more filthy, than religiously to worship a piece of bread, and a Cup of wine? It is true in deed, that they are made partakers of the body and blood of the Lord, namely in heart and mind, which eat and drink the signs of thanks giving, with sincere faith, & as the Lord hath instituted. But if a man do only behold and worship them, then are they nothing unto him, but a piece of bread and a Cup of wine.  
Moreover the ministers of the Church, when as their duty is to go about all that in them lieth to lift up the minds of the people unto heaven, that they mought not seek Christ in the world, nor look for any carnal or earthly thing in the supper of the Lord, they miserably hold the people giving head to the visible signs. The Apostle in the first Epistle to the Corinthians commanded that they should not use a strange tongue in holy assemblies, because every one must answer Amen. And because above all things the edifying of the hearers is to be sought for. But in the Mass all things are done in the Latin tongue. And those words which should be to the great comfort of the standers by, when as to them the participation of the body & blood of the Lord is promised, those words do they speak softly, yea they mumble them up so darkly, that though a man understand the Latin, yet can he not understand those words. They do for this cause so softly mumble them up, as though the members of Christ were not worthy to hear them: 
The Greek Church.  when as nevertheless the Lord himself spoke them openly, and the Greek Church, even to this day pronounceth them with a most loud voice. Yea and in the old time, it was a custom used (as Ambrose and Augustine among other do testify) that at those words the people answered Amen. But as I think, 
Ambrose. Augustine.  these men do therefore mumble up those words, because they are afeard lest their lies should be found out. For there they say, Take ye and eat: and also, 
The Papists in the Mass make many Lies.  As often as ye shall do these things, ye shall do them in remembrance of me. When as nevertheless they have appointed to eat and drink it alone. And undoubtedly very many other things speak they secretly and openly in the Mass, as though many did communicate or should communicate, when as the sacrificer alone doth it in deed. A lie is ever filthy, but then most filthy of all, when it is admitted in holy things, and before the Lord.  
But what shall we say of their applications? They affirm that they can as they lust themselves apply the sacrifices which they make unto the quick and the dead. 
Every man is justified by his own faith and liveth & dieth in his own righteousness.  But the Scripture teacheth that every man is justified by his own faith, and that all men shall either die or live in their own righteousness or unrighteousness: but they say otherwise, for they can as they say, help both the quick and the dead by their Masses. If they would attribute that unto prayers, namely that they taught that by prayers they mought help the necessities of others, it might be borne with all. 
By prayers we he●pe other.  But when they affirm, that the work itself, namely of the Mass, hath in it so much power and virtue, that it can help all kind of men, that may by no means be suffered. Besides this Masses are very oftentimes celebrated in the honour of certain Saints: which undoubtedly is most far from the truth: for as much as Christ hath for this purpose instituted his Supper, that it should be a memory of his death, and not of other saints. I will not speak how that it is most commonly seen, that there is nothing found certain of those Saints whom they there worship: 
The lives of many saints are apocrypha and full of Fables.  the lives of them are apocrypha, and very often also full of fables, and poets faynenyngs. There are also in it, certain, yea very many strange rites, signs to be laughed at, gestures in a manner foolish, and garments not used: the significations of which things are utterly unknown, not only of them which stand by, but even the sacrificers themselves, 
Significations of Ceremonies in the Mass are not known  if they should be demanded what they meant, they could not answer. Wherefore either they answer nothing, or if they go about to say any thing, they bring forth not one thing, but things most disagreeing: whereby thou mayst easily gather that there is no truth in their words. Wherefore faith can have no place in these things which they do in their Mass, when as it only there hath place, where the word of God offereth itself unto us.  
And that they can not defend themselves from the detestable sin of Idolatry, the images do testify, 
Images are worshipped in the mass.  unto the which they turning themselves do celebrate their most unpure services. For they can not be content in the Masses to look upon them, but they cense them, and kneel before them, and finally they do unto them all kind of worshipping, which is to be done only to God. And because (as I have before mentioned) they dare affirm that the Mass hath affinity (I can not tell what) with the institution of Christ: it shall not be from the purpose, 
Sacrifices of the ethnics are more agreeable with sacrifices appointed by God, than is the Mass with the holy supper  and it is easy to be done, to declare, that (if we mark the tokens) the old ethnics may with much more likelihood excuse and defend their sacrifices, than these can defend the Masses. For the sacrifices of the gentiles did not differ from the manner of sacrificing which the fathers had before the law, and which God allowed in his law, when as these men in their Mass differ from that supper which Christ prescribed, and as the evangelists and the Apostle Paul have delivered. There on every side was invocation of God, a temple, an altar, Sacrifices, Priests, Killing, shedding of Blood, Salt, Wine, Oil, Meal, a holy banquet, religious garments, washings, fumigations, continual fire, singing, oracles and such like, which would be to long to rehearse. Let the Popish sacrificers show as many things, if they can, in their Mass, which do agree with those things which Christ did in the supper. But if so be they can not, let them then think that their Mass doth no more agree with the godly celebration of the holy Supper, than do the rites of the Idolaters agree with the legal sacrifices. Wherefore let them cease of so to kiss their little daughter, and to preach that it ought to be counted the institution of Christ and of the Apostles. I will not speak of the yearly Obites, and Funerals of the dead which are oftentimes used there, of which things the Lord hath nothing commanded. By it they stablish Purgatory, whereof the holy scriptures writ nothing. That furthermore is most far from piety, because in their Mass they pour out prayers unto saints, which are already departed out of this life. 
In hearing of Masses the anger of God is not pacified, but provoked.  Finally all the things which they there do, they make a market of them, sell, bargain and set them out to most filthy gain. Wherefore we must diligently take heed, that whilst we desire to worship GOD and to have him merciful unto us, we do not in hearing of Masses exceedingly provoke his anger against us.  

What is to be answered to the example of Naaman the Sirian  These superstitious men go forward, and by the example of Naaman the Sirian will prove that it is permitted them, to be present at the most filthy Masses. Naaman prayed Elizeus the Prophet, that if he bowed his knee in the temple of the Idol Rimnon, when the king, which leaned his hand on his shoulder, should so do, he would implore for him mercy and forgiveness of God. To whom Elizeus answered only, go in peace. These our men ought to consider with themselves whether they only have seen and read this divine history. I think not: For the holy Martyrs in the old Church were studious day and night in the holy Scriptures. Wherefore this history of Naaman was not hidden from them. And what cause was there then, that they would not follow such an example, and that with the loss of their life? These ancient noble men and pillars of our faith saw that, which our adversaries reckon not with themselves, namely that that Naaman which is set before us, was newly converted unto the true God, and was yet a weak soldier, who was not also yet ready, to deny both his own and himself for God's cause, but desired after a sort to keep his old place and dignity with his king. The which thing to attain unto, he saw that it might easily come to pass that he should fall into the sin, which he declared unto the holy Prophet. 
Naaman the Syrian knew that his deed was culpable & nought.  And when he knew right well that the same agreed not with true godliness, he required the prayers and intercession of the man of GOD, whereby he falling of weakness, his fault might be forgiven him. Otherwise there is none which needeth to ask pardon for that which he thinketh is lawful for him to do. We make intercessions for sins, and not for things permitted us. Wherefore this place maketh much against our adversaries, and that that is sin which they most earnestly go about to excuse, is manifestly proved by this history. I would to God they would diligently mark in that action, that which their Naaman self: And if they should fall (as this man feared that he should fall) they would not cloak it with a vain defence, but would implore the mercy of God, and prayers of holy men, that that may gently be forgiven them, 
Elizeus gave not Naaman liberty to go unto Idols.  which they naughtily have committed. Neither did Elizeus (as they persuade themselves) give Naaman the Sirian liberty to go unto Idols, he said only: Go in peace. Which was also an accustomed kind of salutation at the time. Neither may we gather any other thing out of these words, then that the Prophet promised to do that which he was requested to do. Namely, to pray unto God for the salvation of the man. first to strengthen him that he should not fall. Secondly that if he sinned, his fault might be forgiven him.  
They use to object also certain words out of the Epistle of jeremy the Prophet, which are written about the end of a little book entitled of Baruch. 
An answer to a place of Baruch  And these are the words. In Babylon ye shall see Gods of gold and Silver borne upon men's shoulders, to cast out a fearfulness before the Heathen: Take heed ye follow not the Gentiles, when ye see the multitude of people worshipping behind and before. But say in your hearts. O Lord it is thou that oughtest only to be worshipped. etc. By these words do our Nicodemites think it to be sufficient, that they which are present at Idolatrous worshippings, do say in their hearts: O Lord it is thou that oughtest only to be worshipped. But they should more attentively consider, that the Prophet (if he were a Prophet which spoke these words: which I therefore speak, because the little book of Baruch is Apochriphus, 
The book of Baruch is Apochriphus.  and is not found in the Hebrew) gave not the jews liberty to go into the Temples of the Idols, and to be there present at profane and Idolatrous rites, and there to speak with the true God in themselves in their heart only. But he speaketh of those Images which were carried about the city: for that was the manner among the babylonians as the history of Daniel testifieth, 
Images among the babylonians were crried about the city.  which maketh mention that an image set up by Nabuchadnezar was openly carried about, with great pomp, and with Musical instruments and sundry songs. At the hearing whereof, all men were commanded to worship the Image which they beheld, which the fellows of Daniel would not do. Of those images I say, it is written in the Epistle and the Godly are faithfully admonished that they should not, as the ethnics did, who were behind and before them, reverence or worship those images. Yea rather in detesting their wicked worshipping they should say, or at the least way in their heart: O Lord it is thou only that oughtest to be worshipped. These meeting coming by chance through the city could not be avoided, the Godly therefore were to be admonished, how in such meetings they should behave themselves.  
But with great importunity, as they be shameless, 
Why Daniel was not cast i● to the furnace with his fellows.  they yet go farther and demand, how chance Daniel was not cast into the burning furnace with his fellows, when as the punishment was a like appointed unto them, which would not worship the image of Nabuchadnezar? Wherefore these men fain with themselves, that Daniel did make as though he worshipped it, and for that cause the Chaldeians meddled not with him. And they say also, that they may lawfully do that which they think this holy Prophet of God did. They consider not that they openly fall into a false kind of reason, which commonly is called Non causa ut causa, which is, when that which is not a cause, is put for a cause. 
Paralogismos.  For there might be very many other causes, why Daniel was not then punished. Peradventure he met not the image which was carried about, or if at any time he met it, the Chaldeians marked not what he did. Or being found faulty in it and marked, he was not accused, because the King loved him exceedingly. But we must not believe, 
Daniel dissimuled not the worshipping of the image.  that the man of god for fear of punishment or death, would dissemble the worshipping of the image against the law and piety: when as it is afterward declared how for piety sake he was cast to the lions. Wherefore forasmuch as there might be diverse causes that he was not delivered to be burnt in the fire with his fellows, Why do these men them snatch unto them only one cause, and that such a cause, as was unworthy and full of reproach to such a holy man, and specially seeing in the holy scriptures, there is not so much as a suspicion of so detestable an act any way given us?  

Of Paul who took on him a vow & cleansed himself after the manner of the jews.  They seem to themselves to speak much to the purpose, and trimly to defend their doing, when as they bring that which is written in the Acts of the Apostles the xxi. Chapter where it is declared that Paul, by the Counsel of the Elders of the Church of jerusalem took upon him a vow and four other men with him, and purified themselves after the manner of the jews. If the Apostle of God, say they, would use the ceremonies of the law already abolished, we may also be suffered sometimes to admit and to be present at rites and ceremonies so long time received. 
The sum of the Preaching of Paul.  But that this may the plainlier be understand, we must know, that this was the sum of the Preaching of Paul. We think that a man is justified by faith without works. As many as are under the law, the same are under the curse. The just man shall live by his faith. 
How far legal ceremonies were granted or condemned in the primative church.  Wherefore the Apostle in that first time of the Preaching of the Gospel did not condemn the ceremonies and observations of the law toward the hebrews, unless they were retained with that faith and mind as though justification should come by them. And this his sentence hath he most manifestly set forth in his epistle to the Galathians, where he saith: ye which are circumcised, have fallen both from Christ and from grace. For Christ is made of none effect unto you, if ye should be justified by the law. As though he would say. These things of Moses do not alienate you from Christ, except ye exercise them with this mind and purpose, that thereby ye might be justified, Take away this opinion and the Apostle commended good works, and as for civil and accustomed institutions, so that they were just and not Idolatrous, he suffered still in their own place, neither did he let but that the legal ceremonies might be still used. Wherefore he writeth. In the Lord there is neither jew nor Greek, nor servant, nor free man. And that circumcision also and cutting of the foreskin, are nothing, but only the observing of the commandments of God and a new creature. Again he that is circumcised let him not desire to have his foreskin which is cut of: if thou be called when thy foreskin is cut of, be not then circumcised. Let every man abide in that wherein he is called.  

Indifferent things may sometimes be kept & sometimes left.  And that such things as were civil and indifferent, might sometimes be observed, and sometimes left out, as served for edification, the same Apostle declareth by that which he speaketh of himself. I am made all things to all men, to win very many: to the jews I am made a jew, and to those which are without a law, I am as without a law. Neither did he no less confirm his sentence by examples, than by doctrine. For when he was required, that he would as the manner was circumcise Timothe, he granted unto it. But when they would have compelled him for the overthrowing of the Christian liberty, to circumcise Titus likewise, he declared that he would not give place not for an hour: because saith he false brethren are therefore entered in among us to search out our liberty. He observed therefore the Mosaical ceremonies, when the same might be done without any ill purpose and hurt of the church. And by this means be avoided the offence of the jews, 
The ceremonies of the law are not to be compared with the inventions of men.  lest they should be alienated from the Christian religion which they had received. Neither ought the Nicodemites to confer the ceremonies of the old law, with the inventions of men. For they were brought in by the word of God, but these were thrust into the Church by the policy of the devil and of deceitful men. They were not forbidden by and by after the Ascension of Christ into heaven, but might be so long observed, 
How long the old ceremonies were lawful in the church.  as the temple and public wealth of Israel remained, and until the Gospel of the Son of God were revealed and Preached, and until the Church were well augmented both of the jews and also of the gentiles.  
Neither was it meet (as Augustine Godly and learnedly writeth unto Jerome that those ceremonies, 
Augustine.  of the ancient synagogue should strayghtwaye without honour be rejected. But Idolatrous and superstitious things always were, are, and shall be prohibited. Wherefore for a time it was lawful to observe them, so that by them were not sought the true righteousness. Wherefore Paul the Apostle, though thou should look upon the actions themselves, which by the law he observed can not be justly reprehended, and much less can he be blamed if thou consider his mind, purpose, and (as they term it) his intent. But to the supporters of the Mass both these things want. first they defend a thing, which is contrary to the word of God, 
They which by dissimilation do go unto the mass seek not God but their own.  and (as I have declared) is wonderfully against it. Moreover in that their dissimulation, they study only for themselves, namely to keep still their riches, degree, place, dignity, and estimation, when as Paul for this cause only sometimes observed the legal ceremonies, lest the jews should fall from Christ and that he might the better and easiyer allure them to the Gospel.  
They object also, that by their dissimulation they would avoid offences. 
Whether we should go to messes to avoid offence.  For say they: If we should be utterly against Masses, we should be counted wicked and ungodly men, and we should be a great offence to our country. I believe in deed, that these men do avoid offences, but yet offences of the world: they will not give an offence, but it is unto mighty men, tyrants', and Antichristes', namely lest they should provoke their weapons, anger & madness against them. But these are not those offences which Christ taught to be avoided, when he said of the Scribes & Pharisees. Let them alone, they are blind & leaders of the blind. What offences therefore are to be avoided? 
What offences are to be avoided  Those namely which hinder the spreading abroad of the Gospel of the son of God, & which keep back men from coming to the pure doctrine, & which do call back men already believing from Christian religion which they have received. Now let them consider I pray you, whether by their dissimulation, they do not offend the superstitious and Idolaters? Undoubtedly yes. For those namely the superstitious and Idolaters say with themselves: 
The ungodly by that dissimulation are more confirmed.  See those men which know the truth of the Gospel, and have embraced it, do come also unto our Masses. Surely if they were so ungodly, as they are said to be, these men also would abhor them. Wherefore being confirmed by these men's example, they oftentimes are settled to persever in their purpose. 
The weak ones by the dissimulation go back from their purpose lately received.  Yea & the weaker brethren newly converted unto the Gospel, when they perceive these learneder sort, and as it were the ringleaders to dissemble, they dare also do the like, and they suspect that they were deceived: and they which ought to have gone farther in religion, do then go backward.  
But we must (say they) bear with the weak ones, and sometimes to frame ourselves unto them. For we have very many, which are not yet persuaded that the Mass is an evil thing: and if they should perceive that we came not unto it, they would not hear of other chief points of religion. Wherefore we must bear somewhat with their weakness, as Paul faithfully hath counseled in his Epistle to the Romans. We grant that we must somewhat bear with such as be so weak, 
Somewhat is to be borne with the weak ones only in things indifferent.  but with Paul we may not suffer that to be done but in things indifferent. But things which by themselves are evil, and by God forbidden we may for no man's favour counsel to be done. For this is a most firm & sure rule (as I have often before said) that no man is permitted to commit evil things, that thereby good things might ensue. Yea we must not always bear with the weak ones in those indifferent things, 
The imbecility of the weak ones is not to be maintained.  but till such time as they be better & perfectlier taught. But when they once understand that thing, & do for all that still stick, their weakness is not to be nourished. Moreover we must not so much bear with them that by our example, we should hurt other members of Christ, and that many.  

Whether we should dissemble for the preservation of the churches.  Again they object unto us: If we should do so, as ye would have us to do, either we must fly, or else we shall straight way be put to death. Which thing if it should hap, our churches should be utterly forsaken, & there should be no more there to teach us. Whereunto I answer, every one of us seeth that also. And that more is, it is not hidden from God himself, whose commandment nevertheless we must obey. Let us commit the end unto him, to whom the church belongeth: Let us not doubt but that he will lovingly, & that in time provide for his spouse. Christ said unto Peter when he called him, and he tarried, and demanded what should become of john: If I will that he tarry till I come, what is that to thee? Fellow thou me. We are taught therefore to follow the word of god, whether so ever it call us, and let us commit to the caller the care of other things, which seem to hinder us. 
Doctrine which is sealed with flight and with death edifieth.  Furthermore this is not to be overpassed, that that doctrine oftentimes is of more value and more edifieth which is sealed by flight and by death, then that which is set forth only by words. Let us not be afeard though one of us fall or fly. But let us hope that god in his place will raise up very many more. But if we contemn and long dissemble the light of the truth, and flame of charity which is kindled in the hearts of men, will by little and little be extinguished.  
They bring examples of the Prophets, of Zachary, of john baptist, and of Mary the Virgin, 
Whether in the corrupted church of the jews it were lawful to communicate with the legal rites.  and of joseph, who in those corrupt & defiled times went unto the common services, and to the temple of the jews. And therefore they think they may also be permitted to do in like sort. But they ought to consider with themselves, that at that time there were many pernicious doctrines and evil opinions among the Scribes and pharisees. But yet the manner of sacrificing was not changed, for the same beasts and oblations were still offered which the law had commanded: the same days and ceremonies were observed. Wherefore holy men might use them, for as much as they had the word of god joined with them. But as for the corrupt doctrines, opinions and manners of certain priests, bishops and Scribes, were no let unto holy men, especially seeing they were pure and far from them, and in all things: both judged and also lived according to the word of god. And the corruptions of doctrine, and vices when opportunity served, they reprehended and sharply reproved. This doth Augustine testify as it is written in the xxiii 
Augustine.  Question the fourth Chap. Recedite, and in certain other Chapters, also which are there written. Let the papists do so in these days with us, let them so setforth the lords Supper and other rites as they are appointed by the word of god, and we will not refuse to use them, so that they compel us not to the confession of wicked opinions, and preach not heresies unto us, but deliver unto us the pure and uncorrupt word of God. If they themselves think evil, and if they live fylthilye, we will be sorry for them, we will admonish, rebuke, and accuse them, and put them if we may from the holy administration, when as they are passed amendment, although we abstain not from the Sacraments.  
That undoubtedly the Lord meant when he said: The Scribes & Phariseis sit on the chair of Moses, and what they say, do ye: but what they do, do ye not. It was lawful therefore for the blessed Virgin, after she was delivered of our saviour, to offer a pair of turtle Doves, or two young Pigeons, 
The Virgin mari might after her delyveri offer the oblations required by the law.  because it was so commanded in the law. Wherefore let them show unto us that their Mass by them corrupted is commanded by the word of God, and not forbidden, and then will we nothing contend with them in that matter.  
Last of all, when they are confuted in these objections, they come to this point, to say: Although it be sin to be present at Mass, yet it is but a light sin, and not to be so severely reproved by us. But when they thus say, why do they not remember, that all sins have their weight, not by the nature of the workers, 
From whens● sins have their weight.  which are prohibited, but by the word of God, and the law whereby they were forbidden? Here hence do sins get all their heaviness and weight. Whereunto james the Apostle seemeth to have had a respect, when as he saith in his second chapter. He which observeth the whole law, & offendeth in one of them, 
A place of james expounded.  is made guilty of them all. Neither do I speak so, as though I would have all sins by all means alike, which thing Augustine in his. 29. 

Sins are not equal.  
Augustine. How philosophers prove the virtues are knit together.   Epistle to Jerome aptly and manifestly denieth. He confesseth in deed that the Philosophers went about to prove it, when they affirm that all virtues are so knit together, that he which hath one virtue, hath all, and he which wanteth one, doth want them all. For as much as prudence is not fearful, neither untemperate, nor yet unjust. Wherefore it hath all the other virtues with it. And again justice, Strength, Temperance and the other virtues, are not without wisdom, and therefore they are all had being knit together. These things (saith he) agree not with the holy scriptures. For there it is written: In many things we all offend. And if we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. Wherefore seeing we sin in many things, we can not in sinning have virtue which is opposite unto sin which we commit. 
Often times he which slideth in one is constant in an other.  And nevertheless it often chanceth that he which falleth in one thing, may be constant in other things. Peradventure he which is angry, or eateth or drinketh excessively, rendereth for all that to every man his own, and is ready in God's cause valiantly to lose his life, and therefore though he be somewhat angry or untemperate, he may for all that be called just, liberal and strong. 
A similitude of the stoics.  Moreover the same father confuteth the similitude of the stoics, wherein they say, that he is as well drowned in water, over whose head the water is but an hand breadth, as he which hath the water ten or twenty cubits over his head. This similitude (saith he) is not aptly brought. Wherefore we must bring in an other more fit to the purpose, namely a similitude of light and darkness. Undoubtedly the more a man departeth from darkness, and cometh nearer to the light, he beginneth then somewhat to see. Wherefore it cometh to pass, that although he be covered with darkness, yet for all that after a sort, he is somewhat partaker of the light. But he which is desirous to know more of this thing, let him read over that .29. Epistle. And these things have I to this end brought, to confirm that all sins are not equal, as the stoics judged.  
Let us return therefore to the place of james, which I before brought. 
The observation of the law is not to be received with an exception.  He which offendeth in one, is therefore made guyltye of all, because the observing of the law, is not to be received with an exception, so that we should choose unto us any certain part of it to keep, and lay away and neglect an other part for a time as we will and list ourselves. God hath joined together the commandments of the law. And it is not our part to separate them as we list. 
Seeing the commandements of the law are joined together, it is not our part to separate them.  We must look upon the authority of the lawgiver, which ought to be of force as well in one commandment as in al. This interpretation james himself seemeth to confirm, when he saith: He which said: Thou shalt not commit adultery, The same saith: Thou shalt not kill: as though he would say: God is as much resisted in breaking one of these commandments as in an other. But it may be proved also by an other reason, that he which sinneth in one, is guilty of al. For if as we should be driven by temptation, lust or occasion, whereby we should be stirred to any certain transgression of the law, so if by the same or like violence we were driven into any other transgression, we should as well break the one as the other. Augustine also teacheth in the place now alleged, that the sentence of james is for an other cause true, because sin which is committed is undoubtedly contrary unto charity, wherein the observation of the whole law dependeth. In sum, to this end have I rehearsed all these things, to declare that sins which are committed, are not for that cause to be diminished or extenuated, because they are counted light, for so much as the transgressions of the law are not to be weighed only by the weight and worthiness of their actions, but rather by the strength of God's word, and authority of the law of God, who hath forbidden to sin.  

The right observing of the sacraments pertain unto the first table.  But least in this thing I should seem to rough, I am content that they have some consideration, even of the act wherein the sin is committed. And surely, as touching that, I cannot see how to sin against the sacraments can be judged a light fault, when as that kind of sin pertaineth to the first table, wherein undoubtedly the worshipping of God is set forth. Which worshipping alone kept whole and sound, other things are easily corrected. And on the contrary, that being corrupted and defiled, all other things whatsoever we do, become most unthankful unto God. Furthermore they think that the fault, whereof we entreat, may therefore be extenuated, because they affirm that they slide not of mind and purpose, but only by constraint. Whom if thou shouldest demand, what manner of compulsory that is which they pretend? They cannot undoubtedly give any other answer, but because they would not incur the loss of their goods, 
aristotel. Shipmen suffer wise with their wills, & not by constraint  their fame and their life. But these things make not but that the action is voluntary. For as Aristotle hath taught in his ethics, when as shipmen in danger do hurl their goods in to the sea, to avoid the danger of shipwreck, they are said commonly to be compelled, when as in deed they willingly throw them in. For they take deliberation, and with knowledge they determine rather to lose their goods than their life. And as they in that work do wisely, so do our men for the love of life and body, & covetousness of the goods of this world, unwisely choose the loss of eternal life, when as with a wicked dissimulation they go unto detestable Masses. Wherefore the excuse which they bring, cannot be received as just. The Corrinthians also mought by this reason when they were reproved of Paul, have defended themselves. If we go unto the feasts dedicated to idols, we go not thither of our own affection, as though we would allow such sacrifices, but by just reasons we are compelled to go thither: For if we should fly from such feasts, we should be counted seditious, evil Citizens and without humanity: we should lose pleasant amities, and most profitable defences, and also peradventure our riches and country. If they had said these things to Paul, would he have heard them? No truly. For he was not ignorant, but that they might have said so, and yet for all that (as it is written in his Epistle) he vehemently and most sharply reproved them. Aaron also might according to these men's opinion justly and rightly have defended himself in that he made a Calf unto the Israelites. For he mought have said, I did it not from the heart, but I was compelled so to do: because the people, except I had obeyed them, would have stoned me. In deed so be answered: but Moses which knew right well that that necessity or compulsion was not just, but came of a naughty condition or ground, which neither justice would suffer to be received, 
Mass is a certain to●ē whereby the faithful at 〈◊〉 ●en from the superstitious  nor God would by any means admit, therefore did Moses I say sharply reprove him.  
They ought also to be most assured of this, that the Mass is a pledge, an earnest penny, a token and sign, whereby Papists know theirs from others. For whether a man give alms or no: whether he pray or not pray, whether he live chastened or unpurely, and such like things they neglect, they only have a regard to this, whither he come to Mass: which if they perceive that he do, by and by they count him for one of their own. And again to detest the Mass, 
Mass is a certain profession of popery.  and not to hear it, they take it for a most certain sign of falling away from Antichrist. Wherefore we may commonly call Mass a public profession of Popery. With what colour therefore, or with what countenance can they extenuate so great a crime? They are grievous evils (say they) which hang over us: and we put ourselves in most great dangers, unless we communicate with the Papists in hearing of Masses, I confess that: but let them remember that God also foresaw all these things, and declared that they should come to pass, who for all that will not suffer, that his laws should be changed. Wherefore as touching these chances, let us cast our care upon him which hath commanded these things, & is not ignorant that these evils are joined with the observing of his commandments. 
Persecutions abrogate not the laws of God. We may not part ourselves between God & the devil.  The nature therefore and strength of troubles and dangers is not such, to be able to abrogate the laws of God. They abide, yea and for ever shall abide, and therefore let us not desire to have them broken by our dangers or miseries. And men are healthfully and rightly counseled, not to part them selves between God and the devil, to deliver unto God their affection or heart, and grant unto the devil their body and outward parts.  
For so much as by the parts of the distinction before put, 

Of princes and maiestrats how they ought to behave themselves with infidels.  
A distinction of powers.   we have sufficiently spoken of private men as touching their dwelling together with Infidels, now resteth to declare of Princes or Magistrates. And they are either principal, as they which depend of no other, neither have any power above them, or else they are inferior powers, which lawfully as of right are subject unto Superiors, either because they are their Deputies or Ministers, that is, Officiales or Vicars, as they are commonly called. Let us first therefore speak of such as be absolute and mere higher powers, ask whether they in their dominions may suffer the faithful to be conversant with Infidels? I think it be lawful, 
It is lawful for princes to suffer the conversation of the faithful with the unfaithful with certain cautions.  so that there be certain conditions or cautions put. For when the Roman Empire received the Christian religion, every one which were under that Empire believed not by and by in Christ, who were for all that suffered both to live, and also peaceably to dwell there. Yea in the time of Ambrose, Symmachus who was without Christ, was not ashamed to require of the Emperors that the rites of the ethnics might be restored, which he obtained not. And now when as kingdoms and dominions have admitted the preaching of the Gospel, there are many still suffered, which are wonderfully affected toward the Pope and his wickedness. Which cannot without great perturbation of things be separated from them which are of the Gospel. Wherefore Princes are compelled to suffer such conversations, neither is that to be ascribed a fault in them, 
The first caution.  so that they depart not from these just cautions. The first of those cautions is, that they constrain the faithful to no ungodly woorshippinges: for than should they not execute the offices of the Ministers of God, but rather of the devil and of Antichrist, by good works they should not be a terror unto the wicked, neither should they advance Caution. 2 the word of God, but the tyranny of Satan. secondly, let them beware, that they permit not unto the Infidels wicked rites, and ungodly ceremonies in their dominions. Of this crime was Solomon guilty, not that he compelled the jews to worship Idols, but for because to his wives and Concubines which were strangers, he permitted temples in jewry, wherein they might worship Astartes and Chamos and other strange Gods. 
Solomon was for his sin punished by the law of the like called Lex talionis.  But that God was grievously angry with him, the holy history declareth. He was justly punished by the law of the like. That as he had divided the holy worshipping in granting part of it to God, and part unto Idols: so was his kingdom divided, and part of it was granted to his son, and part was given unto jeroboam the Son of Nebath. But his fault spread abroad into his posterity. For Achas, Manasses, and many other ungodly kings had wicked and detestable woorshippinges at jerusalem. Wherefore they were by the Prophets grievously and sharply reproved. 
The magistrate ought to revenge idolatry.  And undoubtedly a Magistrate cannot but be blamed, when he nourisheth idolatry, when as he beareth the sword to revenge wicked acts. Wherefore he must either think that idolatry is no wicked act, or that it is by the Magistrate and other to be avenged. 
Augustine.  Augustine often times excellently well entreateth of this place of David: Be wise now therefore O ye Kings, be learned ye that are judges of the earth, serve the Lord in fear. etc. He saith also, it is meet that kings serve the Lord. Neither entreated David of them, in that respect that they are men: for so are they with other bound to observe common laws. 
How and in what sort Kings ought to serve God.  Wherefore for so much as they are kings, they are admonished, namely to use the power and sword given them by God, to defend the verity of the true faith, and to put down the ungodly, that the catholic truth and church of the son of God, as far as their dominions extend be not assaulted. Wherefore it is not lawful for Princes to grant unto the ungodly unpure worshippings, yea it is their part, chiefly to urge sound doctrine, ceremonies and rites, which agree with the word of God.  

We may not urge to keep the external rites alike every where.  And yet for all that (to speak a word or two of that by the way) I do not think that we should to much contend, that rites and ceremonies may be all alike, and observed every where, after one manner. But this is to be provided for, that they be not against the word of God, yea rather let them draw unto it as much as may be, and as far as they are able, let them set forth edification, and a decent order. For otherwise it skilleth not whether we receiveth sacrament of the lords Supper, standing, or sitting, or kneeling, so that the institution of the Lord be kept, and occasion of superstition be cut of. Neither is it any matter when the brethren communicate, 
Diversity of ceremonies is profitable.  whither some one place of the holy scriptures be red, or Psalms and thankesgeving be song of the people. Yea I think that this variety in rites much profiteth to bring in a true opinion of ceremonies, namely that all men may understand, that those ceremonies which are not set forth in the holy scriptures, 
Augustine.  are not necessary unto salvation, but may be changed for edification sake as time shall serve. And Augustine to januarius and to Cassulanus was also of this opinion.  
Caution. 3 The third condition or caution that is to be added, is that Princes take heed that those infidels whom they suffer in their dominions, be continually with diligence instructed. And not (as the manner commonly is) neglect them in those things which pertain unto godliness: otherwise the glory of God cannot be looked for, by their suffering, if without teaching they may be suffered continually Caution. 4 to abide in their ungodly opinion. For in process of time they become nothing the better, but far worse than they were before. Moreover they must beware that by that mutual conversation they infect not the people committed to Caution. 5 their charge with the scab of infidelity and errors. 
They must be compelled at the last to the sound and pure outward worshippings of God.  And finally, when they are well instructed and taught, they must compel them to sound and pure woorshyppings, which are prescribed by the holy scriptures. For the Magistrate may not suffer his Citizens to live without exercises of godliness. For the end of civil rule, is that the Citizens should live both virtuously & happily. And who seeth not but that godliness & the worshipping of God is the chief of all virtues?  

Whether a prince ought at the length to compel his subjects to the right use of the sacraments.  But peradventure some will say: If a Prince should compel those unto the right use of the sacraments, which are not yet persuaded of the truth, he should drive them headlong into sin: so far is it of from setting forward their salvation. For there they should do against their conscience: and what so ever they so do (even as the Apostle witnesseth) is sin. Wherefore I think it good to make a distinction between that which is of or by itself, and that which is at adventure and by hap, or (as they are wont to speak in Schools) that which cometh per accidens, that is by chance. The Magistrate in this thing which we have now in hand, setteth forth to his subjects that thing which is of itself right, good and just, but in that, sin thereby cometh that happeneth nothing at all by his default, but rather by those men's incredulity or misbelief, whereof he is not to be accused, when as he hath diligently laboured to have his Citizens well instructed. Neither the Papists, which at this day are suffered of Christian Magistrates are ignorant that we ought to have in use the Sacraments instituted by the Lord. Wherefore they cannot justly complain of their Magistrates, if they will have them uprightly, and in due order ministered unto them.  
Moreover they which object these things unto us, must diligently mark this, that by the same way we may cavil against God. For he hath set forth unto men his law which is most perfect to be kept of them. Shall we say unto him, we are weak and of a corrupt and vicious nature, neither can we perform thy commandments, as thou commandest: wherefore whether we do against that which thou hast commanded, or whether we endeavour ourselves to perform that which thou hast bidden, we shall ever sin, because we shall faint, neither can we obey as we should do. Wherefore what soever we do we shall not avoid sin?  
If any man brawlinglye should speak these things against God, might not he by good right answer? They be just and right which I have set forth unto you to be observed. But in that ye are feeble and weak, it ought not to be counted a fault in me. For I have excellently helped your weakness, which for your sakes have given my Son unto the death. If ye shall believe only in him, what so ever ye shall not accomplish in performing my precepts, it shall not be imputed to you to everlasting death.  
So also may a good Prince answer: I require of you those things which are written in the word of God, and which are decent and do edify. Wherefore if your opinion or conscience be against it, that is not to be ascribed unto me, which have diligently laboured that ye might not be ignorant of the truth and miserably perish. For I have diligently seen unto, that ye should be taught and instructed in the truth, & so will I still go forward in exhorting, admonishing and commanding you: but read ye the holy Scriptures, hear your Teachers, and pray unto God to open the eyes of your mind. These things if the Prince shall say unto those men which do so cavil against him, I do not see by what right, or by what means he can be reprehended.  
And I think this is not to be omitted that Augustine said, 
Augustine changed his sentence for compelling of heretics.  that he was once of that opinion, that nothing should be done by violence against heretics, but only they should be instructed by admonitions and doctrine. But he confesseth that he was admonished by certain bishops of more experience, which showed him of certain Cities, which before were in a manner utterly destroyed by the error of the Donatists, and were by violence and laws of the Emperors compelled to come unto the catholic Church, which Cities being thus at the length sincerely converted unto the truth, rendered thanks unto GOD, neither would they, if by any means they mought have returned again to so pernicious opinions. Wherefore a godly Prince shall nothing hurt such men, yea he shall profit them much, if after he have instructed them, he compel them to receive the Sacraments duly, as they be delivered by the word of God.  
But this is to be understand as touching his own Citizens, his native country men and Denizens, which enjoy the right of the City or province. Otherwise I do not think that he ought to use any violence toward strangers that pass to and fro, and which do occupy the trade of Merchandise, either inward or outward. Although also as touching those men, I think that he must diligently beware that they infect not the people with wicked doctrine. 
An example of the Israelites which is to be observed.  Wherefore I suppose that the steps of the Israelites are to be followed, who made none a jew or a Proselyte, neither endued any with the right of their people, except first he circumcised himself, received the law of Moses, and communicated with their sacrifices. And seeing that that was so diligently observed of them, there is no cause, why our Princes ought not to do the like, namely to suffer none to be of their City, or as one of them, or a stranger to be made free, but first they should constrain him to services and ceremonies agreeing with the word of God.  

What is to be said of magistrates which are subject to a superior power A distinction.  But now let us go on and speak of those Magistrates or Lordts which are subject to a superior power. These seem after this manner to be divided, some to have jurisdiction either proper, or by heritage, or else committed unto them by Emperors, Kings, and public wealths. Or else they are without jurisdiction and are counted noble only for nobility of blood, or for riches heaped together.  
And assuredly for so much as those latter sorts differ nothing almost from private men, in mine opinion we must so judge of them, as before I have taught of private men. But the first which are Rulers of Provinces, Cities and places, either by inheritance, or by office committed unto them, they ought not otherwise to do in the thing whereof we now entreat, than we have before prescribed for those which are mere and full Magistrates. For by the commandment of the superior Princes, it is not lawful for them to compel the Subjects whom they govern, unto ungodly religion, neither to permit the same to those Infidels which inhabit in their dominions. But if thou wilt say, we must obey the higher power: I grant that, but usque ad arras, that is, 
An answer of the Lacedæmonians.  as far as religion suffereth. When they which overcame the Lacedæmonians commanded such things as were against their laws and institutions, they said: We would rather die, yea, than ye should command us things harder than death. Wherefore such kind of Magistrates must in all other things be subject to the superior power: but in those things which are against the word of God, they must not in any sort follow their affection.  

An example of the Machabites.  The Machabites when the jews than lived under the Macedonians, Antiochus, Demetrius, and Alexander, who withdrew the jews from the true woorshypping of God, would not be obedient unto them. And when that that house of priesthood was chiefest next to the kings house, lest the sincere and ancient religion should be destroyed, it fell from these kings.  

The books of the Machabits contain not so do arguments whereby the doctrine of the faithful can be proved  Neither in alleging these things count I not the books of the Machabites to be such, from whence I would judge any strong arguments of doctrine may be taken, but that I count that story true, as a story which is not only contained in these books, but also hath been written of other authors.  

An example of Ezechias.  I will add also the act of Ezechias the king, who as it is written in the second book of Kings the xviii Chapter, was bound to the king of the Assyrians. For as it is mentioned in the same book the xvi chapter, Achas had yielded himself unto the king of the Assyrians, to whom he did not only pay tribute, but to please him with all, he changed the worshipping of the true God. For he going to Damascus to meet the king, commanded an altar to be made at jerusalem, according to the example which he had there seen, and followed the religion and worshipping of the Syrians. But Ezechias his Son being very godly, perceiving that those things which his Father had done were against the word of God, utterly fell from the king of the Assyrians, who then ruled over him as a superior power. But first he assayed to pacify him with gifts and money: but when he saw that would take no place, 
We must beware as much as is possible of seditions.  he defended both his people and himself against him with all his power. We must take heed nevertheless that in those things we beware of seditions, as much as may be, and we must most diligently provide, that such Magistrates under pretence of religion seek not their own.  
These things if they observe, and resist their superior Magistrates, only for godliness sake, let them not suspect, that they commit any unjust thing. Moreover the holy Scriptures command, that every soul should be subject to the higher powers. But that must be understand as much as shall be lawful by the word of God. For in the same scriptures it is written: That a Magistrate is a fear not to good workers, but to evil. Wherefore if the inferiors do not set forward evil works but good, they do not then resist their powers. Wilt thou not fear the power, saith the apostle? do good and for that thou shalt be praised. Wherefore if they defend godliness, they shall deserve rather praise than blame. But if thou do evil, fear the power: for he beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, and a revenger to anger against him which doth evil. All these sentences do confirm the courages of the inferior powers, that they should be nothing afeard of the superior power, when they in defending of religion obey it not.  
But thou wilt say: by what law do inferior Princes resist either the Emperor or Kings, or else public wealths, when as they defend the sincere religion and true faith? I answer by the law of the Emperor, or by the law of the King, or by the law of the public wealth. For they are chosen of Emperors, Kings, and public wealths, as helpers to rule, whereby justice may more and more flourish. And therefore were they ordained according to the office committed unto them, rightly, justly, and godly to govern the public wealth. Wherefore they do according to their duty, when in cause of religion they resist the higher power. Neither can that superior power justly complain, if in that case the inferior power fall from it.  
The Emperor testifieth in the Code, 
justinian.  that his mind is not that any of his decrees should take place in judgements against right, but that they ought to be made void and of no force, if that peradventure they be known to decline from justice. Wherefore trajan is not unworthily commended, 
A goodly sentence of trajan.  which when he delivered the sword and the girdle unto the Lieutenant of the Pretorshyppe, said: If I rule justly, use it on my side: but if I rule unjustly, use it against me.  
Gregory a bishop of Rome can not be excused, 
An error of Gregory Bishop of Rome.  which knowing that the law made by Mauritius was unjust (for he had decreed that no man being occupied with business of the public wealth, or appointed for warfare should be made a Clerk or a Monk) wrote in deed to the Emperor, that when he had seen his law, he was wonderfully afraid, and therefore desired him, either to remit somewhat of the rigour thereof, or else utterly to alter it. Howe beit he added, that he would (now that he had done his duty in admonishing him) because of that obedience and service which he ought unto him) publish the law at Rome as he was commanded. Undoubtedly this act of Gregory cannot but be reproved, because he ought not to have obeyed the superior power in that thing, which he judged to be unjust or wicked. When we do after this sort write of these things, we do nothing at all open a way unto seditions, but only this is our care, that those things which belong to God may be given, yea rather restored unto God, and those things which pertain unto Caesar, may be rendered to Caesar. If the higher power would require, either goods or things of this world, for the use of the public wealth, my counsel is that they should be given, but not when those things are required to be subverted and destroyed, which belong to the worshipping of God. And undoubtedly by this means we may easily excuse just Naboth, 
Naboth is excused.  which would not grant unto his King his vineyard. For he did not that of covetousness or of pride, but because he saw thereby the law of God to be violated, whereby it was ordained, that lands and possessions among the people of Israel should remain distributed by just division. This law of god the king went about to violate, and to the performance thereof he sought the consent of that man, which he with a good conscience could not perform.  

Whether the inferior powers ought in those cases to forsake their offices.  Some think that when superior powers go about to drive the inferior powers to wicked things, it were good and meet, that they which exercise the inferior office should resign and depart from their office. But I think not so, for this were to fall from his vocation, which ought not to be done, especially, when as we see that we must give over to the ungodly, which either resist or oppress the kingdom of God. I judge therefore that they ought to continue, until they be by force cast out by the superior powers, that they may in keeping their office valiantly defend the glory of God. But (alas) we see very many Dukes, Earls and Princes which if the King or Emperor would take away from them their dominions, they would not leave a stone unmoved, to defend & keep their own. There would they with all their force resist the higher powers for this cause and under this title, because they would unjustly deprive them of their things. But when the kingdom of god, godliness, and pure religion are assailed of them, and these inferior powers are required as Ministers to be at hand, and to help to overthrow them, they dare not speak or resistany thing at all. Wherefore we can think nothing else, but that they have little regard of the kingdom of Christ, and of true godliness.  


answers to the arguments put in the beginning. To the first.  
Christ did well in being conversant with the ungodly.   Now resteth to answer to those arguments, which were put forth in the beginning by which seemed to be proved, that conversation together with Infidels is lawful. Christ was alleged who was conversant with Pharisees, Sinners, and Publicans. But he was not only strong and wise, but also the chief of all wise and strong men, and he could so profit the evil, that the malice of others could nothing at all hurt him. Wherefore they which are constant and learned, may lawfully (as we have taught) be conversant with Infidels, to the end thereby to profit them to salvation.  
Secondly was brought forth a place of Paul, who prohibited, that a faithful husband or wife should not depart from an Infidel, 
To the second. How far the unfaithful man or wife ought to be borne with all.  so that he or she were content to dwell together. We declared also that natural and civil necessities, especially such as are instituted of god should be observed. And yet for all that, that which is there said by the Apostle, must not be understand so simply as it is pretended: because if an unfaithful husband should entice his wife being a Christian unto ungodliness, or would not cease to blaspheme Christ, such a matrimony ought not to continue.  

To the third. Why Paul commanded not the infidels but evil brethren to be avoided.  Thirdly there was declared a sentence of the same Apostle to the Corrinthians, which is that all covetous persons, evil speakers, drunkards, and whoremongers are not to be avoided, for otherwise we must go out of the world, but he said that those only were to be eschewed which were counted brethren. As touching this purpose of Paul, we must diligently mark, first that he saw right well, that the necessities of life could not suffer, that all those which believed not at that time in Christ, should be avoided: for the greatest part of men at the beginning were far from Christ, neither could the infideles have been made better, if our men had separated themselves altogether from them.  
But by the sentence of Paul the corrupt brethren were driven both to grief and shame, whilst they saw that for their sins they were eschewed of those, to whom before they had been familiar and dear, and were joined unto them as members of one body. Furthermore when this discipline flourished, the Church was not evil spoken of for the sins of the brethren, which would otherwise have happened, if they had winked at wicked acts. 
To the fourth.  Therefore these sentences are nothing against those things, which we before determined. And much less that which was alleged of Abraham how he journeyed as a stranger among ethnics and Idolaters. 
The peregrination of Abraham among that ethnics is defended.  first because he did it by the calling of God. Secondly because he was of so great constancy and wisdom that he could be conversant with the ungodly without any hurt to himself, and to their great profit. For whether so ever he went, he carried about with him the name of God and the worshipping of him. 
To the fifth. Of Loth.  We may answer the same also of Loath: If he went unto the five cities with a good mind, namely to teach the Sodomites godliness and the right way. But if he went thither being moved only with the commodity of the place, he did not well. And assuredly his going thither had but ill success. For he was led away captive, and Abraham was fain to redeem him. And when afterward those places were by the power of God burnt, he was compelled whether he would or no, to remove from thence. I need not to speak much at this present of Naaman the Sirian, for I have before entreated enough of him. Moreover I think it be manifest enough what was the cause, why some of them that were healed by Christ were sent back to their own, namely to Preach and faithfully to declare unto them, what had happened unto themselves.  
Now resteth somewhat to speak peculiarly of jews and Heretics. 
Of the jews.  For these kind of men are suffered almost in all cities, provinces and kingdoms to dwell together with Christians. Why the jews should be suffered. 
Augustine.  Augustine among other bringeth forth certain reasons. He in his four and xviii books de civitate Dei, and also upon the lviii Psalm, and in other places, writeth, that they ought therefore to be suffered, because they before other kind of men had the promise of salvation, neither are they passed all hope, when as daily some of them, although but a few, return unto Christ. Blindness (sayeth Paul to the Romans) fell partly on Israel: as though he would say, not on al. Moreover the same Apostle addeth, when the fullness of the Gentiles is entered, than all Israel shall be saved. And lest thou shouldest peradventure think, that these words are to be understand allegorically, Paul writeth them as a misery, and to confirm his sentence he bringeth the prophecy of Esay the Prophet: namely that iniquity shall be then taken away from jacob.  
Furthermore they are now called enemies unto God, for our sakes: but called friends, because of their fathers. The same Augustine in his Questions upon the Gospel, the second book and xxxiii. Question (if that these books be of Augustine his writing) when he interpreteth the parable of the prodigal son, he sayeth that that son signifieth the Gentiles. For it is written, that he departed into a far country, because the ethnics were so far departed from God, that they openly worshipped Idols, and with open profession.  
But the elder son, by whom was shadowed the people of the Hebrews, went not so far. And although he were not in his Father's house, which is the Church, he dwelled for all that in the field. For the jews are exercised in the holy Scriptures which they do not rightly understand, nor yet with that spiritual sense wherein the Church of Christ taketh them, but in an earthly and carnal sense. Wherefore they are not unaptelye said to be in the field. This Elder son entereth not at the beginning into the house of his Father, but in the latter days he shall also be called and come.  
The same Father also bringeth for this sentence that which is written in the 58. Psalm, as he readeth it, Do not kill them lest they forget thy law, but in thy power disperse them. The Son of God (saith he) prayeth unto the father, that that nation might not be destroyed, but might wander every where throughout the world.  
Other provinces when they were overcome of the Romans, followed the laws and rites of the Romans, 
The jews received not the laws and customs of the Romans.  so that at the length they were made Romans: but the jews, although they were overcome by the Romans yet would they never follow their laws, rites and ceremonies, they yet observe their own as much as they may, and being dispersed they wander abroad. Neither have they utterly forgotten the law of GOD: not that they Godly apply themselves to observe it, but only read it, and keep certain signs and institutions whereby they are discerned from other Nations. Moreover it seemeth that God hath put a sign upon them as he did upon Cain, because he had killed his brother Abel, namely that every man should not kill them.  

The dispersing of the jews is profitable to Christians.  Neither is this their dispersion through out the world unprofitable to the Christians, because (as it is written to the Romans) they are showed unto us as broken bows. And for so much as we were grafted in their place, when as we see that they were so miserably cut of, we acknowledge the grace of god toward us, and by beholding of them we are taught to take heed that we also be not likewise cut of for infidelity sake, for which self cause they are broken of. There is also an other commodity, which cometh unto us by their dispersing, because our books are saved by them, I mean the holy Bible, which they every where carry about with them and read: And although, because they are blinded, 
Against those which burn the Bibles in Hebrew  they believe not, yet they confess that those writings are most true. They are in heart deadly enemies against us, but by these books which they have and reverence, they are a testimony to our religion. Wherefore I can not enough marvel at those, which do so much hate the jews tongue, and Bibles in Hebrew, 
Augustine.  that they desire to have them destroyed and burnt, when as Augustine de doctrina Christiana thinketh that if we chance sometimes to doubt of the Greek or Latin translation, we must fly unto the truth of the Hebrew, And Jerome in many places writeth the same.  

Whether the hebrews have corrupted the books of holy scriptures. Jerome.  But they say that the holy books were vitiated and corrupted, by the hebrews. To this Jerome upon Isaiah the vi Chapter toward the end answereth thus. Either they did this before the coming of Christ and Preaching of the Apostles, or else afterward. If a man will say that it was done of them before, then seeing Christ and his Apostles reprehended the most grievous wicked acts of the jews. I marvel why they would speak nothing of that sacrilege, and so detestable a wicked act. Undoubtedly they would have reproved them for viciating and corrupting the Scriptures. But if thou wilt contend that there were afterward faults brought in by them, then will I say that they ought chief to have corrupted those places which do testify of Christ and his religion, and which were alleged by the Lord himself, and of the Apostles in the new Testament. But they remain uncorrupt, and the same sentence remaineth still in the Hebrew Bibles which they put. For they were not so careful for the words. Wherefore it is not likely that they as touching other places have corrupted the holy scriptures. Yea if a man diligently read over their books, he shall find in them a great many more testimonies and those more plain and manifest, than our common traslation hath. Do not they read in the second Psalm: Kiss ye the son, which ours have translated, Take ye hold of discipline? Which words undoubtedly are referred unto Christ. But I mean not at this present to bring all such testimonies. It is sufficient if with Jerome I prove that the books of holy Scriptures are not corrupted by the hebrews, neither assuredly if they would they should have miss of their purpose. For there are found many most ancient & handwritten books, which have been of a long time most diligently kept by Christians, which came never in their hands to corrupt.  
But let us return to treat of that commodity which Augustine hath declared. There are very many (sayeth he) that would peradventure think, that those things, which we declare of the ancient people, and of the Prophets are vain and feigned of us, unless they saw the jews' yet remaining on live, 
The hebrews & their books are most plain witnesses of our faith.  which with their books maintain our sentence even against their will. Wherefore although the hebrews be blinded in heart, & are against us as much as they may, yet are they with their books most plain witnesses of our faith. And undoubtedly of all testimonies, that testimony is most of value, 
God will have a church even by the testimonies of his adversaries.  which is witnessed by our enemies. And god hath wonderfully provided for this kind of testimonies for his church, For we have not only the books of the Hebrews witnessing with us, but also Verses of the Sibylla's, which were borne in sundry countries. Neither is it to be supposed that our elders feigned those Verses of themselves. 
Verses of the Sibylla's.  For in the time of Lactantius, Eusebius of Cesaria, & Augustine, which alleged those Verses, the books of the Sibylla's were rife in every man's hand. Wherefore if our elders should have adjoined unto them any counterfeit Verses, the ethnics which were then many in number, and were full of eloquence, and deadly enemies to our religion, would have reproved them as vain and liars. What then remaineth, but that god would wonderfully defend his church even by the testimonies of our adversaries? Therefore the jews are now suffered among Christians, partly for the promise sake, which they have that salvation should be given to their kindred: partly because of the commodities, which I have now rehearsed out of Augustine. Wherefore they are not only suffered but also they have synagogues, wherein they openly read the books of the holy scriptures, and also call upon the god of their fathers. In which thing nevertheless the diligence of the Magistrates and bishops is much to be required, who ought to provide that they do there no other thing, and by all means to beware that in their common prayers, exhortations, and Sermons, they curse not nor blaspheme Christ our God. If the Magistrates and bishops have not a care over these things, they can not but be most justly accused. 
The Turks ought not to have any synagogues granted them.  But it is not lawful to grant unto the Turks any holy assemblies for that they have not a peculiar promise of their salvation, neither would they there read either the old Testament or the new, but only their most detestable book called Alcoran.  
Furthermore the jews must be forbidden that they exercise not false bargaining and usury among Christians, 
The jews must be prohibited from false bargaining and usury.  thereby to vex and afflict the poor Christians before our face, which can not be done but with great horror. But our princes exact of them a very great tribute and receive at their hands a great pray by their hands by usury and false bargaining. So far are they of from prohibiting them from these evil arts. Furthermore (which is more hurtful) they provide not to have them taught, when as they ought to compel them, to come often to the holy Sermons of the Christians: 
Prince's ought to care that the jews may be taught  otherwise, whilst they are so neglected and unlooked for, they wax every day worse and worse, and more stubborn. So that either very little fruit or else almost none at all, can now be looked for by their dwelling among Christians.  
It is also diligently to be seen unto, that they corrupt not our men, in seducing them to their jewish religion. 
The heresy of the Marranes.  By reason this thing hath been neglected, the heresy of the Marranes hath much increased and that chief in Spain. Moreover it is meet, that they may by some apparel or certain sign be known from Christians, lest a man unawares should be as familiarly conversant with them as with Christians. And as touching this kind of infidels these things are sufficient.  

What heresy is.  Now must we speak of heretics. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is derived of this verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is to elect or choose, For those kind of men chose unto themselves some certain opinions, which are against the holy Scriptures, and do stubbornly defend the same. 
The causes of heresy.  And the causes of this their choice, for the most part are either because they are ignorant of the holy Scriptures, or else if they know them they despise them, and being driven by some covetousness they apply themselves to the invention of some errors. Wherefore Augustine in his book de utilitate credendi writeth. 
Augustine.  An heretic is he which for the love of gain or rule, either bringeth up, or else followeth new opinions. The definition therefore of heresy is a choice and stubborn defending of opinions, 
The definition of heresy.  which are against the holy Scriptures, either by reason of ignorance or else contempt of them, to the end the easilier to obtain their own pleasures and commodities. The choice and stubborn defending is in this definition in stead of the form. But the opinions disagreeing with the holy scriptures serve for the matter. Pride and covetousness make heresy. And the obtaining of dignities, gain and pleasures are appointed as ends of this so great a mischief. By this definition it is manifest enough (as I think) who be heretics, I mind not at this present to speak of the kinds & sorts of heresies. I shall as I trust have better occasion, & a place more meet to speak thereof. This will I say briefly, as touching this question, we must have none otherwise to do with heretics, than with infidels and jews. And I suppose that these things are sufficient as touching this question, which hath been hitherto discussed, I would God so perfectly, as with many words. Wherefore I will return unto the history.    

The second Chapter.  

1 ANd the Angel of the Lord ascended from Gilgal to Bochim and said: I made you to go out of Egipte, and have brought you unto the Land which I swore unto your Fathers: And I said, I will not break mine appointment that I made with you.  
TWo things have hitherto been set forth unto us. first the noble victories which the israelites obtained as long as they obeyed the word of God. Secondly the transgression, whereby contrary to the commandments of God, they both saved and also made tributaries unto themselves those nations, whom they ought utterly to have destroyed. But now is set forth unto us, how God of his goodness by his Legate reprehended the Israelites for the wicked act which they had committed, and that not without fruit. For when they heard the word of God, they repented.  
first the messenger of God maketh mention of the benefits which god had bestowed on his people. 
The principal points of the Sermon.  Secondly he upbraideth them of their wicked acts, wherewith they being ingrate requited so great gifts. lastly are set forth the threatenings and punishments wherewith God would punish them except they repented.  
But before we come to entreat of the oration of this legate, it were good to declare what he was. The Hebrew word Melach, 
It is doubtful what this Legate was.  and also the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are doubtful, and sometimes they signify a nature without a body, I mean spirits the ministers of God, and other sometimes they signify a messenger, what soever he be. There are examples of these in many places of the scriptures, which should be superfluous now to declare. Some supposed that some certain spirit was sent from God, which appeared unto the people in a visible form, and reproved them as he was commanded: And they persuade themselves that he was first seen in Gilgal, and there commanded the people, to ascend from thence to a place, which was afterward called Bochim of weeping. The Hebrew word Melach is not against this interpretation: and that maketh with it also, because he speaketh as God. 
The angel speaketh in the person of God.  I have made you (saith he) to ascend out of Egypt. With which self same kind of speech the Angel in Genesis spoke to Abraham, and in Exodus to Moses. Where it is also written, that God put his name in him. But it seemed unto the ancient fathers, 
That angel which spoke unto the fathers is thought to have been christ  that that angel which in the old Testament appeared & spoke in the name of God, was Christ the son of God. For it is written in john, No man hath seen God at any time: the son which in the bosom of the father he hath declared him. These words declare unto us that what soever things are said to have been spoken by God in the old Testament, the same were made open by Christ. But other suppose that this messenger or legate was a minister of the Church, that is either a Priest or a Prophet, whose office was, to reprehend the sins of the people. Among the Hebrew Rabines, 
Levi the son of Gerson.  Levi the son of Gerson doth therefore think this to be very likely, because it is not convenient, that an angel should openly speak to so great a multitude. But his reason is very weak. for seeing God when he gave the law spoke in the mount Sina to the whole multitude of the hebrews, what should let, but that he could teach an angel to do the same? But this is of some what more strength, because it is declared in the history, that this messenger ascended from Gilgal to Bochim. For if he were an angel, it seemeth that it should rather have been said, that he descended from heaven, & not ascended from Gilgal to Bochim. And surely it appeareth a feigned thing, that they feign that he first appeared in Gilgal, and then called the people together to Bochim. For he mought have in Gilgal expressed unto the people those things which he afterward declared in Bochim. Wherefore the hebrews affirm that this Prophet or Priest received in Gilgal the spirit and inspiration of God, wherewith he was stirred up and appointed to the assembly of the people, which then for certain causes were assembled in Bochim, 
Praises of Phineas the priest  there to express the commandments of God to the people, yea they say that that Prophet was Phineas the Priest the nephew of Aaron, I mean the son of Eleazar for he was a very severe man, and most zealous of godliness and righteousness. In the book of Numb: it is mentioned how he slew Zamri a prince of the family of Simeon namely for this, because he committed open fornication with a Madianitishe harlot. And the father of the harlot was a prince among the Madianites. And God manifestly allowed the zeal of Phineas. For he promised him the priesthood of his nation, with an everlasting covenant: and ceased from destroying the people, being mitigated with his noble act. Phineas therefore was not only godly, but also of a stout and valiant courage. He feared not for gods cause to enter into grievous hatreds, and to put himself to present danger. Wherefore David in the 106. Psalm rehearsing this history commendeth him after this sort: Phineas stood up and revenged, and the plague ceased, and it was counted unto him for righteousness from generation to generation for ever. Wherefore that act which by his own nature mought have seemed cruel and horrible, did not only please God, and was of him allowed for a just act: but he also delivered the people from a most grievous plague, wherewith they were then vexed. The count of the years if they be rightly counted is not against this opinion now alleged. Yea and it is found in this self same book, that he was on live, when war was made against the tribe of Benjamin to revenge the wicked act perpetrated in Gabaa. 
R. Salomoh.  Rabbi Salomoh also declareth, that the book which is entitled Sedar Olam, testifieth the same. 
Kimhi.  Likewise David Kimhi & the old hebrews seem to incline to this opinion. But what soever he was, I think it skilleth not much. This aught to be most certain and sure, that the things declared by him were the words of God.  

Where Gilgal lieth.  Gilgal, is a city lying in the plain of jordane, not far from the city of jericho. And it had that name hereof, because there josuah by the commandment of the Lord provided that the people of Israel, which had wandered uncircumcised thorough the wilderness, celebrated a solemn circumcision. And when they had so done, God answered, that he had removed from them the reproach of Egypt. For Gal signifieth in Hebrew to turn away and to remove. Moreover in that place, but not at that time, but long before, was the tabernacle, & the Ark of the covenant. Namely in the time of josuah when the people passed over jordane. And by that means that place was counted religious. Wherefore Saul the first king of the hebrews was anointed in Gilgal. But Bochim was so called of them which wept as we shall straight way hear. And it is called so now by the figure Prolepsis, because it was not yet named by that name. And as it appeareth by the history they going from Gilgal ascended to Bochim. Furthermore we must note that the legate speaketh not in his own name, but in the name of God & yet he useth not those kind of phrases which the other Prophets did, namely Thus saith the Lord. etc. The word of the Lord came unto me. etc. And in rehearsing the benefits bestowed on the people. First of all he maketh mention of the delivery of their fathers out of egypt, because that had newly happened unto the hebrews. 
The benefits of God are like words which testify of his nature & goodness.  And God, to the end the knowledge of him should not be blotted out, useth to put men in mind of those benefits that he hath bestowed on them, and will have them to be as certain words, expressing his nature and goodness unto us. And he always beginneth his rehearsal at things that are latest done, and of them he claimeth unto himself titles or names attributed unto him, 
God taketh surnames by his benefits.  by which he would be both called upon and also known, for at the beginning God was called upon by that that he created heaven and earth, and afterward by that that he was the God of Abraham, Isaac, and jacob. After that as a deliverer out of egypt. Then as a deliverer out of the captivity of Babylon.  

God beginneth the rehearsal of benefits last given.  But lastly as the father of our Lord jesus Christ. But now of the benefit lately bestowed on them, he calleth himself the deliverer out of egypt. Afterward he adjoineth an other benefit. And I have brought you into the land which I swore unto your fathers. It was not sufficient that they were delivered out of Egypt, but they had ample & noble places assigned unto them. Thirdly he saith, This have I given you. That I would have my covenant made with you to have continued for ever, if it mought have been by your obedience But ye have not suffered it. These benefits which in this place are rehearsed are plain and manifest enough. 
Two principal things to be considered in the covenant.  But as touching the last, namely of the covenant, two things are to be considered in it, First which is also the chief of all good things, is the redemption which should be made by Christ. Neither could this be hindered by any sins of men. For God is faithful (as Paul testifieth to the Romans) neither departeth he from his truth, for our evil deserts. The second is, the success of outward good things and civil ornaments. Which kind of covenant or promise, because it was conditionally it might therefore sometimes be altered, and undoubtedly of this doth our preacher at this present speak. And what conditions God required of the Israelites, here he declareth in this sermon.   

2 And ye also shall make no covenant with the inhabiters of this land, but shall break down their altars: Nevertheless ye have not obeyed my voice, why have ye this done?  
3 Wherefore I have also determined, I will not cast them out before your face, but they shallbe as pricks in your sides, and their Gods shallbe a snare unto you.  
God by covenant had prescribed two things in especial, 
What god prescribed the Israelites in the covenant.  first that they should make no league with the Chananites: secondly that they should pluck down their altars and temples. These are every where written in the law especially in Exodus the 13. and 20. In the book of Numb: 33. In Deut. 7.  
Now after these conditions required of God is set forth the transgression of the Israelites. But ye (saith he) have not harkened unto my voice. The jews were not yet fallen so far that they committed Idolatry, they are only reproved for violating the covenant, because they had saved the Idols and altars of the Chananites. The wonderful goodness of God surely is showed by these words: Why have ye this done? 
A vehement manner of amplifying of sin.  He demandeth the cause as being ready to hear their excuse, if they could bring any that were just and lawful. And by this means also the grievousness of the sin is amplified, as being so grievous that it could by colour be defended. And undoubtedly thus it is. 
God is not afeard in judgement to contend with sinners.  God's cause against us is so good, that he is not afeard in judgement to reason with sinners, as the Prophets Esay and Micheas have plainly taught. The preacher goeth forward, and showeth what punishment they should have for this fault.  
For so much as ye have not stand by your covenant, I will also go from my promises. I will not expel the Chananites out of this region as I had promised: & if so be that I do not expel them, ye are so weak and feeble that by your own power, ye can not cast them out. They shall remain therefore as ye would have it, but yet to your great discommodity. For they shallbe as pricks in your sides, namely as thorns, where with ye shallbe oftentimes sharply pricked. The Hebrew word is Letsdim. And in deed Tsad signifieth a side. Although some think that word to be derived of this verb Tsud, which is to hunt or to fish and because the hooks of fishermen are very sharp, therefore the word is by a certain Metaphor transferred to signify thorns. And after the same sort we might say they signified nets, using the same Metaphor which we may derive of hunters. But the first reason of the interpretation, to signify sides, I sets both simple & also more allowed by the commentaries of the hebrews.  
And their Idols shallbe a snare unto you. Namely wherewith ye shallbe taken, and when ye shallbe given to their Idolatry, ye shallbe punished with most grievous punishments and discommodities. Augustine in his 13. 
Augustine.  question upon this book hath noted, that God threateneth after his accustomed manner, that at the length it shall come to pass, that he will punish sins by sins. For the Israelites in not obeying the commandment of God committed sin: and he again threateneth that Idols shallbe a stumbling block unto them, namely that they should worship them, wherefore afterward they should be grievously punished. By which words he declareth that the first transgression should be punished and chastised with the wicked crime of Idolatry, as Paul testifieth to the Romans, that the Idolatry of the ethnics was punished with most filthy lusts. But the punishment of the Israelites (as it is here set forth) hath with out doubt a great emphasies. For what can there happen more grievous, than to be among thorns, and continually to fall among them? Undoubtedly hereof follow wounds almost thorough out all the parts of the body, and new pains, and those vehement succeed one an other. And as thorns if they stick in the flesh do sharply prick, so to dwell among enemies, and to have them joined together with us, can not be but very full of troubles.  
The punishment which God here threateneth, is no new punishment, for all that is here written, was forespoken in the book of josua the 23. chap. Namely that it should come to pass, that if they obeyed not the precepts of the law of God, God would not then perform to destroy those nations before them: yea, he saith, they shallbe unto you a snare, a stumbling stock, a whip for your sides, and thorns to your eyes, until ye be destroyed out of this good land, which the Lord your God hath given you, etc.  
For the Israelites had afterward experience of these miseries, because they were oftentimes brought into bondage by their enemies among whom they dwelled, and with whom they had ungodly joined themselves. And finally for that they would not cease of from Idolatry, they were cast out to the Assyrians and babylonians. This chiding of God containeth just causes, wherefore the Israelites were destitute of his help for a tyme. 
Causes why god forsook the Israelites for a tyme.  And the end of the whole sermon is, that the people might be stirred up to repentance, and that most aptly. For among those things which do vehemently amplify sin & do set it plainly before our eyes, 
A vehement amplyfieng of sin.  is the greatness of the benefits of god, which ought to stir us up to the observing of the law. Afterward is set forth the grievousness of the punishments, because the weight of the sins committed, doth evidently declare the burtheu of them. Wherefore these two things are worthily alleged in the sermon, to the end the hebrews might feel the enormity of the wicked act which they had committed, whereas otherwise they would have thought it but a light fault.  

Two Antitheses to be considered in this oration.  Furthermore we must consider in this oration the contrary positions artificially joined together to augment the vehemency. For to that benefit, wherein God had brought them out of Egypt this is laid against, that they drove not the Chananites from the country given unto them. And to this benefit, that God had given them an abundant and fertile country, this is contrary, that the people suffered Idolatry to be no less used there than it was before. And this was to render evil for good. Wherefore God would not suffer that to be left unpunished, but caused it to happen otherwise unto them than they thought. For the nations which they for their commodity had saved, did them great hurt, so that they are compared to thorns. And the Gods of those nations, which they had not abolished turned to a snare & grievous stumbling block to the hebrews.  

Whether the people were by this oration stirred up to faith.  But this sermon may seem unperfect enough, for so much as faith is not set forth in it, whereunto the mind of the hearers should be erected: only the sin is declared, and the punishment wherewith they should be punished is expressed. And these things, except faith be mixed with them breed rather desperation than salvation: so far of is it that they should bring a just remedy. To this I answer, that that part which seemeth to want, is elegantly contained in the sermon now alleged, so that it be somewhat more diligently considered. For when the benefits bestowed on them by God are expressed, they make us assured of the goodness and mercy of God, which benefits also remain still for the Israelites if they will repent. For god is not changed, but is perpetually of the self same nature and will. And unless he be resisted by sins he is towards men very favourable and loving. Furthermore faith is stirred up in the hearers, when it is showed unto them, that god would that his covenant made with them should abide for ever. Wherefore it is manifest that this was his will, that the impediment of sins being by full repentance taken away, his covenant which he had made might be of force for ever. Wherefore there is no cause why we should complain that faith is left out, when as both the promises and the covenant are mentioned, which can not be conceived and established but only by faith.  
There yet remaineth a doubt whether God require the self same thing of Christians, which he would have to be done of the hebrews, 
Weather it be required of us that we should break Idols  namely that they should by violence take away and break in pieces the Idols and superstitions both of the infidels, & also of heretics. If this should be demanded as touchying Princes and Magistrates, it is without controversy that they ought to purge their dominions from such evils, and to that end have they received of God the sword and power. But they which are private persons ought to abstain from violence, for so much as to them is not committed the sword and power to constrain. Of this thing Augustine in the ten tome and 6. 
Augustine.  sermon after this manner answereth, that the Christians ought so to do as God commanded the hebrews in the 7. of Deut: where he expressedly commanded that these things ought then to be done of the jews, when the land was in their own power. Wherefore Christians ought also to do the same, but yet in those lands, cities and houses which they possess, namely they must there overthrow Idols and superstitious altars. Howbeit it is not lawful for them to break into other men's houses lands and Towns, and with violence to break and overthrow Idols and altars. This (sayeth he) is not to heal the sin of idolatry, which lieth chief in the heart, it ought chief be weighed out of the hearts of our neighbours, by the word and doctrine, which being done, as many as we shall win unto Christ, will help us to take away outward Images, when as they are persuaded by the word of GOD, and that by our diligence, they have first shaken away the same things out of their own hearts. 
Consilium Eliberinum.  And according to this meaning the Counsel holden at Eliberium did decree in the 60. Canon.  
By these things we must note, that this is the will of GOD, that we should abstain from traffics, 
We must have no felloweshyp with the ungodly.  matrimonies and fellowships with infidels and heretics, as by the law it was forbidden, that the jews should make no league with the Chananites, but this would I have so to be understand, as I have before and that largely declared. Moreover we are plainly taught, that the commandments of GOD are simply to be obeyed, 
The commandments of god are not to be mitigated by man his inventions.  so that we may not go about either to mollefye or to mitigate them by man's inventions. Seeing that GOD punished the hebrews and that grievously, which peradventure thought that they had sufficiently fulfilled his precept, when they had made the Chananites tributaries. But as touching their Idols and superstitions he required nothing else of the Israelites, but that they would not worship them. Wherefore such interpretations are to be taken heed of, which do either utterly take away the word of GOD, or at the least do make it to be of small force. This did the son of GOD sharply reprove, when he said that the Pharisees by their doctrine and human inventions did wrest the law of God, as though it had been made of ware, to their filthy lusts & wicked desires. 
This sermon is taken out of the holy scriptures  We must also mark that this whole sermon is taken out of the holy Scriptures: for there is nothing contained in it, which is not found in the books of Numb: Deut: and josuah. Whereby we gather, that preaching is then of efficacy, when it is drawn out of the word of GOD, and not of the invention of man. 
Sinners are punished by the same things whereby they have transgressed.  Neither is it to be passed over, that it is a common thing with the justice of God to punish sinners by the same things whereby they transgress. As now it is declared that the Israelites should incur most great damages, as well by the nations, as also by the Idols, which they contrary to the commandment of GOD had saved. Furthermore let us learn hereby, every man for his own part to bear continual hatred to the wicked affections of the flesh. For we ought never to come into favour again with them, 
We must make no league with wicked affections.  or to make peace or a league with them: for so much as God hath appointed, that we should continually make war against his enemies.  

What is the office of Princes against heretics & Papists.  Finally let Christian Princes be taught, how they ought to behave themselves against Papists and heretics, namely diligently to persecute, correct, and amend the errors in them, and at the length to compel them to return into the right way: otherwise in permitting them to take deeper root, and to live at will and idly, they nourish thorns for themselves, and do willingly draw unto them blocks, to stumble at.   

4 And when the Angel of the Lord spoke these words unto all the children of Israel, the people lifted up their voice & wept.  
5 And they called the name of that place Bochim, and offered Sacrifices there unto the Lord.  
The fruit of the sermon, which was preached is by certain outward signs expressed unto us, which were in a manner apt witnesses of repentance, and of a converted mind. 
Three apt witnesses of repentance.  Three things therefore are mentioned. First when the people had heard this sermon they lifted up their voice whereby as it is to be believed, they confessed their sins, and implored the mercy of God. Secondly it is added that tears were joined with the voices: and lastly that they offered Sacrifices unto God. What they said when they lifted up their voice, the scripture doth not express, but I have expounded what is most likely that they said, and therefore I will stand no longer about that thing: but I will somewhat tarry in those things, which the history hath mentioned of, what things they are, namely as touching tears and Sacrifices. Wherein we must know that true and lawful repentance consisteth chief of two principal points, 
Two principal points of repentance, which do spring out of faith.  namely of a sorrow conceived for the wicked Acts committed, and of a sure confidence to obtain pardon by Christ. Neither ought we to be ignorant, that these two things do burgeon out of faith, as out of their proper and natural root. And faith, when it bringeth forth such fruits, is occupied about two things. First it assenteth unto the law of GOD, and to the threatenings there set forth, and confesseth them to be true, whereby we being assured of the will of GOD, which we understand to be by our sins violated, and nothing doubting of the threatenings adjoined, we can not but be grievously sorry. Secondly faith embraceth the promise of forgiveness of punishments by Christ. And whilst it is occupied about these two things, so many outward signs also do follow. 
Two outward signs follow true repentance  For of sorrow come sighings & tears, which have adjoined unto them confession of the sins committed, which is sometimes expressed, & sometimes close. And where there is conceived an assurance of forgiveness, there follow Sacrifices. And because faith is the mother of these things, and it is conceived by the word of GOD, therefore the history declareth that the Israelites did at the length weep and do Sacrifice after that they had heard the sermon. 
The word of god stirreth up repentance.  For (as Paul sayeth) faith cometh of hearing, and hearing by the word of God. Wherefore weeping and sighing followed faith by which weeping the sorrow then conceived in the heart manifestly appeared, which affection of the mind it is manifest to have come by reason of the evil which then did oppress them: 
What is the grief & sorrow of repentance  and that evil was the anger of GOD, wherewith they felt themselves to be oppressed, and whereunto they knew by the sermon preached that they were guilty. Neither is this to be passed over, that the weeping of those repenting people was no common or easy weeping, for so much as of the efficacy and abundance thereof, the place was called Bochim. Which word signifieth in the Hebrew tongue, men weeping.  

The ethnics do not allow tears.  The tears, which the Ethnic wise men, do either reprove, or contemn as coming from a soft and womanlike heart, God, when they burst forth of true repentance, doth exceadingly allow them, and counteth them as most acceptable: Seneca writeth in his 64. Epistle to Lucillus, 
Seneca.  that sometimes we may let tears come from us, but we must not weep. He would not therefore have weeping to have the rain: howbeit somewhat he permitted it, because by the violence of nature they are expressed, and they burst forth even of them which will not, and do restrain them, as the same author testifieth in his 100L. Epistle. But we ought not to consider what they would, but what is allowed of our heavenly Father. 
God accepteth the tears of such as are repentant.  And he wonderful lovingly accepteth a contrite and humble heart, and the tears of such as are repentant. Then it is said that they offer Sacrifices, which were certain tokens of faith conceived of the forgiveness of sins by Christ. For whilst the Sacrifices were a killing, it was set forth, that sin in a sort was transferred into them. 
What the killing of sacrifices signified.  For the Sacrifice bore the punishment, which the transgressor ought to have had. Neither is it to be doubted, but that those Sacrifices whilst they were sacrificed, did shadow the death of Christ. Wherefore those ceremonies did testify that the Elders, did constantly believe, that by the oblation and death of Christ all their sins were taken away, and already forgiven them. Neither undoubtedly can true repentance be found wanting such a faith. 
Take away faith & repentance is desperation.  For take away this faith, and it may rather be called desperation, than repentance. Furthermore in these Sacrifices were thanks given unto God, which would so by Christ be reconciled unto men.  
Some man will say, what shall we do therefore when we repent? we may in deed have tears as witnesses of our inward sorrow: but there remain no Sacrifices in our time, 
That which the old fathers did by the blood of beasts, the same do we in the supper of the Lord.  whereby we should testify the faith of the forgiveness of sins by Christ. To this I answer. That which they did then by the blood of beasts, and death of cattle, we do also now in celebrating the Supper of the Lord. For there we keep in memory the death of Christ by outward signs, as he himself hath instituted: and thereof it came that the old Fathers did so often call the administration of that Sacrament, a sacrifice.  
Not because (as the Papists falsely believe) the Sacrifice offereth Christ unto God the father, 
Why the Papists called the supper of the Lord a sacrifice  but because the memory of him being once offered is called to remembrance. Moreover we must take heed that we persuade not ourselves, that God is pacified, either by tears, or by Sacrifices, or by the receiving of the Sacraments which are but outward things. 
God is not pacified by outward things of themselves.  For by one only Sacrifice, by the death I say of Christ, God is made merciful unto us: the fruit, of whose death every man applieth unto himself by faith. And of that faith we have those outward things as witnesses and signs. Wherefore if at any time we shall hear either the Fathers or the Scriptures themselves to say that by tears sins are wiped away, or that by Sacrifices, or Sacraments GOD is made merciful unto men, so ought we to understand their speeches that we refer the Sacrifices, and Sacraments both to Christ himself, 
The properties of things are oftentimes attributed to the signs of the same things  and also to faith in him, for so much as all those are signs of him. Neither let us think that this is a new, or an unaccustomed thing, that the properties, operations, and efficacy of things should be transferred to the signs, which by the institution of God do note and signife unto us the same things. But these things left a side let us speak somewhat particularly both of tears and sighing, and also of Sacrifice.   

¶ Of Tears.  
Tears are counted as certain things added and joined to repentance, 
Tears are adjoined both to repentance & also to prayers  and also to prayers. For not only the repentant, when they with a grievous sorrow detest their sins, do use to weep: but also as many as do earnestly and vehemently contend to obtain any thing. Howbeit the tokens of true repentance are not always measured by tears. 

Weeping is not always a token of true repentance.  
Tears do not always declare that the prayers are of efficacy. 2. Sam. 12.   For we read both in the book of Genesis, and also in the Epistle to the hebrews, that Esau also wept. Tears also do not always declare, that the prayers are of efficacy to obtain that which is desired. For David after his adultery fasted and wept whilst he earnestly prayed that life might be spared unto his son which was borne unto him by Bethsabe: which thing nevertheless he could not obtain, but that tears in those examples had no good success, there were diverse causes thereof. For Esau as we shall straight way declare, mourned not of faith: And David obtained not that which he desired, because GOD had ordained to give him that, which was much better and more noble than that which he required. In deed the son which was conceived by adultery remained not a live. But of the same mother he afterward had Solomon, who succeeded the Father in a peaceable and most ample kingdom after his death, yea and he being yet living. But contrariwise let us mark how in Peter tears were tokens of very true repentance. And also in that woman, which (as the Evangelists declare) with her tears washed the feet of the Lord.  
And as touching prayers Ezechias was heard, when with weeping he prayed, and the death which was threatened him was differred to an other tyme. josias also was heard, who prayed unto GOD with many tears. The 126. Psalm speaketh thus of the fruit of prayer, which hath sighing and tears adjoined with it: They went and wept, casting their sedes, but doubtless they shall come, & with joy shall bring with them their sheaves. And they which sow in tears, shall reap in joy. It is also written in the 7. Psalm: The Lord hath heard the voice of my weeping. And in the 56. Psalm: The tears of the Saints are in a manner put before GOD in a bottle or pot, and faithfully sealed in his book. David also in his 95 Psalm stirreth us up by these words: Let us weep before the Lord which made us, etc. But much more are we instigated unto it by the example of Christ, who (as it is written in the Epistle to the hebrews) with a loud cry, and with tears prayed for us. Paul also in the 20. of the Acts sayeth, that he had long served the Lord with an humble heart and with tears.  

What tears are not allowed of God.  Nevertheless God alloweth not those tears, which are by a certain natural nation powered out without any affection of the mind: as it commonly happeneth unto those, whose eyes are stricken with any stroke, or to those which run either on foot or on horseback, and which with over much drink become drunk: for these are natural accidences, neither pertain they any thing to godliness. But affections after which tears do follow are these: heaviness of the mind, 
After what affections tears do follow.  which other call sorrow, also gladness: and that by contrary reasons. For of sorrow springeth cold, whereby as the whole body is constrained together, so also are the humours of the head, whereby it cometh to pass that weaping by violence bursteth forth. But contrariwise in gladness the pipes, pores, & ways about the eyes are loosed, whereby there is made a way open unto tears. And undoubtedly of those two affections we have a testimony in the book of Esdras. For there it is written, that when the temple was built, the people wept, but not all for one cause. part of them very sorry that the new building differed much in dignity and ornaments from the first. But contrariwise other rejoiced, that the house of GOD, which had lain so long prostrate, was raised up again. And it is manifest in the holy history, that joseph when he saw his brother Benjamin whom he loved, wept for over much joy. 
Anger hath sorrow and pleasure mingled together.  Furthermore there are other affections mixed of sorrow and joy, which make us to weep: as is a vehement anger, which hath by reason of contempt sorrow mingled with it and also some joy and pleasure, whilst it goeth about revengement as though it were present. Mercy also shaketh out tears, for that we are troubled and are sorry for other men's evils, and are desirous to profit the afflicted. For a vehement desire also casteth out tears. Wherefore the men of God, when in praying they earnestly desire to obtain any thing, easily burst forth into tears.  
But what the matter of such an humour is, 
The Physical matter of tears.  we leave to the consideration of natural Philosophers: for they do not well agree among themselves as touching it. Some think that they do come by reason of the gall being troubled, unto which opinion agreeth the first book de mirabilibus sacrae Scripturae, 
Augustine.  the x. chap: which book is entitled to be Augustine's writing. Other suppose them to be a certain kind of sweat, which plutarch affirmeth, 
plutarch.  but some do think, that even as from milk is separated whey, so also a waterish humour is separated from blood, whereof the greater part turneth into urine, and that which remaineth is thrust forth into tears. Lastly Seneca in his 100 
Seneca.  Epistle to Lucillus thinketh that with the stroke of grief and sorrow the whole body is almost shaken, and therewithal the eyes, out of which eyes, the humour lying nigh unto them is expressed. But howsoever this matter be, it little pertaineth unto us. Wherefore let us come to the causes, for which it beseemeth a godly man to weep.  
Augustine in his 4. 
Augustine. Causes why we should weep.  sermon of the first Sunday in Lente writeth that there be two causes in true repentance that bring forth weeping: one is, for because we have thorough negligence omitted many things which we ought to have done, And by over much boldness committed many things which we ought not to have done. 
Sins of committing and omitting.  These are commonly called sins of committing and omitting, and in the same place he interpreteth this sentence. (Bring forth worthy fruits of repentance) after this manner, that we should weep for the sins already committed, and we should take heed that we do not the same again. chrysostom also upon the Epistle to the Collossians, 
chrysostom.  the 12 Homely complaineth that the Christians abused tears, and when as otherwise tears are good creatures of God, 
The abuse of tears.  they diffame them in adjoining them to those things which deserve not weeping. Sins only (sayeth he) are to be weeped for, not only our own sins, but other men's also. Which Paul performed in very deed, who in the 2. to the Corinthians: said that he was afeard, not to come unto them, but so that he was dejected & compelled to weep for very many which had fallen and not repent. 
Our own sins & other men's also are to be wept for.  Yea and he exhorted the same Corinthians, to weep for other men's sins, when in his first Epistle he said, ye are puffed up, and ye have not mourned, namely for a grievous crime of an incestuous man. And David in his 119 Psalm writeth, Mine eyes have brought forth rivers of waters, because they have not kept thy law. That most holy Prophet wept, because of the public transgressions of the law, and when he saw the same transgressions every where perpetrated, he abundantly poured out tears.  
And ezechiel in the 8. chap: 
Godly men do easilier weep than laugh.  commended certain which wept for the wicked Acts of other men. And hereof it cometh that when holy men see horrible spectacles of sins oftentimes to happen, they easilier burst forth into tears than into laughter. For so Christ used, whom we read to have oftentimes wept, but never to have laughed. Which self same thing also we must do at this day, when as so great, and evil an harvest of sins doth on every side offer itself unto us.  
Lastly we must know, that all kind of mourning is not allowed of god. 
That weeping is not allowed which cometh only of the feeling of the punishments.  For some there are, which (as I have before said) are moved only with the feeling of the punishments, neither are they moved any further. To be sorry in deed for cause of pains and punishments, is a certain degree of true repentance: & for that end, GOD doth both punish and also threaten men whilst they live here. Howbeit this sorrow is not sufficient, neither is it by itself allowed of god: for it springeth of self love, & is in a manner a thing unprofitable unless it go further: Wherefore the Lord sayeth in Zacharie the 7. chap: that the hebrews had fasted for themselves, & not for his glory: so these weep for themselves and mourn, not because they have violated the commandments of God. Furthermore thou mayst see other some somewhat worse than these, which being moved with the sorrow of troubles do weep, 
Their tears are condemned which when they weape speak evil of God.  and among their tears do speak evil of GOD himself, being angry with his justice, as though he were to severe, and a harder Lord than he ought to be, and such mourning belongeth not to repentance, but rather to desperation. An example thereof we have in the book of Numb. the 14. chap. Where the people when they heard the bitter relation of the spies, fell to weeping, and spoke evil both against Moses and against God, and determined to return into Egypt.  

What mourning pleaseth God most.  The third kind of mourning, is very acceptable unto god, and that is when we are grievously sorry, for that we have violated his law, and because we see a great numbered of others to resist his most holy will. To this kind of Lamentations did joel and other holy Prophets stir up the people of the hebrews. Christ also persuadeth us unto them, when he sayeth, that they are blessed which mourn, because consolation is laid up for them. The Church likewise useth sometimes to stir up the people to these kind of mournyngs, when as at sometimes it set forth public repentance, which although it ought continually to cleave in the hearts of Christians, 
Repentance is sometimes openly to be renewed,  yet by reason of public calamities, and a certain sluggishness grafted in us, is sometime to be renewed by the diligence of the Pastors. Wherefore god in the old law once in a year, in the 7. month I say, instituted a fast, whereby that day the people of Israel might for the sins which they had committed, afflict themselves before god. And to the end it might the oftener be done, he daily sent his Prophets to rebuke the people, as we see in this history he did, when he commanded this sermon which we now expound to be made unto the people.   

¶ Of Sacrifice.  

Our actions are either voluntary, or natural  NOw riseth somewhat to speak of Sacrifice. The definition whereof when we search out, first we find it to be a certain action; and that voluntary: which I therefore say, because there are found some actions which they call natural: but those for so much as they depend not of human election, they can not therefore be called voluntary. Furthermore Sacrifice ought to be referred unto religion: 
Some actions are religious & are separated from political & economical actions.  which I do for this cause add, to remove and separate it from economical and civil works. For domestical works, are profitable to govern a family, and civil works serve for the administration of a public wealth. But sacrifice is a religious action, because it pertaineth to the worshipping of god and was by him instituted, that we should offer our things unto him, and that to this end, that he might be honoured, and thereby (as Augustine sayeth in his 10. 
Augustine.  book de civitate Dei the 7. chap:) to cleave unto him with an holy society. And hereby may we see in what sort a Sacrifice (if we speak of it as it is properly) differeth from a Sacrament, 
The difference between a sacrifice and a Sacrament.  which is also a voluntary and religious work, and also instituted by God, that by it the promises and good gifts of God should be sealed and exhibited, because there we offer nothing unto God, but he offereth signs, and amplifieth his gifts unto us, when as those things which are offered, are received with a sound saith.  

The definition of a Sacrifice.  But that the thing may be made more plain, let us in a sum gather the definition of a sacrifice. And that is thus: A sacrifice is a voluntary and religious action, instituted of God, to offer unto him our things, unto his glory, and that thereby we may with a straighter bond be coupled unto him in holy society.  
To this definition of sacrifices, must be added a participation. 
A division of sacrifices.  Certain sacrifices are propitiatory, & others are of thanks giving. By the first kind God is made merciful unto us, by the power & just merit thereof. 
Sacrifice propitiatory is only one.  But of this sort we have but only one, for as much as only by the death of Christ the eternal father is reconciled unto us, and by the merit of this one only oblation the sins of the elect are forgiven. But in the other kind of sacrifice we give thanks unto God, we celebrate his name, and to our power we obey his will. Again, 
A sacrifice hath an outward part and an inward part.  we must know that this kind of sacrifice consisteth of two parts, whereof the one is an inward part, namely whereby we freely and without compulsion refer unto God our own will and ourselves wholly, and all that we have received, and we make them subject unto him, and consecrate them unto his name. The other is an outward part, whereby by some gift, and that visible and sensible, we do as it were by some token and sign, testify what we have in our heart, and we offer unto him somewhat of those things, which he himself hath given unto us. So they in the old time offered first fruits, tenths, and sacrifices. In which things they did not only shadow Christ, 
The outward sacrifice with out the inward pleaseth not god.  the most acceptable sacrifice unto God, but they testified also, what love they themselves bore unto God. By these things it appeareth, that the outward oblation or sacrifice is nothing acceptable unto God, except it have the inward part annexed with it, which may testify it to be in us in very deed, for because they which do make any such oblation do most filthyly lie unto God. For to testify that which is not so, pertaineth to deceit, and seeing that a lie is vituperable in all things, & every where, much more pernicious & detestable is it, if it be used before God. 
Why the sacrifices of the jews were some times unacceptable unto God  Hereof it came that god often times said by his Prophets, that the sacrifices of the jews were not acceptable unto him, and chiefly for this cause, namely because they dissembled to honour him with lips and outward signs, when as they were far from him in heart. He requireth therefore the inward part by itself, but as for the outward part, he hath no otherwise commanded, but so that it be offered with the inward part joined together with it: otherwise if it be naked & alone, it is both unacceptable, and also highly displeaseth him.  
If thou wilt ask, what be those outward works, 
The outward sacrifices of the Hebrews.  whereby we may testify the inward sacrifice? I could rehearse a great many, the kill of beasts, the oblations of first fruits and tenths, which the fathers had, whilst they were under the law. To them are added outward words, wherein we give thanks unto god, we celebrate his praises, and we make our prayers. To these must be added duties of charity toward our neighbours, 
Outward kind of sacrifices common to us & to the fathers.  mortification of the affections of the flesh, and obedience unto the commandments of god. All these latter kind of sacrifices are as well common unto us, as to the fathers. These things we give unto god, to bear witness of our faith, and obeisance toward him. And seeing that it is not to be doubted of those first, which were offered in the time of the law, but that they were in their time sacrifices, lest there should be any ambiguitye had of the other which we mentioned in the latter place, whether they ought to be counted in the place of sacrifices, we will confirm it by testimonies of the scriptures. It is written in the .50. psalm: Offer unto god the sacrifice of praise. And in the .51. psalm: A sacrifice unto god is a troubled and a broken heart. etc. In the .12. to the Romans: I desire you for the mercy of god, that ye would set forth your bodies a lively sacrifice, holy. etc. Micheas saith in the vi chap. I will tell thee O man, what god requireth of thee: Do judgement, love mercy, walk reverently and modestly before God. isaiah also, and the rest of the Prophets have in many places confirmed this sentence.  
Neither is it to be passed over, 
An order or certain degrees among outward sacrifices  that among these outward things which are offered as sacrifices unto god, there are certain degrees and an order appointed. For god himself testifieth, that he far above the other preferreth mercy and charity toward our neighbours. Wherefore in Matthew the .9. is this place brought out of the Prophet Hosea: I will mercy and not sacrifice. Moreover, it is written in the .1. of Samuel: Obedience is better than sacrifices. These words teach us, that among outward oblations, the killing of beasts, and tenths, and fruits in the old time held the last place. But the principal part was given to the obedience which was showed unto the word of God, to charity toward our brethren, to thanks giving and to prayers.  

The end of sacrifices.  Neither is the end of sacrifices lightly to be passed over, but with diligence to be considered, especially as Augustine hath expressed it, namely that we might with an holy fellowship cleave unto God. For without it our works though they be never so excellent, 
Why the death of Christ so much pleased God.  can be no sacrifices. Yea and the death itself of Christ which was the chief and only sacrifice pleased god for this cause especially, because Christ to no other end offered himself, but to fulfil the will of his father, and to obey him as it was meet. But to these things which I have said I will add an other thing which Augustine writeth in his Epistle ad Deo gratias the 3. 
Augustine. Two things are required in every secrifice.  question. Namely that in every sacrifice god requireth two certain things. First that our oblations be made unto the true god: from which intent for as much as Idolaters do wander fro, whatsoever they do in their rites, turneth to their own destruction: The other thing is, that the manner of the oblations consist of the doctrine of the holy scriptures, and come not of our own inventions and fayninges.  

Wither the self same thing may be both a sacrament and a sacrifice.  Here ariseth a doubt, because we have put a difference between a sacrament and a sacrifice: and yet if the elders in their oblations and sacrifices had the self same thing, that we have when we celebrate the supper of the Lord, which no man doubteth but to be a sacrament: How shall that be true that we said before that there is a difference between a sacrifice and a sacrament, seeing that of necessity the sacrifices of the Elders must also be Sacraments? To this I answer that the reasons of these things are divers, and yet that letteth not but that one thing may be both a Sacrament and a Sacrifice. For no man doubteth but that philosophy and strength of the body are divers things, which nevertheless may be seen both in one man: So also it happeneth here, that one thing may be both a sacrifice & a sacrament, 
The supper of the lord is both a sacrament & a sacrifice.  although the reason of a sacrament and a sacrifice be divers. When the supper of the Lord is celebrated, in that the body and blood of Christ are by faith & spirit given unto us to be received, and the promise of that conjunction which we have with Christ, is sealed, so that we are the members of his body, in this respect I say, it is a sacrament, and also so called, because in that action god giveth his gifts unto us. But in that by the same action we do celebrate the memory of the death of Christ, we render thanks unto him for the gifts which we have received, we consecrate & offer ourselves unto god, it is, 
The killing of sacrifices were both sacraments and also sacrifices.  & may be called a just sacrifice, whereby we give most acceptable oblations unto god himself. This self same thing may we see in the kill of the sacrifices which were in the old time done before god: for they were both sacraments, where in Christ was given to the men in the old time to be received of them by faith, & by which they communicated before the Lord in eating & drinking together. All these things I say pertained to the reason of a sacrament. And yet the same were also sacrifices, when as there they did both consecrate theirs & themselves unto god.  
But to return to the history, when as very many kind of sacrifices were commanded in the law, namely for sins and for faults, peaceofferings also and burntofferings, it is uncertain which of these the Israelites used at this present: for the history declareth it not. But by as much as may be conjectured by those things which are spoken, he should not err in my judgement, which should affirm that they sacrificed for sin. For to this end pertaineth both the sermon that was preached, and also the weeping of the people, namely to have forgiveness of their sins, and to return again into favour with god.  
But some peradventure will marvel, why they durst sacrifice there where the tabernacle of God was not fixed, when as in Deuter. it was most manifestly forbidden by a law, that the people should not Sacrifice in any other place. 
Whether it were lawful to sacrifice there where the tabernacle of God was not.  But as touching that law we must understand, that it was not of efficacy till such time as the Ark and Tabernacle of the Lord had a fixed and firm place. Which came not to pass before Solomon had built the most noble Temple at jerusalem. Wherefore before that time, we read that they sacrificed in wandering and uncertain places, namely wheresoever any occasion of religion was given. Furthermore they which think that this man of God which preached this sermon was Phineas, do say that it is not to be marveled, that sacrifices were offered here at Bochim as the history teacheth. For it might easily be that the self same man which preached the sermon, offered sacrifice in the name of the whole people for sin, for that he exercised the office of priesthood. For he succeeded Eleazar his parent, according to the promise of God.  
And by these things which have been entreated of in this place, 
What things ought to be observed in an holy assembly.  we may gather what things ought chief to be observed in an holy assembly. The word of god before all things must be preached unto the people, thereby to allure the hearers to repentance, namely to acknowledge the sins which they have committed, and to repent them thereof. Then must they proceed to the administration of the Sacraments, where the faithful may be made more assured that their sins are by Christ forgiven them, they may also give thanks unto God, and with many and sundry praises celebrate and call upon him.   

6 And when josua had sent the people away, the children of Israel went every man into his inheritance, to possess the land.  
7 And the people served the Lord all the days of josuah, and all the days of the Elders, that outlived josua, which had seen all the great works of the Lord, that he did for Israel.  
This narration is therefore put in, to declare how long the Israelites kept the sincere and true worshipping of God. And it is said, that when they were come into the land of Chanaan, they did their duty well as long as josua lived, & as long as the Elders were remaining, which had seen the wonderful works of God, which he had wrought for the Israelites sake. And undoubtedly it had been unaptly if this history should have declared the transgression of the Children of Israel, and should not have noted the time wherein it happened. Aptly therefore is the death of josua and the Elders which lived in his time, repeated in this place, and afterward is mentioned that an other age of men succeeded, which knew not God, neither had they seen his works. Wherefore the Israelites easily fell from the lawful worshipping of God.  
We gather by this place that the repentance of the hebrews before declared (which happened after the death of josua, 
The profit of the repentance before mentioned of the people.  when the public wealth was governed by a Senate, and the enemies were by many battles destroyed, & compelled to pay tribute unto the Israelites which had conquered them) bridled and restrained the people a long time, from falling into more grievous sins. They had sinned in deed, as we have now heard, in sparing the Chananites, and not abolishing their wicked idolatry. But afterward when they had desired and obtained pardon of so great a crime, they abstained a long time from the worshipping of Idols, and the repentance now mentioned brought forth his fruit.  
Some peradventure will marvel, how chance, 
Why the Isralites after their repentance ●o not break the league ma●e with the Chananites.  that they still kept the league which was wickedly made with the Chananites, & overthrew not their detestable worshippings, Temples and Idols. Undoubtedly if their repentance had been true and perfect, they ought faithfully to have amended that wherein they sinned: for among other things those are counted the just fruits of repentance. I have nothing else to answer here, but that I think they did not this, because they wanted force, 
God forgiveth sins but he doth not by & by restore the good things taken away.  luckily to fight against those nations. For God, to punish the transgression and violating of his law, had now withdrawn their strength and audacity. And although they repented, yet he did not by and by restore unto them their old strengths. For he useth in deed straightway to receive repentant sinners into favour, but he doth not by and by restore those things which he by his just judgement hath for sins taken away. This may we easily see in the fall of our first Parents. For the evils thereby coming unto mankind, were not taken away of God. Yea and those commodities & most quiet state, which they had in Paradise, men never afterward recovered, although God hath reconciled unto himself those that believe in Christ. For David had word brought him by Nathan the prophet, that his sin was forgiven him, yet he could not escape, but that his son which was borne unto him, perished, and he himself fell into grievous miseries. So God worketh sometimes, partly to keep discipline, and partly to make manifest unto men, how much he detesteth sins. Again more and more to stir up repentance, and that an earnest repentance of wicked acts committed in such as are renewed. But let us return unto the history, wherein certain things, which happened under josua are more fully repeated.  
Now (saith he) He had let the people go, and every man went into his inheritance, 
josua sent away the people twice from him.  to possess the land. The Israelites were twice thus sent away by josua. First when the land of Chanaan was divided by lots. For at that time every Tribe went to possess those places which fell unto them by lot. josua also sent away the people when he should die. For he had called together unto him the whole multitude of the Israelites, by his last sermon to admonish and exhort them. Which he preached in such sort, as it is described in his book the .24. chap. And as it is most likely, we ought to understand that sending away in this place, to be the same which was done last. Seeing that it is written in the place now alleged, that when the people had heard the words of josua, & renewed the covenant of god, they were sent away, and every one went to his own possession. After that is mentioned the death of josuah even with as many words, as it is now repeated.  

josua when he should die executed the office of a good prince.  Here let us note, that josua being almost at the point of death executeth the office of a good Prince, in exhorting the people openly, & that with many words, not to departed from the sincere religion. In which thing he with a godly and holy study imitated Moses, whom he succeeded, who (as we read toward the end of Deut.) behaved himself after the saw sort. jacob also the most holy patriarch, even now ready to die, called unto him all his children, and seriously, and with great holiness preached unto them. And that Princes and Kings should commodiously do the same, it is prescribed unto them in Deuter. that they should be most studious in the law of God. For by that means were they made apt to admonish the people, and to exhort them faithfully to observe the commandments of the Lord. The Israelites when they were sent away by josua, are said to have gone to possess the land, because as yet there remained very many places for every Tribe not yet conquered. Of which places when josua was dead, and in the time of the Elders they obtained certain, when as they got the victories in battles, as we have heard from the beginning. After which victories the first transgression followed, unto which succeeded the repentance before mentioned. But they abstained from idolatry as long as josua lived, and all the time of the Elders, which were equal with him, and overlived him, who also had seen the wonderful works of the Lord. For at that time sound doctrine, and the word of the Lord testified by notable victories, were of great force.  
That good Magistrate by whom the public wealth was then governed, had had experience of the wonderful power of the word of God, and therefore he continually laboured openly to inculcate & urge it unto the people of Israel, which thing could not want just fruit. Experience declareth, 
People frame themselves to the example of their princes  that almost in every age, the people frame themselves to the example of their Magistrates. For if the Princes be zealous both of religion and godliness, their subjects also will embrace godliness and religion. But contrariwise if Princes live ungodly and dissolutely, the people will likewise despise religion and live filthily. Moreover, let the Magistrate as long as he is in authority, chief have a care to this, that the holy ministry be perfect, and that it teach and administer sound doctrine, and pure rites, and that he suffer not superstitious or wicked opinions to be thrust into the church. But even as he provideth that other Artificers abuse not their sciences: so let him diligently beware that the Ministers of the church do not either corrupt the godly rites, or falsify the holy doctrine. We see that sometimes it happeneth, that the ministry in the Church is very laudable and pure. But if an ungodly, and wicked Magistrate obtain the chief rule of things, 
It profiteth much to the Ecclesiastical ministry to have the magistrate a helper.  that holy ministry is easily despised of the people, Wherefore it is made of less efficacy, than it would have been if it might have had the Magistrate a furtherer of it. Wherefore we must with most fervent prayers desire, that seeing the church hath now by the benefit of God in many places recovered godly doctrine and sincere Ministers, that it would please God to give unto it Magistrates which may be most zealous of godliness and religion.  
If a man should ask whether the people may be good and godly, although the Magistrate and Minister of the Church be corrupt. I answer, that sometime they may be, as touching some: as we see to happen in the Papacy, where some godly and holy men are every where found, which nevertheless live under wicked, corrupt, and ungodly civil Magistrates and Ministers of the church. Howbeit public exercises of sound religion and godliness, can not universally be had without them.   

8 And josua the Son of Nun, the servant of the Lord, died, when he was an hundred and ten years old.  
9 And they buried him in the border of his inheritance, in Thimnath-Heres in mount Ephraim, on the North side of the hill Gaas.  
10 And even so also all that generation were put unto their fathers and there arose an other generation after them, which neither knew the Lord, nor yet the work which he had done for Israel.  
josua lived not so long time as did Moses, 
josua lived not so long as Moses.  whom he by the commandment of the Lord succeeded, for Moses was an .120. years old when he died. But the same things which we read in this place concerning the death and burial of josua, are by as many words expressed in his own book the .24. chap. The place where they buried him namely in mount Ephraim was his own possession. For of that Tribe came josua. 
The Elders had sepulchres in their own possessions.  And the Elders provided to have Funerals and Sepulchres in their own possessions. For which cause it is written in the book of josua toward the end, that the bones of joseph, which the Israelites brought with them out of Egypt, were buried in Sichem, in that field I say, which jacob had assigned as proper unto joseph. And it followeth: Eleazar also the son of Aaron died, whom they buried in a hill that pertained to Phinehes his son, which hill was given him in mount Ephraim. But as touching the name of the City, in that it is here called Thimnath-Haeres, 
R. Selomoh. Why the figure of the sun was set upon the sepulchre of josua.  Rabi Selomoh toward the end of the book of josua writeth that Thimnath is as much as Temunath, which is an Image. And for so much as Chaeres signifieth the Sun, it declareth that the Children of Israel placed the Image of the Sun upon the Sepulchre of josua, that it might remain as a monument of the miracle by him wrought. For he commanded the Sun and the Moon to stand still, until he had finished the battle. That therefore so noble a work might not be had in oblivion, he supposeth that his tomb was adorned with those tokens. That this word Chaeres signifieth the Sun, Esay the .19. chap. and job the .9. do testify. Howbeit, this is to be considered in the book of josua, that the name of this place doth vary. For in the book of josua it is written Timuna Serech, 
D. Kimhi.  which yet R. D. Kimhi thinketh to be all one, the letters being somewhat transposed, which is a familiar and a thing much used in the hebrewe tongue, as they that are learned in the same well know.  

It is lawful to set forth the benefits of god by certain tokens and outward signs.  Neither was it absurdly or wickedly done of the Israelites so to adorn the tomb of josua. For it is meet that the benefits of God be set forth by tokens and certain monuments. They had not at that time the abundance and use of books, which we have. And therefore they used certain outward Symbols and tokens to help and to renew their memory. jacob erected a stone in the place where he had seen God. Moses did set up twelve pillars there, where he made a league between God and the people. The same was done also, when the people were passed over jordane: for they gathered twelve stones out of the channel of the river, which should be a token to their posterity, that God had by a great miracle dried up the waters of jordan, when they passed over it. For by reason of our natural ingratitude we do easily forget the benefits of god, wherefore if the figure of the sun were set upon the tomb of josua to testify the miracle, wherein god at the prayers of josuah had commanded it to stand that thereby the hebrews might by his conduct and leading obtain a perfect and noble victory, this I say seemeth not to be done either ungodly or absurdly for the Image of the Sun was not therefore put there, to be worshipped, neither were there any holy assemblies in that place, 
A godly magistrate wonderfully profiteth the safety of the people.  wherein it was. Hereby it appeareth how a good and godly magistrate may wonderfully profit the health of the people. For the Israelites departed not from the worshipping of god, so long as josua and the wise and godly senators lived. Aptly therefore is it written in the proverbs the .29. chap: When the ungodly bear rule, the people mourn. And in the same book .20. chap: a wise king destroyeth the wicked, And in the 29. a just king setteth up the land. Reason also showeth that it is so, for the people do therefore endeavour themselves to please their princes, to find the more favour at their hands: and therefore they frame themselves to their manners and fashions. And also because the people is by laws and decrees compelled to obey the will and sentence of the princes.  

They which die are said to be adjoined unto the fathers.  They were put unto their fathers. It is a kind of speech much used in the scriptures, that they which do die, are said to be adjoined to their fathers. For as touching the body they are buried with them, and as concerning the soul they are adjoined unto them. For if they have lived godly, they live with their holy elders, but if ungodly, they are tormented with their wicked progenitors, if they have had any such.  

How some are said not to know the lord  And there arose an other generation after them, which knew not the lord. Not undoubtedly that any of them were so rude, that altogether they knew not god. For the constant administration of the world & the undisturbed order of things do testify & cry that there is a god. But this knowledge, whereof the history now speaketh, is understand to be that which hath annexed with it allowing, 
Augustine.  faith and obedience. And they are thus said to be ignorant of god, because they obeyed him not, they did not put their hope and confidence in him, neither were they zealous to worship him purely and sincerely. Augustine in his questions upon this book the 15. question affirmeth that it is plainly expressed in what sort the Israelites knew not god, namely in those excellent and wonderful works, by which their elders came unto the knowledge of the lord. We read also of Pharaoh, that he (as it is written in Exodus) answered unto Moses, that he knew not the God of the hebrews and the Lord, either because he was not minded to hearken unto his commandments, or else, though after a sort he knew him, yet he knew not by certain proof that he was the God of the Hebrews.   

11 And the children of Israel did evil in the sight of the Lord, and served Baalim.  
12 And they forsook the Lord, the God of their Fathers, which brought them out of the land of Egypt: & followed strange Gods, even the Gods of the nations that were round about them, & bowed themselves unto them. Wherefore they angered the Lord.  
13 They forsook, I say, the Lord, and served Baal & Astharoth.  
Under those ungodly Princes which succeeded the good, the people grievously fell. Not because that they before had not also transgressed: for that (as we have showed) they grievously sinned in sparing of the Chananites, but now they began to contaminate and defile themselves with the superstitions and idolatry of those Nations.  
R. Levi demandeth in this place, how it could be, that none of those should be on live, which had seen the works of God which he had done for Israel, when as from their coming out of Egypt to this present time there were but 67. years passed. He answereth, that there might easily be some found, which had seen those works: yea all men confess that Phinches lived at that time, but there were but few such, and there were not many wise men, and which could rightly and with authority instruct the young of those things, 
All the Israelites became not idolaters.  which they had seen. And it might be that the scripture spoke not these words of all the people, but only of the new Magistrates which succeeded. Neither ought we hereby to understand that all the Israelites were become Idolaters, but the most part of them, and which was more heinous, they openly professed wicked worshippings, when as nevertheless some, although but few, and peradventure secretly, clave unto the true God.  
Neither may we gather hereby, 
Miracles are not sufficient to persuade godliness.  that miracles of themselves have the power to be sufficient, either to bring in, or to retain godliness. For Chore, Dathan, and Abiram, Zimri, Achan, and the ten spies were without doubt at the doing of the miracles which were done as well in Egypt as in the wilderness: and yet nevertheless they fell from God, and defiled themselves with most grievous wicked acts. Moreover they which when Moses was absent, worshipped the golden Calf, and were consecrated to Baal-Peor the God of the Moabites, they I say undoubtedly beheld the wonders, whereby God defended the people from their enemies, and helped them in divers necessities, and yet for all that they became Idolaters, & committed wicked worshippings. Even so came it to pass of the Scribes and Pharisees: for the history of the gospel declareth that they saw the wonderful works of Christ, 
They which saw not the miracles in the old time, are not therefore excused from infidelity.  and yet they wonderfully contemned and maliciously despised him. Wherefore we must think that this is not now rehearsed of our history as a lawful excuse of the transgression which afterward happened. For if by that means the act of the Hebrews could be defended, then might the superstitious & Idolaters of our time defend their cause: for they might say, miracles have now ceased, and those things which Christ or his apostles did, are not in our time seen.  
But we in this sort answer to them which do thus excuse their infidelity, 
The miracles which were done in the old time profit us also.  namely that the miracles of Christ & the Apostles which were done once, ought also to suffice us: for for our sakes were they put in writing, that we reading them, might receive fruit by them, being assured that they were ministered, not only to them which lived at that time, but also unto us.  
So might it be answered to the Hebrews, of whom we now entreat: what though ye have not seen the miracles which were done in the time of your Fathers? Have not Moses and josua faithfully written all those things which God hath done for your nations sake? Yea, and your Fathers which were present and saw them, have truly declared them unto you, when ye were yet little ones. The scripture therefore doth not so speak at this present, to excuse that new generation. But to declare what pretence they made, when they departed from the worshipping of the God of their Fathers, and what occasion they took, and also to set forth that they were of a corrupt and naughty nature, which when their good Masters and Magistrates were dead, became unmindful of all true godliness. For it is very likely, that they as they were impudent so also openly they boasted abroad those or such like words. We are in doubt neither do we easily believe that the Lord did so many miracles as our Fathers have both written and also showed us. Who can tell whether they were so or no? we undoubtedly know not whether the Lord or any other God hath for our salvation sake caused such or so great things to be done. And so they leaving faith and forsaking the true God did evil in the sight of the Lord. 
How things in the scripture are called good or evil in the sight of the lord  By this hebrewe phrase it is declared that God was marvelously offended with this their transgression. As contrariwise they are called good things in the sight of the Lord which do exceedingly please him. This is the common and received exposition.  
Howbeit if we more narrowly mark this kind of speech, we shall easily perceive that it declareth some other thing unto us. Namely that those things which the jews did, were allowed by man's judgement, and peradventure had a goodly show, but yet in God's judgement, they were most detestable. And without doubt that people sinned a great deal more heinously in this last transgression, than they did in the first. For there they only omitted the overthrowing of images and altars, but here they worship strange Gods. Neither durst they do this only, but they forsook also the worshipping of the true God. Wherein undoubtedly they were to be counted much more corrupt than were the Samaritans. For they although they worshipped their Idols, yet therewithal they joined the worshipping of the true God as it is declared in the second book of Kings. And in how evil part God taketh it thus to be rejected, he hath expressed by jeremy the Prophet in the .2. chapter: Where he commanded the Hebrews to go and look upon other Nations, 
An amplifying of the idolatry of the Hebrews  and see whether they have so unconstantly changed the Gods of their Fathers. Which Nations if they were known constantly to have retained their old worshippings although they were ungodly, Israel might thereby learn not to abject their old rites and customs of their Fathers. This wicked act moreover was for this cause much more detestable, because they had newly received the benefit of their delivery out of Egypt, and had also made a covenant with god, first by Moses, and afterward by josua, when he was even at the point of death. Furthermore because they began to worship the gods of those nations, which they had now either driven out of the land of Chanaan, or else made tributaries unto themselves. What a devilish madness was this to count those gods for true gods, which could not undoubtedly against the Lord, help even those which worshipped them.  

An outward sign of worshipping.  And in this hebrew word Veiischtechou is properly noted, that they threw themselves to the ground, & prostrated themselves before those idols: by which outward sign is declared the adoration. For as the body prostrateth itself, so also the soul is declared to be subject unto the Idol. And this word Bealim is expressed in the plural number. But the Hebrews sometimes take it for the singular number. And although by the strength of the word it should be translated Lords, yet we must in many places turn it Lord. For this word Baal signifieth a Lord, a Husband, a Patron, and such like. 
What Baal & Bealim signify. Astharoth.  This word Astharoth is likewise spoken in the plural number. And the Idol is so called, because it stood to be worshipped in form of a Sheep, for a Sheep in hebrew is called Aschtor. And as it appeareth by the first book of Kings, it was an Idol of the Zidonians, 
jupiter Ammon was expressed by the figure of a Ram. Augustine.  whereunto Solomon by the instigation of his wives builded sometimes a Chapel. But what God the ethnics worshipped in the form of a Sheep, I do not very well know. How be it this I am sure of, that jupiter Ammon was figured like a Ram. And Augustine who being of Africa, had the Afric speech perfectly, which (as we have taught in an other place) differeth not much from the hebrew tongue, 
Virgil. What Baal & Astharoth were with the Affricians.  for they of Africa are phoenicians, for they came from tire and Sydon. Wherefore Virgil called Dido a Sidonian. Augustine (I say) writeth that the Affricians called jupiter by the name of Baal, as the Lord of all. And by this name Astharoth are signified junos', because that Asther in that tongue signifieth juno. But why that word was spoken in the plural number, he thinketh it was therefore done, because there were very many images of that Goddess. And I will add, because those gods had obtained sundry properties and reasons, as well by their offices appointed unto them, as by the places where they worshipped. For jupiter was called Ammon, Stator, Pheretrius, and Hospitalis, juno also was called Lucina, Argiva, Samia. etc.  
I think we may gather by this history, 
Religion needeth continually to be purged.  that the nature of man is so frail and weak, that it can not long abide in the sincere and pure worshipping of God. Whereby it cometh, that religion hath continually need of repairing and purging. For the Israelites, as soon as their good Prince and godly Magistrate was dead, fell strait way from true godliness. Moreover, the same oftentimes happened under their kings: yea and in our Church it happeneth after the same sort. For we have seen, and we have with great grief had experience, that the Apostles being taken away, yea, and when they were yet living, there sprang forth many and sundry errors. Which undoubtedly is no marvel, when as Christ hath foretold us, that after the good seed was sown, strait way the envious man came, which sowed tars therewithal.   

¶ Of Idolatry.  
But because we have now heard of the transgression of the Hebrews how they polluted themselves with Idolatry, I think it good to speak a few words of this detestable sin.  
The word is a greek word, and is compounded of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it is nothing else but the worshipping of Idols. 

The Etimologye of Idolatry.  
What an Idol is   And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived of this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth a form, or as you would say a shape. But an Idol is (as we now speak of it) every form or shape which men have invented unto themselves to signify or express God. And as there are found many and sundry matters of these forms, so also are there divers kinds of Idols. Wherefore whether they be stones, wood, or metals, 
A division of Idols by matters.  by which God is outwardly expressed there to be worshipped, these are gross and most manifest Idols. There may be also a spiritual matter: which then happeneth, when those forms and images are nothing else but the conceavinge of the heart and mind, which men make for themselves to represent God, 
An Idol visible & invisible.  not as the Scripture declareth him, but rashly, and according to their own fantasy. Wherefore according to the conditions of the matter an Idol is divided into two kinds, 
Two parts of religious worshipping.  the one is outward & visible, which runneth into the senses of man, and the other is inward, that is, wrought in the inward parts of the mind. There are also two parts of religious worshipping. The one is inward, 
Of what things inward worshipping consisteth.  wherein we believe in God himself, we put our confidence in him, we give him thanks, we submit ourselves and ours unto him, and religiously by prayers call upon him. Of these actions undoubtedly the inward adoration consisteth.  

Of what things outward worshipping consists.  But the other part hath outward notes, whereby we express our heart, in prostrating the body, in bowing the knee, in uncovering the head, in speaking and in exercising rites and ceremonies instituted by God. And this is an outward worshipping or adoration. 
Outward signs of adoration are also given unto Princes  But we must note that such outward signs of bowing the body or knees, and such other like are also given unto creatures, to Princes I say and Kings which do in earth represent unto men the authority of God, and are his Vicars in the administration of things. And without doubt they are then to be esteemed nothing else, but certain sure testimonies, by which as many as are Subjects, do truly and from the heart confess, that they in the name of God will be subject and obey such powers, as much as shallbe by godliness and the word of God lawful.  
But we must there take heed, lest in our inward judgement we attribute more unto them than is meet, 
What we must beware of when we give unto Prince's signs of adoration.  or look for greater things at their hands than their power and might is able to perform. Otherwise we should not avoid idolatry. Wherefore if a man in bowing himself to his Prince, would testify that his Prince could not err, and that it were lawful for him to do any thing, and as he lust himself to command whatsoever pleased him, that man vodoubtedly should be counted an Idolater, and should commit the same both inwardly and outwardlye. 
The Papists commit idolatry toward their Pope.  And whether the hirelings of the Pope use this, we may hereby easily gather, because they do so throw themselves down at his feet, that there testify that they will be subject unto him as to the only Vicar of Christ in earth, as to the universal Bishop of the Church, as to him which cannot err in decreing doctrine of faith, and finally, to whom only it is lawful to discern as he list himself of religion and Christian discipline. Wherefore let this be every where a sure and firm rule, 
Note a certain sure rule.  that these outward submissions of the body do then pertain unto Idolatry, when as they are testimonies of the mind, attributing more unto a creature than is meet, or which are only proper unto God. For they are not referred unto God himself, or to the obedience of his commandments, but to vain forms & shows, which we have feigned unto ourselves, and conceived in our mind.  
Hereby may we also gather, that the invocations of Saints which the Papists use, 
Invocations of the dead pertain to idolatry.  are Idolatrous. For they give unto saints that which longeth only unto God, namely that they being absent should hear our prayers, or that they can be present at one time, either every where, or else in many places, thereby to secure those which call upon their names in divers parts of the world. Augustine in his Epistle to Dardanus durst not affirm that, 
Augustine. A creature can not be in many places at one tyme.  no not even of the soul of Christ, namely that at one time it might be in many places Wherefore that which Christ said unto the thief: This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise, he expoundeth the same to be understand as touching his divine nature, for that the body of Christ should the same day be laid in the sepulchre, and his soul should be in hell. 
Basilius. Didimus.  Neither could that soul be both in Paradise and in hell at one time Basilius also de spiritu sancto, & also Didimus would not grant this unto the Angels, that they can at one time be in divers places, affirming that that solely is to be granted unto the only nature of God. But they which do call upon saints, they believe that they do hear them, and that they are present with them, which without doubt is to attribute more unto them than the strength and order of a nature created can suffer.  
But here they trifle and say, that they do not think so, but that God himself which heareth their prayers doth open unto the Saints, what is required of them. But thus I answer, that they deceive both themselves, and also others. For they know not whether God will show unto the Saints their vows or prayers. Wherefore the prayers which they pour out cannot lean unto faith, which ought to be certain and without doubt.  
They bring also a feigned lie of the glass (as they say) of the divine essense, wherein the Saints behold all things. 
A feigned lie of the papists of a glass of the divine essence.  But this their feigning hath no foundation in the holy Scriptures. Furthermore, seeing they will needs have it so, admit it were as they feign it to be. Yet should they be compelled to grant that that their glass hath not a natural representing but a voluntary, so that there the Saints can see that only which GOD will have seen: Otherwise without any exception the Saints might there see all things: which is both false, and also most manifestly resisteth the holy Scriptures. Because, of that day (sayeth the Lord) neither do the Angels know, which yet do see the face of the Father. Moreover the Papists do not after this manner call upon Saints: for if they did they should say thus, Cause O God that this or that Saint may know those things which I desire of him, and that he may be with me, and grant me that which I desire. But they do clean contrarily, O Saint Peter (say they) Saint Paul pray for me, bring this or that to pass for me. Wherefore they think that the saints do altogether hear & understand their voices, which thing if they thought not, then were their doings utterly foolish.  
They declare also by their titles & additions which they ascribe unto the blessed virgin, to the cross, and other creatures, 
The Papists attribute more unto creatures than is convenient.  how far more worthy they esteem and judge of them, than their nature can suffer. Neither are they afeard (as I have before declared, when I entreated of the heresies of the Papists) to light up lights, Wax tapers and Lamps unto creatures, to cense them, and to do other things, which the ethnics, 
An altar is not to be erected but only unto God.  and also the jews in the old law were wont to give unto God only. What more? Do they not build altars unto Images of Saints? But unto whom altars are built, the same are confirmed by a sure testimony to be powers of God, or else Gods. Augustine in his x. Tome & vi Sermon writeth thus: An altar is, 
Augustine.  which testifieth that to be counted for God to whom it is erected. For they, namely the ethnics, what GOD they have, and that they take that Image for a god the altar doth testify. What should the alter do there if they counted not that for a god? Let no man say unto me: It is not the power of god, it is not god. But I have already said: I would to god they knew this so well as all we know it. But what they count it, or what they make of it, that altar testifieth.  
But say the adversaries: we therefore do these things, 
Of miracles which are done at the altars of saints.  because we have by experience proved that they please god: for as much as he there worketh miracles. I know in deed that god hath sometimes wrought miracles by saints, and such as were dead. 
God hath some times wrought miracles by dead bodies & corpses of dead saints.  For the bones of Elizeus by the touch of them restoreh one being dead to life. And the same Elizeus used the cloak of Elias to divide the waters of the rivers, that he might make the more expedition on his journey. But god doth therefore work these things sometimes, that the doctrine of the Prophets and the Apostles which was the very word of god might be confirmed. And yet the Scripture declareth not that there was any invocation made either unto Elias or Elizeus when those miracles were done. But for as much as the Papists by these their invocations seek not the confirmation of the doctrine of the Gospel, 
Miracles which are done at the invocations of the dead are to be referred unto Satan.  but rather are diligent about this, to establish superstitions, those miracles which they boast of, are to be referred rather unto the devil than to God. For Satan seeketh for nothing so much, as to lead men away from the sincere worshipping of God. This undoubtedly was assayed by the enchanters of Pharaoh, and that such things should sometime happen unto us by antichrist, 
Why God suffereth such miracles to be wrought by the devil.  Paul hath faithfully admonished the Thessalonians. But thou wilt say that the devil can not do these things unless God will and permit. I grant that. And why it is his will so, there are two causes set forth in the Scriptures.  
Of the which the one is gathered out of Deutr. namely because he would tempt us, whereby might evidently appear how much we esteem his word, and whether we will suffer ourselves to be plucked from him by such illusions: the second cause is to punish the unbelievers. For so doth Paul teach us to the Thessalonians because (sayeth he) they have not received the love of the truth therefore they are delivered to be deluded with inchantementes and devilish miracles.  
But there are two places in the Scriptures which are diligently to be weighed and considered, that the doctrine now in hand may be the more confirmed. The first is written in the Acts of the Apostles the tenth Chapter. Of Cornelius the Centurion, 
Cornelius cast himself down at the feet of Peter.  to whom when Peter came he cast himself at his feet. But Peter would not suffer that, yea he reprehended him, and answered in this manner. Do not so, rise up, for I also am a man. We read also in the Apocalypse, 
john fell down at the feet of the Angel.  that john fell down before the Angel, but he admonished him that he should not so do: I am (sayeth he) thy fellow servant. These two places may thus be understand, that Peter and the Angel condemned these acts, as in a manner Idolatrous, as though the Centurion and john should attribute any divine nature, 
Neither Cornelius nor john would worship creatures.  the one to Peter, the other to the Angel, and should have given unto them more honour than was convenient for creatures. But it seemeth that this can not be easily thought of either of these. The Scripture testifieth that the Centurion feared and worshipped God. How should we therefore believe that he could be led, to believe that Peter was God or at the least to attribute divine honours unto a creature? And it is not very likely that john which was either an Apostle or else a notable divine (as some call him) could not discern an Angel from God. If so be that neither of these would worship a creature in stead of the Creator, this remaineth, that it is not lawful to give unto creatures this kind of outward reverence. Wherefore we shall seem not to have said well before, in saying that these things may be given unto Princes and Kings. To this I answer, there must be a difference observed between a civil and a wordly honour and a divine and religious worshipping, as we have before expounded. 
The Centurion & john sinned in excess but they can not be accused of idolatry.  Furthermore we must know that these two men, Cornelius I say and john intended not by this their worshipping to transfer the honour of God unto creatures. Howbeit it may easily be, that they fell to an unmeasurable sign of reverence, and so in that excess they somewhat committed sin.  
But as touching Kings and Princes, we are in much less danger of falling, than toward Angels or ministers of Christ. For these because they exercise the spiritual office, the honour which is given unto them draweth nigh to a religious adoration. Wherefore in those places either the bowing of the knee or of the body are not by themselves condemned. But in as much as they are given for Religion sake. Moderate honours therefore may be given especially when they are given for Religion sake. And thus much at this present as concerning this thing. But let us remember that which I have also before admonished, that this also belongeth to idolatry, when we worship the true God by other ways and rites, 
They which worship God otherwise than he hath instituted, are Idolaters.  than he hath willed us, and prescribed unto us. If we shall do otherwise, we shall worship an Idol according to that second form before described, in feigning to ourselves in our mind or heart any God, which delighteth in a worshipping invented by men: and there is none such. Wherefore we shall not honour and worship the true God, but an Idol which we have conceived in our mind.  
And undoubtedly so ought we to understand Paul, when he sayeth to the Corrinthians in the first Epistle: we know that an Idol is nothing in the world. Paul teacheth not that an Idol is nothing as touching the shape and outward form. For no man doubteth but that those Idols have place either in the outward matter or else in our hearts. By an Idol therefore he understood not the sign itself, but the thing whereunto it is referred. And he meant that the thing itself which is signified by Idols, is nothing, for as much as there is no where a God which may be represented, or else delighteth in such Images.   

14 And the wrath of the Lord waxed hot against Israel, and he delivered them into the hands of raveners, that spoiled them and sold them into the hands of their enemies round about them: Neither had they any power any longer to stand before their enemies.  
15 Whether so ever they went, the hand of the Lord was against them with evil luck, even as the Lord promised them, and even as the Lord swore unto them. And he punished them sore.  
The punishment imposed by God for Idolatry is now set forth to be diligently considered by us. There are two things, which are declared.  
first is described that the anger of God was kindled against the Israelites. 
How we should understand god to be angry and to repent.  Secondly how he punished the guilty. God therefore because of so grievous a wicked crime of the Hebrews waxed hot against them: which is not so to be understand, as though God had any affections, for that pertaineth only unto men. But according to the common and received exposition of these places, we feel that god is like unto men that are angry, after which self same reason it is written that he sometime repenteth. Wherefore, God either to repent or to be angry, is nothing else, but that he doth those things, which men repenting and men angry use to do. For the one do either alter or else overthrow that which before they had done: and the other take vengeance of injuries done unto them. Ambrose in his book of Noah and the Ark, the fourth Chapter, 
Ambrose.  speaketh otherwise of the anger of God. For neither doth God (saith he) think as men do, as though some contrary sentence should come unto him, neither is he angry, as though he were mutable, but therefore these things are believed, to express the bitterness of our sins, which hath deserved the wrath of God, and to declare that the fault hath so much and so far increased, that even God also (which naturally is not moved either by anger, or hatred, or any passion) seemeth to be provoked unto wrath, etc. And aptly is there mention made of the anger, before the punishment is rehearsed. For men use first to be angry, before they revenge: 
What anger is.  Neither is anger any other thing else (if we may believe aristotel in his rhetorics) but a desire of revengement because of contentempte. For they which perceive themselves to be despised and contemned, do straightway think, how they may be revenged, and they diligently meditate how by some punishment they may requite the injury or despite done unto them.  
Two kinds of punyshments are mentioned in this place, 
Two kinds of punishments.  the taking away of goods and servitude: of the which the one is grievouser than the other. For it is far more grievous to be brought into bondage, than to be spoiled of goods. But God useth so to do to punish by certain degrees, those which have deserved evil. For he doth not by and by punish most grievously. And as touching the words we must note that Schis and Schisch signify one thing, for Shin and Samech have great affinity the one with the other, which D. Kimhi hath also noted in this place. Moreover where it is said, whether soever they went out, the same interpreter addeth, to fight: And in deed it is very likely, although I am not ignorant that that sentence may be more largely taken, namely to understand that whatsoever they took in hand to do, or to what things so ever they applied themselves unto, all those things happened unluckily unto them.  
By this place is gathered, that no man's goods are taken away, neither are any brought into bondage, except God himself both will and also bring to pass the same. For it is said here that he gave them into the hands of raveners, and sold them into the hands of their enemies round about them. David in his xliiii Psalm grievously complaineth of this plague, and saith that God had sold his without any price: 
Augustine.  which place Augustine considering, he sayeth that at the first sight it seemeth absurd, that any should be sold, when no price is given. But thus he answereth, as touching the enemies, which sold the Israelites, there was a price given by the buyers. But as touching God, which was the principal cause of the selling, he took no price. For what could those Idolatrous, violent, and ravenous men, unto whom the jews were delivered to be sold, give unto him? Undoubtedly they neither bought nor deserved those commodities with any reward. Or else we may think, that the price of the Hebrew bondmen, was so small and vile, that it was counted for nothing, 
The wicked sell themselves to sins without any price.  and so by this figure of speech they were said to be sold without any price. Wherefore Isaiah in his lii Chapter, writeth: Ye are sold for nought.  
And this phrase serveth very well for those, which do bind themselves to sins and wickedness, when as thereby, they shall get no commodity at all. And how hard this bondage was which the Hebrews served when they were so sold by their enemies, it is manifestly expressed in deuteronomy, for there it is said: Thou shalt serve thine enemy, whom the Lord shall send upon thee, in Hunger, in thirst, and in nakedness, and also in all penury, and he shall put an iron yoke upon thy neck, till he shall destroy thee. Moreover by these examples we are also taught, what Christians every where deserve for their daily transgressions and innumerable superstitions and also Idolatrous woorshippynges. Neither is it to be doubted but that a heap of evelles are at hand except Christ by faith deliver us from those curses of the law.  

The hand of the Lord is always present in all our actions.  Whether soever they went, the hand of the Lord was against them with evil luck. In all our actions the hand of the Lord is continually present, for without his might and power, we can not so much as move ourselves. Wherefore both good successes and evil are to be ascribed unto him.  
Neither had they any power any longer to stand before their enemies. And no marvel, for by reason their goods were spoiled, and their number diminished, because of those which were brought into bondage they were so impaired and weakened, that they could by no means match with their adversaries. Undoubtedly, if we diligently consider the histories from that time, wherein superstition began to reign in the church, we shall find that our princes have had either no good success at all, or else very smalin their expeditions against the enemies of the faith. 
The cause of the unlucky battles against the Turks.  We have fought and the oftentimes against the Turks and Saracens, but for the most part unluckily: Neither do the governors both of the public wealth and also of the Church feel that the hand of the Lord is against them with evil luck, and that that is the cause why they can not stand before their enemies.  
Again let us note, that the Scripture doth here most manifestly testify, that God himself delivered the Israelites into the hands of ravenors, & sold them into bondage, for that that things were done by his motion. And this doth Ezechiel the Prophet evidently show, where he describeth, how Nabuchad-nezar standing in the end of two ways, and in a manner determining to direct his host one way, was of God changed, and after a sort forced to turn his army against jerusalem. And yet must we not understand these things so, 
How god may be said to work evil works in the wicked.  as though we should think that God doth instille a new malice into the hearts of the wicked. For they need it not. For of what sort soever they be, they are framed of malice and sins, but GOD, seeing he is a strength and working of most efficacy, driveth them as he doth all other things to be moved & to work. Wherefore they which are altogether corrupt, and void, and destitute of the grace and favour of God, can do nothing but only work evil. But God, 
God useth the sins of the wicked.  by whose motion they are stirred up to work, directeth their evil doings, cruelties, spoilings, lusts and tyrannies, to what end so ever it shall seem good to his justice and most high providence. Moreover let us here consider, 
It is most unhappy to have God angry.  how miserable and wretched a thing it is for a man to have God angry. Wherefore let us most diligently take heed, that in all our affairs that we take in hand, we first of all reconcile him unto us, by an upright faith in Christ: for he being angry & against us, nothing can prosperously go forward.  
These things did the Lord as he had spoken and sworn. threatenings are set forth here and there in the law of GOD and especially in Deut. But we never read (that I can tell of) that an oath was in that place joined with the threatenings. Howbeit we must believe, 
Whether an oath be joined to the threatenings put in the scriptures.  that God when he made laws did sometimes also add to an oath. For the Scripture in this place testifieth unto us that he swore, which is sufficient, though it be not found in any other place. Moreover let us call to memory, that the latter causes, 
The second causes are not to be so much considered as the first cause.  which commonly are called the second causes are much to be considered in the success of things, as well prosperous as unfortunate: but yet we must much more have a regard unto the first and chief cause, namely unto God himself. So that then when things prosper not with us, we must be angry with ourselves, because we are alienated from God. And that this is true, this place manifestly proveth. For the Israelites were the same men which they were before, and their enemies also the same men which they were before. Wherefore if the jews had had God now as favourable unto them as they had before, undoubtedly they should have obtained the self same victories. Therefore they ought to ascribe all that unluckynesse unto themselves. For unless god had been angry with them, for the Idolatry which they had committed, they should with as good luck have over comed their enemies now as they did before. Therefore the Prophets when they lamented for the miseries of their people, testified that justice, honour, and also goodness are to be ascribed unto GOD, but confusion and ignominy unto themselves.   

16 Nevertheless the Lord raised up judges, which delivered them out of the hands of their oppressors.  
17 And yet for all that they would not hearken unto their judges but went a whoring after strange Gods, and bowed themselves unto them. They turned quickly out of the way, which their Fathers walked in, obeying the commandments of the Lord, But they did not so.  
Now is briefly declared unto the readers, what conditions & alterations the Israelites had in all the time, which was between the pains & punishments now described, wherewith they were for their Idolatry punished, & the first king, whom they chose unto themselves, rejecting Samuel. When they were grievously oppressed, they sighed & groaned, & repenting themselves, turned unto god, & desired aid of him. And God as he is gentle & merciful, despised not their mournings & invocations but sent them some one judge, by whose leading and conduct they were delivered from their oppressors. But they when they were delivered, and set at liberty, they lived at pleasure & fell again into their old wickedness. Wherefore God according to his justice punished them again, and they again when they were grievously oppressed, groaned, & continually prayed unto god, which yet again by an other judge delivered them from misery and calamity.  

The whole time of the judges is divided into three differences.  Wherefore the whole time of the judges may be aptly distributed into three differences. First he hebrews were justly punished for their sins and wickedness. Secondly they being oppressed, wept, prayed, and implored help at gods hand. Lastly god by some judge delivered them. Moreover this is to be marked, 
The people lived better under the judges than they did when they were dead.  that the jews, although they did not wholly obey the judges, yet for all that they lived somewhat better as long as those judges remained on live.  
Wherefore as touching outward things that public wealth had somewhat better success under judges, and the people might as long as they lived, be at rest from oppressions, and live at liberty. But they were no sooner dead, but they returned to their old fashions. Which thing evidently declareth, how they did in vain before pretend, that they had not seen the works, which god had done in delivering their elders out of Egypt. As though they should have said, if so be that we were sure of those so noble works, we would not now have forsaken the ceremonies of our fathers and chosen new rites. These alterations & chaungynges (I say) manifestly testify that that pretence was vain. For every age saw the wonderful works of god, when as oftentimes he did by judges set at liberty the people being oppressed. And yet though they had seen these things they could not keep themselves, but that when their judge was dead they fell again into the same wicked crimes.  

The fruit of the punishments which GOD imposed.  This is also to be noted, that it is here written that god used to be moved at the sighing and tears of the Israelites. For this was the fruit of the pains & punishments, namely that they might repent, & being admonished by miseries might understand whether they should fly unto. And god in hearing of them when they cried, had only a respect unto his promises, goodness and name. Furthermore let those which delight in oppressing and doing injury to the poor, note here that the time will come at the length, that god will take in hand the causes of the afflicted. For although they be evil, and have worthily fallen into calamities and miseries: yet because he hath promised that he will revenge the violence and cruelty done against the poor, therefore he will one day deliver and revenge them, even for this cause, namely, because he neither can nor will fail his office and promise. 
God hath also sometimes compassion of evil men when they are oppressed.  And in delivering those which were evil from present miseries, he granteth unto them occasion and time of repenting that except they truly and unfeignedly repent, they may be altogether in excusable. Moreover this goodness of God, which he useth also towards the evil, beareth most manifest witness of the most perfect faith and truth of god. For although men do filthyly fall from that covenant which they have made with god, yet he forgetteth not his goodness and promises.   

18 And when the Lord raised up unto them judges, the Lord was with the judge, and delivered them out of the hands of their enemies, all the days of the judge. For the Lord repent at their sorrowinge which they had, by reason of them, that oppressed and vexed them.  

The judges were before of the common sort and vulgar estate.  Still is declared after what sort God behaved himself toward the israelites in the time of the judges. Neither doth this speech, when he saith. And God raised up judges, want an emphasis. For it is expressed that they were before of the common sort and vulgar state but god so changed them by his spirit, that he inspired them with courageous hearts, strength, and most wise Counsels. This undoubtedly was that stirring up, which is now declared. For God useth, when he appointeth any man to any office, to give him strength & ability to perform the same. Which thing we read did come to pass in Saul & also in David, and before them in Moses, who being before shepherds & horsekepers', when they came to bear rule, did by the power of the spirit of GOD work marvelous things, and proved noble men. For GOD (as the scripture now speaketh) raised them up. And not content with this, but he fully persuaded them, and with inward feeling made them assured, that they were now elected by God, to deliver the Israelites and to set them at liberty. And without doubt unless they had been fully persuaded of this, it had not been lawful for them to have fought against their Lords, or to rebel: for so much as it is not the office of private men to fight with his enemies. Wherefore Cato, 
An example of Cato.  whose civil justice is marvelously commended, gave his son charge, that when he was dismissed from war, and no more bound by an oath of war, he should not fight against the enemies of the public wealth. Knowing this right well, that it is lawful for no man, to draw weapon against any, except it be by public authority, I have now expounded what this meaneth that God raised up jugdes: Now let us see for what cause God did the same.  
Because (sayeth the history) he repented. 
God is not reconciled unto us by the outward works which we do.  What is the received exposition of these kinds of speech we have before declared. But now we must mark what this meaneth which followeth: At their sorowinge. We may not think that God was reconciled or made favourable unto them by the strength and dignity of the work. For that do men obtain only by faith in our mediator jesus Christ, to which faith in these and such like kind of speeches we must continually have a respect unto, thereby to look upon the root from whence the fruits of true repentance, and also sighings and tears are derived. Neither do we for all that deny, 
God rewardeth good works.  but that good works springing from faith are so acceptable unto GOD, that he rewardeth them with excellent gifts, as well outward, as also spiritual, which cometh of his goodness. So said Daniel unto the king of Babylon: By alms redeem thy sins. That is, drive away the pains and punishments, wherewith otherwise thou shalt be punished.  
But if thou shalt demand what is to be thought, 
Of moral works done without faith.  of those civil and moral good works, which are done without faith. I answer, that for so much as they proceed from a viciate and corrupt nature, they are therefore sins. And for that cause they deserve damnation and hell fire. Howbeit God, to the end that the order and just disposition of things in the world might be kept, and to defend assemblies of human kind, fellowships and public wealths, causeth that such actions have many rewards, not for the worthiness and dignity of those actions, but by reason of a certain connexion, wherewith god would these things to be knit together. Wherefore it cometh to pass, that when as hypocrites do work outward works, sometimes goodly to the show, thereby they obtain notable praise. And they which are rulers as long as they honestly behave themselves, in doing justice, either in warlike affairs, or else in honest conversation (as the Romans in the old time did) may obtain a most large Empire. For so would god have discipline kept, the world and public wealths preserved. God did therefore repent at the sorrowyngs of the Israelites, because through the faith, from whence sorrowinge and groanings proceeded, he was made merciful and favourable unto them.  
But peradventure some man will doubt, whether god, when he repented, 
God doth not so repent that he is changed  were in any point changed? All the godly confess in a manner with one mouth, that god can by no means be changed, for as much as that is a certain sign both of imperfection and also of inconstancy. But this variety which here happeneth is not to be ascribed unto god, but unto us. Of this thing I have spoken some what before, but this seemeth to be added at this present. If a man will say, that god without controversy ceased to favour the Chananites against the Israelites, whom he had before so strengthened, that he would have them to oppress the jews: and again afterward to help the hebrews, whom before he seemed that his will was to have them oppressed by the Chananites. No man can deny, but that these things have variety. How can we therefore defend the will of god from changing? 
Variety is the effects, & not in God.  I answer, that by the 28. chap: of jeremy, it manifestly appeareth, the there is a diversity in the effects, when as for all the god in very deed, continually retaineth the self same will. For it is thus written there in his name: When as I shall speak against a kingdom or nation, to destroy, root out, and over throw it, if they shall repent, I will also repent. And contrariwise when as I shall speak good of a kingdom or nation, to build and to plant, and that nation or kingdom shall do evil in my sight, I will then also repent me of the good, that I had decreed to bestow on them. These words declare, that god in these kinds of threatenings and promises is therefore not changed, because he speaketh not absolutely & simply, but upon condition. But the accomplishing or making void of the conditions, is to be considered toward us. And therefore the change is not to be attributed unto him, but unto us. But if thou shalt ask me, whether god doth before know and decree, what shall come to pass as touching these conditions? I will grant that he doth. For he even from without beginning doth not only know of things that shall come to pass, but also hath decreed what shallbe. But because the hid privity of his will as touching these things, is not opened unto us in the holy Scriptures, therefore ought we to follow that rule, which (as we have declared) is pronounced by jeremy. This rule did the Ninivites and also Ezechias the king consider and behold being, not yet set forth. 
God when he threateneth things which come not pass, lieth not.  For although destruction was threatened them in the name of god, yet for all that by repentance and prayers they escaped it. Neither is there any cause why we should suspect that god doth lie in any thing, when he so threateneth or promiseth any things, which afterward come not to pass. For as touching Ezechias, he could no way escape death, if we should look upon the natural causes, which are commonly called the second causes. Wherefore the sentence being pronounced according to those causes, he could not be accused of a lie. And the Ninivites, if god had done unto them, as their sins deserved, they should utterly have perished. And god commanded jonas to preach according to their merits. Furthermore a lie can not be so taken, in an oration which hath a supposition or condition joined with it, as it may be in absolute and simple sentences, when as the success dependeth of the keeping or violating of the condition. More over in these words of the history is expressed the cause why the Israelites sorrowed and sighed, namely because they were oppressed and afflicted, and that with those kinds of calamities which are before mentioned, namely because they were spoiled, sold, and losing their liberty and goods, they were no longer able to stand before their enemies.   

19 Yet for all that as soon as the judge was dead, they turned and did worse than their fathers, in following strange gods, and in serving them and bowing themselves unto them, and ceased not from the Acts of them, and from their hard way.  
When the hebrews in the time of the judge that was raised up had a resting time, and came to a tolerable estate, that judge being dead, they fell again worse than they did before, and committed much more grievous things than did their elders. Whereby is found true, that which we before have said, namely that the infirmity of our nature is so great, that we can not long abide in pure religion and sincere worshipping of God. And in that it is said that they which came after were a great deal worse than their fathers, is declared that GOD not without reason and just cause was the more provoked unto anger so that whereas he had long time spared their elders, now at the last he would not forgive those that came after. And this is it which is often said, 
How the iniquities of the fathers are visited in the children & children's children.  that he doth visit the iniquities of the fathers upon the children even to the third and fourth generation, which is not so to be understand, as though he should punish the posterity more than they have deserved. But because God, as he hath spared the fathers, would so also have forgiven the children, unless they had so much followed the iniquities of their fathers, that also they went farther in those mischievous Acts, than did their fathers. God is patiented, and before the poureth out his wrath and punishments, he useth to tarry for the third or fourth generation. But how these of whom we entreat were more corrupt than their fathers, the history manifestly declareth: for they committed more wicked Acts than did their fathers, And of all those, which their fathers perpetrated, they forsook none, or left none undone.  
But of this kind of speech, wherein it is said: 
It is not in man's power to avoid sin.  Neither ceased they from their endeavours, we may not conclude that it lieth in our strength & power to avoid sins, or to wrap ourselves out of them. Wherefore they greatly err, which of the precepts of the law of GOD do gather the strength and power of our free will. For by the commandments the Scripture testifieth, what things they he which are required of men. 
The power of free will is not to be gathered of the commandments.  But the same Scripture manifestly in an other place admonisheth, that it lieth not in our power to fulfil them. As Paul also writeth in his latter Epistle to Timothe: that there are in a great house not only vessels of gold and silver, but also vessels of wood and vessels of clay. And he which shall purge himself from them, shallbe a vessel sanctified to honour, profitable to the Lord and prepared to all good works. Neither for all that can we thereby conclude, that it is in our own strength, to purge ourselves from sins, although the same be required at our hands, for as much as that is to be looked for only of God. Wherefore the same Apostle in the same Epistle, when he had admonished the Minister of the Church so be gentle, ready to teach, patient to suffer evils, 
It is GOD which giveth repentance & amendment.  but so for all that to confute them which resist, addeth. If peradventure God shall give them repentance to the knowledge of his truth. By these words we are taught, that repentance from sins, which is commanded cometh not of ourselves, but is lovingly and gently given of God.  
The way of sinners is rightly and worthily called hard, 
The way of sinners is hard  and it is a metaphor elegantly taken of rough and stony places, for stones and rocks for that they have thick and unequal parts, they hurt, prick and rent the tender flesh of their feet which travail upon them. So are the manners of the wicked, they wound their consciences, and at the last bring them into extreme miseries, which happeneth not without the great goodness of God for the god at the length by that means calleth unto him very many sinners. And the saw hath Hoseas the Prophet very well described in his two. chap: when he sayeth: And she said, I will go after my lovers which have given me gold, silver, wool, flax, etc. But I will hedge in thy ways with thorns, and will take away my gold, my silver, my wool and my flax. And she shall say: I will return unto my first husband, for than was it better with me, than it is now.   

20 Wherefore the wrath of the Lord was kindled against Israel, and he said: Because this people hath transgressed mine appointment, which I commanded their Fathers, and have not harkened unto my voice.  
21 I also will hence forth not cast out before them one man of the nations which josua left when he died.  
22 That thorough them I may prove Israel, whether they will keep the way of the Lord, and walk therein, as their Fathers did, or not.  
23 And so the Lord left those nations, and drove them not out immediately, neither delivered them into the hands of josua.  
The cause being before declared, namely the contempt, whereby the Israelites contemned GOD, now is set forth the effect thereof which is the kindling of the wrath of God. For this word Chara in the Hebrew tongue, is to wax hot, or to be kindled with anger. Whereby the property and nature of angry is properly and elegantely expressed. For if angry should be defined according to the matter thereof, it is a certain inflammation of blood about the heart. 
What is the matter of anger  Neither do I speak it as though that can be applied unto GOD, who utterly is without heat and blood. But all these things (as I have already oftentimes said) are by a certain translation applied unto him.   

¶ Of a League.  
But because God complaineth for that the league was broken, which he had made with them, I think it good somewhat to speak briefly of a league which is in Latin called Faedus. And that word is derived of the verb Ferio, which is to stay because that the ambassadors of each party killed a hog: from which Etimologye peradventure the Hebrew word Berith, differeth not much, with which outward sign also they wished by prayer the destruction to that part which should violate the league, as we may gather out of Lyvi the first book Ab urbe condita. 
Three kinds of leagues.  And as the same author writeth in his iiii. book de bello Macedonico, there are three kinds of leagues. The first kind is, when the conquerors set laws to those whom they have conquered, in punishing them and commanding them, what they will have them afterward to do. The second kind is when things being yet sound and neither part overcome, they comen together, that things taken from each party may be restored and covenants of peace may be established. The third kind is when there is no war between the parties and certain princes or cities are joined together by some covenants either to live the more peaceably, or else to take in hand some common affairs. And now that we have thus declared these things let us show what a league is.  
A league is that bond between men, whereby interchangeably they testify both by words & signs, 
What a league is.  that they are bound to perform certain things, so that they handle together with good faith. And if that it be a bond, and pertaineth to relation, it is grounded upon human actions, & is referred to those things which the parties confederated aught to perform the one to the other. It is expressed by words, 
Leagues are expressed both by words and signs.  and for the most part signs are added. God when after the flood he made a league with mankind, he did not only declare the form of the obligation by words, but also he put the rainbow in the clouds as a witness. And in the league which he made with Abraham he put the sign of circumcision. Furthermore in that which was made by Moses at the mount Sinai, there were twelve pillars erected, & the people was sprinkled with blood. josua also when he should die, erected up a very great stone, thereby to seal the league renewed between the people and God.  

What things are promised in the league of god made with men.  And what the promises were which should be kept of each parties the Scripture oftentimes teacheth. For God promised, that he would be the god of his people, namely which would be with them to help them, to deliver them, and by all means as touching all kind of good things to adorn them. 
Christ is the mediator in making the league.  The people again promised that they would count the Lord jehovah for their God in believing, worshipping, and obeying him. And Christ was in the league as the mediator between each party. This is the exposition and nature of the league made between god and men. 
How a league is divided into a new league & an old.   
A league is divided into the new league and the old, which division is not of a general thing into special things, but of the subject into accidences, for so much as in either league the thing itself and substance was utterly one and the self same & only certain qualities did vary. For the old league was made with one only nation of the jews, and had certain additions, the possession (I say) of the land of Chanaan, the kingdom of the jews, and the priesthood of Aaron, & also the promise of the Messiah, according to the nativity of the flesh, and the ministry of his own person. Moreover it had very many signs of ceremonies and sacrifices very meet for that age. There were also in it mysteries of salvation, and promises of eternal life although far more obscure, than they were afterward given unto us. And contrariwise in the new league, there are proprietyes in a manner contrary. For it pertaineth not to any one certain nation, but to all nations, how far soever the world extend. Neither is there any peculiar civil administration adjoined unto it. Furthermore there are but very few ceremonies & outward signs (and they very plain and simple) added unto it. And lastly all things are contained more openly, plainly & manifestly in the new testament, than they are in the old. 
The thing and substance of the old league and new is all one.  By these qualities doth the new league and the old differ one from an other, howbeit the thing itself and the substance abideth one and the same. For as the Lord would then be the God of the hebrews, so now hath he decreed to be the god of the Christians. And that also which they at that time promised, namely that they would believe in the true god, & obey and worship him as he hath prescribed, we also ought to perform: Christ cometh between both parties as a mediator, and forgiveness of sins, and also eternal life is by him promised. And the laws of manners remain the same now which then were.  
Paul in the xi. chap: to the Romans hath very well declared that the league of the elders & ours is all one, when he compareth the Church with the tree, which hath Christ as the root. Then he addeth that from such a tree certain branches were cut of, namely the hebrews which believed not. And we which were gentiles were planted in their place: that is put in the same league wherein they were comprehended. The same tree he affirmeth to remain, into which some are by faith grafted in, and from the which other some because of incredulity are cut of. Wherefore each league containeth both the law and the gospel. 
In either of the testaments are the self same sacraments.  And there are in either of the Testaments the self same Sacraments as it is declared in the first Epistle to the Cor. the x. chap: For the fathers were all under the cloud, and were baptised in the sea, and did eat the same spiritual meat, and drank of the spiritual rock following them, and the rock was Christ. Farther we grant, that as touching outward signs, there is some variety in their Sacraments and ours, which yet as concerning the things signified by the Sacraments is found to be nothing at al. Otherwise the argument of Paul should not have persuaded the Corin. that they should be subject unto the same punishments that the hebrews were. For they might have said, that they had far better sacraments than had the hebrews, & therefore they need not so much to be afeard lest they should suffer the like: for as much as the excellency of the sacraments may avoid those misfortunes, from which the hebrews could not be delivered by the sacraments of the law. Wherefore the Apostle took away from them this shift, and maketh our sacraments and theirs equal and a like as touching the things. He writeth also to the Rom. the first chap: of the gospel, that it was in the old time promised by the Prophets in the holy scriptures. And in the third chap: he speaketh after this sort: but now is the righteousness of god made manifest, being testified by the law and the Prophets.  
Neither canst thou say unto me, that these in deed were promised in the holy Scriptures of the old Testament, but not that they were performed unto the men which lived at that tyme. Because the Apostle doth most warily answer to this objection, when he sayeth that every law doth speak to those men which do live under it. And it is not to be doubted, but that the fathers were justified after the same sort that we are now at this present. 
The fathers were justified only by faith, as we are.  For they were no less justified only by faith in Christ, than we. Wherefore it is written in the book of Genesis of Abraham, that he believed, and it was counted unto him for righteousness. john also testifieth that Christ said of Abraham that he had seen his day, and therefore rejoiced. The Epistle to the hebrews the xiii. chap: affirmeth that Christ was yesterday, and to day, and remaineth for ever. Wherefore even as we are said now to be saved, not by works, but by the true mercy of GOD by faith in Christ, so was it with the fathers at that time: For they were justified by no merits, but only by faith in Christ. Furthermore what obedience soever the fathers had toward the commandments of God, and also faith in the promises, they were not derived from their own strength and power, but (even as it also happeneth unto us) they came unto them by the grace of God and Christ.  

A place of jeremi & of the epistle to the hebrews is expounded.  It is true in deed that jeremy in the 31. chap: writeth, as it is also alleged to the hebrews the viii. chap. that there must be another league made in the name of GOD, not as it was made in the old time with the fathers. And among other things he sayeth, that GOD would give his laws in the hearts and bowels of men, so that none should need any more to teach his neighbour, because all, from the least to the greatest should have the knowledge of God. And farther it is said in the person of God, I will be merciful unto their sins, and will no more remember their iniquities, etc. As touching these words both of jeremy, and also of the Epistle to the hebrews, we must understand, that those words prove not that there is any difference between the testaments as touching the thing and substance itself, but as concerning the properties and qualities, as we have before said. Neither must we think that the old fathers which in obeying the commandments of God, and in right faith worshipped him purely, could perform these things of their own strength or natural power. For unless they had had the laws and promises of God written in their hearts and minds by the holy Ghost, and also a will by the grace of God ready to obey his commandment they had never been able to have performed such things. They wanted not therefore the light of God which shined before them to cause them to believe. Yea and their sins were forgiven them by Christ. Wherefore they also had the fruition of those things, which God promised to give in the new league. The difference was only in this thing as touching largeness and perspicuity for at that time those gifts were distributed to very few, 
The error of them which in the old league acknowledge only temporal things.  but now they are every where communicated to the gentiles. They were somewhat dark at that age, but to us they are made evident and clear, so that we have no more need of the old discipline. Hereby it manifestly appeareth, how they err from the truth, which will have the old league to have had promises only for possessing of the land of Chanaan and for worldly felicity. And that the people of the hebrews were bound only to an outward observation of certain rites and works, and not to show forth good and right motions of the mind toward God. The Prophets declare not the thing after that sort, yea rather they deny that GOD any thing esteemeth outward works without inward godliness. And they every where cry out, that ceremonies without faith, and void of the fear of GOD are a most grievous burden and so troublesome that GOD can not suffer them. Yea and the law itself maketh mention expressedly of the circumcision of the heart: and GOD every where requireth, that we should hear his voice, which undoubtedly is nothing else, 
God would not fully those things that are changed.  than by faith to have to do with him. Wherefore faith of the promises and commandments of GOD, ought always to be counted as the root and foundation, which always abideth, when as outward Sacrifices and visible rites should at the length be changed. Wherefore it is very manifest, that god would not have them for their own sakes. Howbeit they endured so long as men were endued with a childish spirit (as Paul speaketh to the Galathians) whilst they lived yet under tutors, & differed yet very little from servants. But when they received a more full grown spirit, than were the sacraments and childish rites (as Augustine sayeth) taken away. It is manifest therefore that the difference between the two leagues is not to be taken of the thing or substance, but of the qualities and proprieties.  
Let them therefore cease so much to err, which think that god in the old law promised only earthly things, as though at that time he provided only for the bodies and not for the souls, as do shepherds, Plowmen, and Swyneherdes, which have a care only for the bodies and carcases of their Sheep, Swine and Oxen, neither labour they for any other thing, but to make those beasts strong and fat. We must not so imagine of God, who so made a league with the Elders, that he promised them the chief felicity, 
God promised the old fathers the chiefest felicity.  which cheiflye pertaineth unto the soul. Wherefore it is written in the 144 Psalm. Blessed are the people which have the Lord for their God. In deuteronomy also God took upon him to bring to pass, that they should walk in his commandments. But what more? Our saviour, out of the words of the old league hath most aptly taught the resurrection of the dead. For when the Lord said that he was the God of Abraham, Isaac, jacob, and they were then dead, Christ inferred that they were not dead but that they still lived, and that their bodies should be received, namely in the blessed resurrection. Hitherto pertaineth that that God affirmed to Abraham, that he himself would be his reward, which thing plainly teacheth us, 
The end of political government.  that in that covenant were not promised only carnal and earthly good things. Undoubtedly it were a great shame even for Kings and Princes, which being compared with GOD are but flesh and blood, if they should be counted to govern the public wealths, only as touching the bodies of the subjects: for as much as they profess that therefore they provide for their Citizens outward commodities, quietness and peace namely that they might live happily and virtuously. Wherefore if Princes seek for goods of the mind for their Citizens, 
The worshipping of god consisteth not only in outward. rites.  is it not meet that God himself provided far more noble things for the public wealth of the Israelites which he faithfully governed. Furthermore I do not speak, how foolish it is to believe that the old fathers by the league bound themselves only to outward rites and visible ceremonies, whereby to worship God: when as even the ethnics were not ignorant, yea they have most manifestly testified, 
Plautus.  that the worshipping of God consisteth not in those things. For Plautus in Rudente writeth thus: They think that they please God with gifts and sacrifices: but they lose both their labour and cost. I will not declare those things which Plato in his Alchibiade hath written as concerning this thing. 
Plato.  Yea (as I have now before taught) the law itself and the Prophets declare that the thing was far otherwise.  
But now at the length to return to the words of the history, God complaineth that the hebrews had broken their covenant which he had made with their fathers. For they were departed from the true faith and inward godliness Neither ceased they only duly and rightly to sacrifice unto the true God, but they most filthily turned aside to strange Gods & worshipping of Idols. And for these things was God angry with them, and especially for this, 
The rote of falling from god.  because they hearkened not unto his voice. This undoubtedly was the root and the first beginning of falling, namely not to believe in god. 
The elders made a league with god for their posterity.   
Let us here also note that the Fathers made a league with GOD not only for themselves, but also for their posterity. As God again for his part promised them, that he would be the GOD not only of them, but also of their seed and posterity. 
The elders made a league with God for their posterity It was lawful to circumcise the little ones in the old time, & it is lawful at this day to baptize them.  Wherefore it was lawful for them to circumcise their children, being yet infants. And in like manner it is lawful for us to baptize our little ones being yet infants, for as much as they also are comprehended in the league. For they which have now the thing itself, there is nothing can let, but that they may receive the sign. It is manifestly written in the xxix Chapter of deuteronomy that the league was made not only with them which were present, but also with them which were absent, and not yet borne.  
But some doubt, whither the posterity may be bound by their Elders. We answer, 
Whether they which come after may be bound by their elders.  we must look whither the things which were promised by our Elders were just and honest. Then must we consider whither those promises pertain to civil things, or to Godliness. When they are made for civil matters, the bond is sure, because it is not lawful for the posterity to infringe the contracts of their Elders, as are byinge, sellinge, bargains and such like, provided that they contain nothing, that is filthy, unhonest and unjust. But if the covenants and obligations belong to godliness or to true faith, the obligation is then strong, for that we are all bound to true godliness and a perfect faith, although there were no league thereunto. But if the Elders have bound themselves and their posterity to filthy and ungodly things, it is no bond. But for God to abase himself to make a league with men, it cometh of his mere benevolence and mercy, whereby we might be more and more stirred up to perform those things which we ought otherwise to do of duty.  
I also will not cast them out. When he sayeth, that he will not hence forth cast out any one of those Nations, which remained in the Land of Chanaan after the time of the death of josua, he declareth the punishment, wherewith he would now punish the Hebrews. And this must we understand conditionally, that is, except they repented: or because God was so offended by reason of their idolatry, that he would not so soon cast forth those Nations, as he would otherwise have done, if they had faithfully continued in their office. And the very words of the history do strayghtwaies express this latter interpretation. But because a man might doubt why he expelled not the Chananites, 
Why all the Chananites were not expelled in the time of josua.  while josua was yet alive (who uprightly behaved himself toward God) in this place he answereth unto it and sayeth that he had therefore suffered those Nations to remain, that by them he might prove the Israelites, whither they would worship him purely and sincerely as their Fathers had done under josua or not. For as much as I have at large before spoken of this kind of temptation, I will now speak thereof no more. This only I shall admonish you, that where as there is mention made in this place of the Fathers, the same is to be understand only of those which were good and godly: otherwise even in the time of Moses there wanted no ungodly ones and rebels, which fell from the true God. Furthermore we must consider that these things were spoken, when the Hebrews after the death of the judges tell to ungodliness. For the things which are here mentioned of the fallings and conversions of the Hebrews which followed one after an other, are spoken generally and summarily. Otherwise God (as we shall hear) expelled some of the enemies out of the land of Chanaan under every judge. Wherefore in that now he being angry sayeth that he will not cast forth the rest of the Nations, we must understand it, that he will not so quickly do it, and unless they turn again unto the right way. After which manner jeremy hath taught us that the threatenings of God are to be understand.    

The third Chapter.  

THese are the Nations, which the Lord left, that he might prove Israel by them even as many of Israel as had not known all the wars of Chanaan.  
2 Only for the learning of the generation of the children of Israel that he also might teach them war, in as much as they which were before them knew nothing thereof.  
THis is a very common and received exposition of this place, that God in leaving diverse Nations in the land which was promised to the Israelites, did it not only to try the Israelites, but also because he would have them exercised in warlike arts, least they should become slothful. For if the enemies should straightway at the beginning have been expelled, that people would easily have been lost with idleness and sloth. Which interpretation if we allow, thereby will plainly follow, that just wars are altogether lawful. 
War is a thing lawful.  For if GOD would teach the Israelites the art of warfare, then judged he not that art unlawful. And to this purpose serveth that which David said: Blessed be god which teacheth my hands to war, and my fingers to battle. But this question, whither it be lawful to make just wars, is not now to be entreated of: for as much as it is most evident, and that by the holy Scriptures, that it is lawful. And we shall have occasion in an other place, to speak at large of that matter. Wherefore I will declare what the Hebrew expositors judge of this place. R. Solomon, R. David Kimhi, and also R. Levi been Gerson writ, that God, when he had tempted the Hebrews and detected their ungodliness and idolatry, withdrew from them their strength and aid. Whereby when they attempted to make wars by their own power and to fight by their own strength they learned what it was to make war. 
When God fought for the israelites, they knew not what it was to make war.  Whereas before when God himself fought for them, they were ignorant of it. For he endued them with strength, he drove a fear into their enemies, dissolved their strength, and gave the Hebrews a prosperous success in their enterprises. One did then pursue a thousand, and two ten thousand. It is therefore aptly said that the Israelites, when he had not yet broken the league, and god fought for them, were ignorant of warlike feats. 
How our first parents after sin knew both good and evil.  Even as the first parents of mankind when they had eaten of the forbidden tree, began to know both good and evil. For before when they were nourished with the grace of GOD, they were touched with the feeling of no evil. And we commonly say of children, when their parents are taken from them, that they shall now feel what it is to get their own living, which before they had not learned, when they had their parents living. Christ also used the same kind of speech, when he said unto the Apostles: When I sent you without bag or scrip, undoubtedly you wanted nothing. But now because I shall be taken from you, let him which hath no sword, buy him one: for hereafter the times shall be hard and painful unto you, so that ye shall prove and have experience of those things which hitherto ye have not felt. And this is the meaning at this present, that the Hebrews were brought of necessity now at the length to know and feel, 
God commanded nothing in the law for the learning of the art of warfare.  what it was to make war with enemies stronger than themselves. They had not experience of that, before GOD taught them it in taking away their strength and aid. Neither is it found in the whole law that he ordained any thing for the learning of the art of warfare. In deuteronomy the xx. Chapter: he made certain laws for making of war, but they pertain nothing to the attaining of knowledge in the art of warfare. And I, in my judgement, do allow the interpretation of the Hebrews, rather than that which was first assigned.   

3 Of those whom he left, there were five Lords of the Philistians and all the Chananites, and Sidonites, and the Hevites that dwelled in Mount Libanon, even from Mount Baal Hermon unto the entrance of Hamath.  
4 Those (I say) remained to prove Israel by, and to wit whether they would obey the precepts of the Lord, which he commanded their fathers by the hand of Moses.  
5 The children of Israel therefore dwelled among the Chananites, hittites, Amorites, Pherezites, Hevites, and jebusites.  
That which is in the Hebrew Sirni, Jerome sometimes translateth rulers, and sometimes Lords. And we may call them Princes, or Presidents, or else Governors. 
satraps.  Those words the Grecians call, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But yet they are derived of the Persians, yea & the Latins sometimes used them. Terence in his comedy Heautontim: 
Terence.  writeth. If satraps (that is a Lord) be a lover, he shall not be able to abide the charge. 
David Kimhi.  David Kimhi thinketh these words in the text, five lords of the Philistians, to be a figurative kind of speech, that by the five Lords, 
The names of the Lordships of Palestine.  we might understand those five places, which they were lords over, that is five Lordships of the Philistians. And those places be named in the book of josua the 13 chap. Gaza, Asdod, Ascalon, Ackron & Geth. Of every one of these cities they took unto them the name of the lordship. And undoubtedly there is manifest mention made of them in the first book of Samuel, for of each of them there were gifts gathered wherewith the ark of the covenant was adorned to be sent again to the Israelites.  
Howbeit this may seem to be strange how these cities should now be said not to be conquered by the israelites. When as in this book the first chap. Gaza, Ascalon, & Aekron are declared to be won in that battle, which was made by the tribes of juda and Simeon. Whereunto we answer, that in deed those cities were taken at the time, when as for all that they were not fully conquered by the leading and conduct of josua, as it is written in his book. Howbeit at this time. as the history now testifieth, they were not in the power of the jews. For by reason of the sins of the hebrews, the strength of the Philistians was confirmed, & other nations of the land of Chanaan waxed every day stronger & stronger, but the Israelites on the contrary side were feabled. Wherefore it was an easy matter for these places to fall again into the power of the Philistians. For they were very skilful in feats of war, and they had iron and hooked chariots. Neither did God fight for the Israelites. Wherefore they might without any great travail (by reason of the sins of the jews) recover again the places which they had lost.  
In that it is written And all the Chananites we must not understand it absolutely and simply, but only of those which inhabited the places here mentioned. Farther we must note, that in the book of josua there were also Chananites and Zidonites rehearsed which were not at that time destroyed. And as touching the Mount Libanon, 
The Mount Libanon.  some writ, that it was so called of frankincense which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Yea and the hebrews call frankincense Libona. And Mount Hermon (as the book of Deut. teacheth) was called of the Amorrites, Naschir, & of the Syrians Scherion. Whereof peradventure the province of Syria had his name.   

6 And they took the Daughters of them to be their wives, and gave their own daughters to their sons: and served their Gods.  
7 Wherefore the children of Israel did wickedly in the sight of the Lord, and forgot the Lord their God, & served Baalim, & groves.  
The Israelites sinned three times against God. First, because (as it is already showed) they dwelled peaceably and quietly among the Chananites, 
Three sins of the hebrews.  and contrary to the commandment of God made those nations tributaries unto them. Secondly because they contracted matrimonies with that people. And that had God prohibited to be done, as the law in many places witnesseth. Yea and in the book of Esdras the last chap. we read of a grievous complaint because the jews in their captiustye in Babylon had taken strangers to wives. And Esdras there decreed that such wives should be put away, 
God forbiddeth unlike marriages.  & that those matrimonies should be counted void, which were contracted between persons prohibited by God. And why God would not have matrimonies so contracted, this reason is chief alleged, because by such unlike matrimonies the worshipping of God is wonderfully impaired. For godly husbands or wives are by the ungodly parties oftentimes alienated from the true god. Neither doth the Scripture only teach us this, but also experience both in the old time, and also in our time testifieth it. For as much as Solomon (as it is written in the first book of the kings the xi chap.) was both corrupted, and also builded Temples for Idols, by the enticement of strange women, whom he most inordinately loved, and more than was convenient. Wherefore he miserably incurred the wrath of god. The jews also (as our history now declareth) had experience of the same. And we in our time see great hindrance to come unto the believers, because very many of them contract matrimony with Papists. The third sin of the Hebrews was, because they worshipped Idols: and that was most of all against the league which they had long before made with god, for they said: we will serve the Lord our god.  
Further it is added: And they worshipped trees or groves. This word Aschera with the hebrews is a tree, and being in the plural number Ascheroth as it is in this place, it signifieth trees, and of some it is translated groves. For it is a most common manner among the Idolaters, 
Gods were worshipped in groves.  to worship their gods in groves. In Oaken groves they sacrificed unto jupiter, and the Oak of Dodome, was in the old time most famous, by reason of the answers which it gave. In woods of bay trees was Apollo worshipped. Daphne also is notable where the Temple of Apollo was built. Minerva also was wont to have a temple among Olive trees. And lastly we may mark both in the poets, and also in histories, that shadowy woods, most large rivers, & mountains of exceeding great height were counted of the men in the old time places most apt for sacrifices to be done unto Idols. Because such places drive into men no small admiration. Wherefore they thought that such notable places had the power of god present. Yea, and Abraham also, Isaac and jacob, and the old Fathers, 
From whence the manner of sacrificing in hy● mountains came  offered sacrifices unto the true god upon the high mountains, which custom was till such time used as god by a law ordained that they should not do sacrifice every where, but in that place only which he himself had chosen.   

8 Therefore the Lord was angry with Israel, and sold them into the hands of Chusan Riseathaim King of Aram-Naharaim: & the children of Israel served Chusan Riseathaim eight years.  
Now is particularly mentioned the punishment wherewith god being angry punished the Hebrews. For when they so fell from him, that they forgot him, he delivered them to Chusan King of Mesopotamia. And this is the first bondage that the children of Israel were in. And that which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Mesopotamia.  the hebrews name Aram-naharaim. Nahar signifieth with them a river. It is therefore put in the dual number, because that part Syria, or Aram is enclosed with two rivers Euphrates (I say) and Tigris. 
Of the surname of Chusan.  Wherefore as touching the signification of the word the Grecians have followed the hebrews. But why Chusan was called Riseathaim, it is dark. Although D. Kimhi thinketh that the surname was given him of some certain place, as we see to chance to Princes of our time, which receive their surname of that places, from whence their Elders had their beginning. But other some think that this king was therefore so called, because he was very wicked and ungodly. For with the hebrews Resehaha signifieth wickedness and ungodliness. Wherefore they will have it to be as much as if one should say, Chusan of ungodliness, or ungodly Chusan. It is the dual number, to declare that he was corrupted not with any simple wickedness or ungodliness, but with a doubt, that is with a principal and absolute wickedness or ungodliness. And there were some of the hebrews which went about to express the double ungodliness of the kings of Mesopotamia. For they say that Balaam was hired from thence to curse the Israelites. Farther, and this (say they) was the other wickedness, wherewith this Chusan oppressed the jews, which by no right pertained to his dominion or Lordship. But these aught rather to be called divinations and conjectures, than just interpretations.  
They served him eight years. Undoubtedly a very long time, which I suppose was so much the painfuller unto them, 
Why the Chaldeans and Syrians went about to govern the jews.  because from their coming out of Egypt hitherto, they had served none. But under what pretence this King subdued unto him the hebrews it is not declared. Peradventure he thought that the jews were a part of his people sent abroad to inhabit. For Abraham was called out of Chaldea, and came first into Mesopotamia. From whence by the commandment of God he went into the land of Chanaan. Furthermore in that place jacobs' children were borne, which were the Princes of the twelve Tribes. This peradventure were the titles, whereby the Chaldeans and Syrians endeavoured themselves often times to be Lords over the hebrews, which thing yet they did unjustly. For there were no people sent from the Chaldeans or from the Syrians by the common will and consent of the Princes and Magistrates, which should go and inhabit in some place of the land of Chanaan, Wherefore they did wrongfully oppress the jews and were stirred up thereunto by covetousness and ambition to enlarge their dominions. This is also uncertain whether this Chusan did together with the jews oppress the Chananites. And it may be, that he was not troublesome to the Chananites as to his friends, but only afflicted the hebrews. Neither were it absurd to think, that this king was called by the Chananites to oppress the hebrews their common enemies.   

9 And the children of Israel cried unto the Lord: and the Lord stirred up a Saviour to the children of Israel, and saved them, one Othoniel the son of Chenez, Calebs' younger son.  
10 And the spirit of the Lord was upon him, and he judged Israel, and he went out to war, and the Lord delivered Chusan Riseathaim king of Aram into his hand: and his hand prevailed against Chusan Riseathaun.  
11 And the land had rest .40. years: And Othoniel the Son of Chenez died.  
Israel cried unto the Lord, because they were evil vexed, and most grievously oppressed of the Syrians. They acknowledged now after their great hurt that strange Gods profited them nothing, yea rather they brought upon them the miseries wherewith they were urged. When they understood that man's help was on every side cut of, they converting themselves unto the true God, called upon him. This is the fruit of miseries as touching the elect, or rather the fruit of the goodness of God, which by troubles calleth again unto him, those which are his. Of Othoniel we have spoken enough before. Now he is called a Saviour, because he brought health unto the Israelites as the other judges did, 
Othoniel was called a saviour and a redeemer.  which were also called saviours, he was a shadow of Christ. But the Chaldey paraphrast calleth him Porken, that is a Redeemer. Which surname also rightly agreeth with Othoniel: because before it is said that God sold the Israelites: and when bondmen are sold, they have need of one to redeem them.  
For as much as before it was said the God raised up judges, 
After what manner God raised up judges.  now is declared the manner & form how he raised them up. For it is written: And the spirit of the Lord was upon him. For by the holy ghost were not only given unto him strength, political wisdom and warlike arts, but also he was made the more certain of his calling. The Chaldey paraphrast understandeth by the Spirit of God the power of prophecy. 
David Kimhi.  But David Kimhi interpreteth it the gift of force & strength. But I think that either interpretation is to be allowed. For besides the strength and power which was given the judges, they had also the judgement and feeling of the will of God, which pertained unto prophecy.  
He judged Israel. That is, he set them at liberty and was their Governor as touching civil things, and restored the pure worshipping of God. In that it is above written that God sold Israel to the king of Mesopotamia. And now again it is declared that he delivered the same king unto Othoniel, we may gather that victories are given at the pleasure of God, which also we have often noted before.  
R. Levi been gerson thinketh that in that supputation of .40. 
R. Levi been gerischon.  years wherein the jews lived peaceably under Othoniel were comprehended also the eight years of servitude which went before. But of this thing we will speak abundantly in the history of jiphtah. 
God is also to be called upon of sinners.  This place teacheth that men must call upon God, though they have sinned: which I therefore thought good to note, because sins use much to fear away men from the invocation of the name of God for this is the nature of sins to alienate us from God, unto whom we yet by prayers come again. Wherefore seeing these things are contrary, namely to be alienated from God, and to come unto him, it is wonder how they can be applied to one, and the self same man. 
Augustine.  And this maketh with it also which is written in the gospel: God heareth not sinners. Although Augustine write of that sentence, that it is found in deed in the holy scriptures, but it was spoken by him which was borne blind, when his heart was not yet illustrate. Wherefore he judgeth that that sentence is not to be taken as a firm and certain rule. 
A distinction of sinners.  But I would rather make a distinction between sinners, for there are some, which when they cry unto the Lord, do repent, and from their hearts are sorry, for the evils which they have committed. But there are other which continue still in their mind and purpose to sin, and have a very great delight therein. Farther I am not afeard to affirm, that god heareth those sinners which being repentant cry unto him with faith: where as those are repulsed which being hardened in their sins and wanting faith do call upon god. Wherefore it appeareth that those sinners which come to god, and those that depart from god are not sinners of one sort, because they which after they have sinned call upon god by faith, & repent them of their sins, are divided from those which stubbornly without repentance persever in their sins. For they although by words they cry unto god, yet in heart and mind they are far from him, so far are they for to be joined unto him, or to come unto him by faith and prayers.   

¶ Whether God be the cause of sin.  
But in these things which are said, there ariseth a question which is not to be left unspoken of. For it is written that god sold the Israelites to the king of Mesopotamia. Wherefore it seemeth that he holp a wicked man, & aided him to satisfy his tyranny and ambition. For he had neither a just cause, nor yet an honest title, to claim unto him the dominion of the hebrews. What shall we say therefore? Shall we affirm that God is the cause of this sin? There happeneth in this book and in other places of the holy Scriptures such kind of speech, and that often times very plain, and therefore it seemeth good to be expounded once for all.  

Whether by the word permission this question may be dissolved.  Some, yea and that with no evil mind labour to excuse God, and say that he doth not these evil things, but only permitteth them, And they think that in doubtful places, that interpretation is to be applied, which altogether wanteth fault and danger of ungodliness. Undoubtedly this their saying were to be praised, if that we could see their exposition to be allowed in the scriptures. But there it is far otherwise said, 
It is proved by good reasons that besides permission god worketh somewhat when sins are committed.  namely that God doth stir up wicked men to their wicked acts, that he seduceth, delivereth, commandeth, hardeneth, and deceiveth them, and bringeth to pass those sins which are grievous. Such kinds of speech do manifestly teach us, that God after a sort worketh evil things, not only in permitting, but also in doing in us. Without doubt all we are said both to have our being, and also our moving in him: For he is in such sort the first cause of all things, that without him we can do nothing. For how should we move ourselves, unless by his power we were both moved and also driven? Farther, how far his government extendeth, we may read in the xi chap. of Matthew: for two sparrows (saith the Lord) are sold for a farthing, and yet one of them falleth not to the ground without the will of the father. And that was as much to say as without the counsel of God nothing be it never so small is done in the world. Moreover that permission whereby certain go about to make plain this question, at the length is called again to the will. For who soever can let and prohibit any thing that is evil, and doth it not, it is manifest that after a sort he is willing thereunto. Besides that, he permitteth it not against his will, 
God doth not idlelye behold those things which are done o● men, but worketh together with them Esay. 5.  but willingly. Wherefore a will without doubt is contained in that permission.  
But now must we show, that God, when sins are committed, doth not idly look on, yea he worketh somewhat there. For Esay in the .v. chap. saith, that God would give a token, and with his hissing call a nation from the utmost parts of the earth, which should overthrow the kingdom of the hebrews, as their sins had deserved. By which it manifestly appeareth, that God stirreth up tyrants and outward nations to these unjust wars. 
Esay. 10.  Also in the ten chap. the same Prophet pronounceth that king to be wicked, which in that expedition was in the hand of God as a saw, a staff, and an axe. There is no man ignorant but that all these things do so work and move, that they be first moved. Yea and that proud king is therefore reprehended, because he so exalted himself as though he were God, who had by him brought such and so great things to pass. 
Gen: 45.  joseph also in the book of Genesis said unto his brethren which had by a wicked conspiracy sold him: It was not you but god that sent me into Egypt. In the first book of the kings also, 
1. kings. 22.  and the xxii chap: Satan, who was ready to deceive Achab, was commanded by God to do it, & to prevail. Which words declare that God himself commandeth and also stirreth up to deceive. Further it is written in the proverbs the xxi chap. 
proverbs. 21.  The heart of the king is in the hand of God, he shall incline it whether soever he will. The scripture saith also of Pharaoh, 
Exodus 9.10.11 Rom. 9  kings seem free from human laws, but God boweth them whether he will, (which place Paul allegeth) that his heart was hardened by God. Neither maketh this any thing against it, 
Pharaoh was hardened both of god & of himself.  if thou shalt say that it is written in the viii chap. of Exodus, that Pharaoh hardened himself, for as much as both sayings are true. For God doth no violence to the will of man, seeing that nothing is more contrary unto it than to make it to do any thing unwillingly, or by compulsion. Howbeit it is changed and bowed of God so softly and pleasantly, that it willingly & without violence inclineth to whatsoever pleaseth God. 
Augustine.  And it often times happeneth (as Augustine in divers places hath taught) that God punisheth former sins by latter sins. And the holy scriptures before Augustine's time testified the same, & especially Paul, in his Epistle to the Roma. the first chap. Wherefore God hath in his hand the affections of our heart, which he loseth or restraineth as shall seem good to his most wise providence, & turneth them whithersoever it shall please him. And so great is his power, 
God worketh more as touching sins than is expressed by the word permission. 2. Thess 2.  that we must believe that he worketh much more, than may be expressed by the word of permission. For Paul feared not thus to write unto the Thessalonians: because they have not received the love of the truth, therefore shall God send on them an error, so that they shall believe lies, & all they shallbe judged which have not believed the truth, but allowed unrighteousness. These words manifestly testify, that God did cast error upon them, to punish their former sin, namely upon those which despised the truth offered them. David also seemeth to tend to this, when in the .2. book of Samuel the .16. chap. he said of Simeck: Suffer him, 
2. Sam: 16.  for God hath commanded him to curse me. Also in the same book the .12. chap. God by Nathan the Prophet saith of David which had grievously fallen: 
2. Sam: 12.  behold I will stir up evil against thee, & will take thy wives, & give them unto thy neighbour, who shall sleep with them: this didst thou secretly, but I will do this thing openly, in the eyes of the Sun and of all Israel.  
If the matter be so (thou wilt say) they which sin shall easily be excused: 
The sins of men are not excused by the working of god  for they may soon say, that they were by God moved & stirred up to sin. Not so. For men are not so delivered by God unto sins, as though they were themselves pure & innocent. For they which are so stirred up to naughtiness, have worthily deserved the same. And the same men are not driven against their will, but they wonderfully delight themselves in those transgressions and sins. Wherefore their excuse is foolish, or rather none.  
But this seemeth to be against the things before said, 
Whither God do together both hate & will sins.  because in the Psalms it is written that God is such a one, as willeth no iniquity, and hateth sins. And undoubtedly he is so in deed: For unless he hated sins, why should he punish them? for things that are allowed, are not wont to be punished. Farther, he hath most severely prohibited them by his laws. But as touching this, 
A distinction of the will of God.  thus must we decree of the will of god, that it is in nature and very deed one, which yet may be divided for divers and sundry respects. For as it is set forth in the scriptures & the law, he condemneth sins, he prohibiteth them, and threateneth most grievous punishments unto them. Howbeit because he directeth the same sins whithersoever he will, & useth them to his counsels and decrees, neither when he may, letteth them, it is therefore said that after a sort he willeth them. Neither is it meet to deny that such sundry respects are in the will of god. For god would before all beginnings, have his son sacrificed unto him for a most sweet sacrifice: who yet himself said in the law: Thou shalt not kill, & thou shalt not shed innocent blood. God also forbade, that any should be deceived, who for all that would have Achab to be deceived of Satan, 
Christ was killed by the will of God.  as we have a little before mentioned. And lest any man should doubt that Christ was put to death by the will of God, we may see in the acts of the Apostles that it is most manifestly said that the jews did those things which God by his counsel had before ordained.  
What then? Shall we say that god is the cause of sin? Not so, 
God if we speak properli is not the cause of sin.  for if we will speak properly: and that it may the more manifestly appear, we must mark, that one self act as it is derived from us, is very sin: but in respect that it cometh from God, it is both good, just, and holy. For punishment is by God imposed to wicked men. And to punish sins, no man is ignorant but that it pertaineth to justice. Wherefore God in withdrawing his grace from the ungodly, and ministering some occasions, which might move to good things, if they happened to right & just minds, and which he knoweth the wicked will turn to evil, may after a sort, although not properly, be said to be the cause of sin. And undoubtedly that act, 
A similitude.  in that it passeth through us, is sin, but not as it cometh from God. For in that it cometh from God, it is most perfect justice. It happeneth sometimes, that the self same wine being poured into a corrupt vessel, is lost, and made paid: which wine as it was brought by the husbandman & put into the vessel is both sweet and good. Neither is it hard to understand how one & the self same act may as touching one, be vicious: & in respect of an other, just. For when a murderer & hangman do kill a man, the act as touching the matter or subject, without doubt is all one, namely the death of a man. And yet the murderer doth it most unjustly, & the hangman by law and justice. job also did well understand that when he said: The Lord gave, & the Lord hath taken away as it hath pleased him, so is it done. He did not by those words praise the Chaldians, Sabines, & the Devil, which were vessels of iniquity, & most vicious: but he with great godliness allowed those evils, as they were governed & ruled by the providence of God, namely for this cause, because they pleased God. It is also written in the .2. book of Samuel the .24. chap. of David, who unadvisedly would have the people numbered, & how God was angry with Israel, & therefore he stirred up David to do that. And in the book of Paral. it is written that Satan was the doer of it. For God doth those things which he will have done by Angels, as well good as evil. Wherefore that numbering of the people as it proceeded of David or the Devil, was in deed vicious; but in that it came from God, who intended to punish the Israelites, it pertained exceedingly to the setting forth of his justice.  
Howbeit james saith, that God tempteth none to evil, but every one of us is alured by our own concupiscence. 
Augustine. Whither God tempt or no.  Augustine writing of this thing in his book de consensa Euangelistarum, saith that there are two kinds of temptation, the one of trial, the other of deceit. And in deed as touching trial he denieth not but that God tempteth, for that the scriptures do confess it. But with that kind of temptation which deceiveth, whereof james wrote, he saith that God tempteth no man. But the scriptures teach not so, as we have declared a little before of David, and before him of Achab. Yea, and in Ezechiel the .14. chap. god saith that he had deceived the Prophet. And the same Augustine writeth not after the same manner in other places, as it manifestly appeareth in his books de Praedest. Sanctorum de Cerrept. & Gratia ad Valent. and in his .5. book and .3. chap. contra julianum. Wherefore the true interpretation of this place is, that every man is therefore tempted of his own concupiscence, because all men have their natural disease, which is corruption, and vicious lusts, which are together borne with them, & do also grow and increase in them. Wherefore God instylleth no malice of his, for we have enough at home. Therefore he cannot be accused, for as much as the beginning of ungodliness & wickedness cometh not from him, 
God when he will bringeth to light our frowaconesse of mind.  but lieth hid in us. He ought not therefore to be counted to give the cause and fault, who yet when it seemeth good unto him, will for just causes have our lusts & wickedness brought to light, and rule & govern our wicked acts, thereby more and more to illustrate his justice and glory, & to advance the salvation of the godly. Wherefore his singular goodness and providence is very much to be praised, which can so justly and wisely use so wicked means.  

Whence the variety of proneness to sin cometh.  But if a man will ask, how it happeneth, that some are more prone to sins than others, if (as it is said) malice & wickedness are rooted into us all from our birth, neither is it need that any new or latter malice should be instilled in us from God. And seeing that we are all brought forth of one & the self same lump, and that lump likewise is altogether vitiated, it should seem that all also aught to be of a like disposition and inclination to wickedness. But this is diligently to be weighed, that besides this disposition there happen natural malices, manners, customs, wicked qualities, fellowships, temperatures of bodies, sundry parents, divers countries, and manifold causes, whereby some are made more or less prone unto sins, which proneness of ours God according to his justice, goodness, and wisdom useth and stirreth it up, governeth and ruleth it. And this is not to be forgotten, that none of us have so in ourselves the beginnings of good acts, which truly please God, as we even from the very birth have within us the beginnings of sins. For they are inspired in us by the holy ghost, and we continually receive them of God, neither burst they forth out of the corrupt beginnings of our nature.  
Now resteth to see from whence after the sin of Adam, that frowardness and corruption came, 
Whether the first corruption after the sin of Adam were derived from god or no.  and whither it were derived from God to punish the wicked act which was committed. I answer, that we may not so think: for man was for the fault which he had committed allenated from god, wherefore he justly withrew from him his gifts, favour and grace. And our nature being left unto itself, falleth and declineth to worse and worse, yea it cometh to nothing, from whence it was brought forth at the beginning. 
Wherefore we must seek for no other efficient cause of that corruption.  Wherefore by that wythdrawing of gifts and grace, and departure from God, which is the fountain of all good things, nature is by itself thrown headlong into vice and corruption. But now let us return to the history.   

12 Again the children of Israel did evil in the sight of the Lord. And the Lord strengthened Eglon king of Moab, against Israel: because that they had done evil in the sight of the Lord.  
13 And this (Eglon) gathered unto him the Children of Ammon and Amalek, and went and smote Israel: and they possessed the city of Palm trees.  
14 And the children of Israel served Eglon king of Moab .18. years  
The history declareth first the sin which the Israelites committed: than it showeth the punishment wherewith for the same they were punished. As soon as their good Prince was dead, the people fell again to their old wickedness, neither did they only commit those sins which before they had committed, but to them they added some sins more grievous. 
The last fallings were for the most part more grievous than the first. Servitude is against the nature of man.  For the last falinge were for the most part grievouser than they which were passed: for at the least they added this, in that they more & more became ingrate for the benefits past, when they again fell from God, with whom they were before reconciled into favour. Their punishment was bondage, wherein they were bound & served the Moabites. Without doubt a grievous kind of punishment: because it is marvelously against the state and nature of man. For all men by nature are borne free. And bondage, as even the Lawyers also do confess, 
Servitude was brought in by cause of sin.  was brought in by a common law among men agreeing to natural reason. But it may more truly be said that it was brought in because of sin. Enemy's when they were overcome in war, were sometimes saved, & compelled to serve them which overcame them: and there can be no just wars taken in hand, unless it be to revenge some facinorous act. Wherefore we said well, that servitude was derived of sin: & is therefore a grievous punishment, because it is against the nature of man. 
Certain subjections are natural.  I grant in deed that this is natural, for the children to be obedient unto the parents, the subject unto the Magistrates, the unlearned & unskilful unto the wiser, & the weak ones must apply themselves to the mightier. But this kind of obedience and service, namely toward them which are favourable unto us, and seek for our profit, is voluntary. Wherefore it very much differeth from the servitude, whereof we now entreat. For that voluntary kind of obedience might have been used when men were in perfect state: but this which was brought in for sin could not be there. And bondmen are compelled to serve not such as are their friends, but strangers and enemies, and that in things unprofitable unto them, 
Which is the more grievous bondage.  yea and often times things hurtful and unhonest.  
Servitude also is then far more grievous, when people are subject unto those enemies which once were overcome by them, and whom before they ruled. These evils happened unto the Israelites. 
The Moabits were enemies to the jews from the beginning.  For the Moabites were enemies unto the hebrews, even from the beginning, and they hired Balaam to curse them, and in the wilderness they abandoned their women unto them, for the which the people was afterward grievously plagued. Farther, the jews overcame the Moabites by war, and punished them sore, as we read in the book of Numbers. Besides that, the Moabites were a filthy and an infamed people: for their father was Moab, the son of Loth, who begat him by incest. Nether would God suffer, that they should be admitted into his church. For these causes therefore, was this bondage most hard, and especially unto the hebrews, which were already before by god set at liberty both from the Egyptians and also from the Syrians, and by wonderful works from them redeemed.  
God strengthened Aeglon, namely in giving him courage and strength, making him prompt, and stirring him up also by some certain occasions. And adjoined unto him Ammon and Amalek. This may be understand two ways, either that Eglon adjoined unto himself such confederates, or that god caused this league to be made between these nations. And undoubtedly both significations are true: for that which they did, they could not have executed without the will and aid of god.  
Let us note in this place, that the ungodly, which otherwise agree not very well among themselves, 
The ungodly do easily conspire against the people of god.  do easily conspire against the people of god. Wherefore these three nations being joined together, did easily overcome the Israelites, which were forsaken of god. And they possessed the city of Palm trees, which is jericho, as it appeareth in Deut. and as it is before declared. But in that it is said that they took possession of it, it signifieth that they did not spoil it, and leave it void: for they claimed it unto themselves, making the lands and possessions thereof proper unto themselves. Neither is it unlykelye, but that they put in it a garrison of soldiers, for to oppress the hebrews more grievously. And yet I do not think, that they restored again the city unto them, for that came to pass afterward in the time of Achab, as it is declared in the book of Kings.  

Why god punisheth his people by ungodly ones.  But this peradventure may seem marvelous unto some, that god used to punish his people by other nations far worse than they were: for as much as the Ammonites, Amalekites, and Moabites were Idolaters, & nations that were overwhelmed in all kind of wickedness. To this I will answer, that it was the providence of god, which (as I have before declared) doth in the sort punish sins with sins, and in such manner chasten the ungodly, by others that are ungodly. 
why god sooner punisheth his own than he doth strangers.  Farther, by it he declareth, that these things though they be evil, yet they can not escape, but that some way they shall serve his wil But why he differeth to punish nations, which otherwise are wicked, and his own he strait ways punisheth, this is the cause: because they pertaining to god, do sin against his law which they know. Wherefore there is no cause why the Turks and Papists though they sometimes prevail against us, to punish our sins, should flatter themselves thereby, 
God will not easeli suffer his word being known & received to be despised.  as though they were much better than we are, or as though their superstitions were better than our religion. For if the Moabites, Chananites, and Assyrians were not counted better than the jews, whom they overcame: no more shall the Turks or Papists obtain the same, though sometimes by the will of God they afflict the Gospelers. Wherefore god doth quickly punish his, for his word sake, which is among them published: he will not easily suffer, that his word being received and known should be despised and escape unpunished. There were undoubtedly very many liars and false men at jerusalem, and yet god suffered them, where as he straight way destroyed Ananias and Saphira. For he would adorn & set forth the gospel & holy ministry. And now that the ethnics do see, how severely God punisheth us, they may easily conjecture what hangeth over their heads, according to the saying of Christ: If this be done in the green tree, what shall be done in the dry tree. And if by reason of their blindness they understand not this, we ought diligently to remember it to our great consolation. We read in jeremy the xlix Chapter that the people of God drank of the cup of the Lord, which seemed not so much to deserve it: Wherefore the Edomites ought much more to look, to be one day punished with punishments appointed for them. In Ezechiel also the ix Chap. god exhorteth nations against the hebrews, to kill and spare none, but first they should begin at his sanctuary. Peter also in his i Epistle the .4. chap. The time is (saith he) that judgement must begin at the house of God. But why he saith that now is the time, I think this is the cause, because he saw that all those things which the Prophets had forespoken of the chastising of the people of Israel before other nations, should chiefly of all take place among the Christians. For those things which happened unto the jews in a figure or shadow, do chief belong unto us. Wherefore Christ being made manifest, & his faith being spread abroad throughout the world, Peter thought that it should be very soon accomplished, that judgement should begin at the Christians which are the house of God.  
Furthermore there are in the fellowship of the people of god always some holy men still found, which when sharp affliction cometh are proved, & as gold in fire are made more bright, which the heavenly father will chiefly and speedily to be done. The elect also, which have fallen, being admonished by chastisementes and adversities, do use to return again into the right way. And that the same may come to pass, God, who loveth them exceedingly, doth of his loving care provide. But such as are uncurable, his will is that they should quickly be broken, lest they might longer than is meet, hurt and with their contagiousness destroy other. These undoubtedly are the causes, why God doth sooner correct his own than strangers. It is not to be attributed to hatred but to most fervent love. For the divine oracles declare under the person of God. Whom I love I correct and chastise. Also a good householder not regarding strangers, beginneth severe discipline at his own, when they sin.  
The Israelites served the King of Moab xviii years. This with out doubt was a long time of bondage. And not without desert, because the Hebrews had augmented their sin, either in that they committed things more grievous, or else because when they were reprehended and delivered, they fell again to their old wickedness. This latter servitude was twice so long as was that wherein they served the king of Mesopotamia.   

15 And the children of Israel cried unto the Lord: and the Lord stirred them up a saviour Ehud the son of Gera, the son of jemini, a man having an impediment in his right hand, and by him the children of Israel sent a present unto Eglon the King of Moab.  
The kindness and mercy of God is far greater than the kindness and mercy of men. For if any through their own default fall into any miseries, 
The kindness of God is far greater than the mercy of men.  men for the most part have no compassion on them. Which manifestly appeareth in the Roman laws, in the Digests de deposito vel contra. In the law, bona fides, it is ordained that a pledge should not be restored, but should be given to the treasury, when he which owed the pledge doth so offend, that he deserveth banishment, because that he suffered it through his own default, and therefore is it meet that he should be punished with poverty. A woman also, if she commit adultery, did not only lose her dowry, but also she can claim none of her husband's goods, because through her own default she falleth into that misery: which is also written in Decretalibus, title de consuetudine, chap. Ex part. But god is so merciful and long suffering that he saith in jeremy: I will do that, which none of you will do. No husband would receive again a wife which he hath repudiated, especially for adultery sake. But I, so that thou wilt return, will take thee again, although thou hast most filthily played the harlot with thy lovers. This goodness of god ought we also to follow not only to have compassion on those, 
It is not lawful by violence to deliver those which are already fallen into the power of the Magistrate.  which without their own fault are thrust into miseries but of those also which for their faults are chastised. Wherefore we ought to be gentle towards them, but yet so far as good laws will suffer: which I therefore add, lest hereupon any should think that such as are condemned to death or are captives for wicked acts which they have committed might be delivered against the will of the Magistrates. Christ commanded, that we should forgive the repentant sinner, not once nor seven times, but seventy times seven times: this doth he himself toward his people: they fall in deed oftentimes, and most filthily sin, and yet when they return the heavenly Father both receiveth and also delivereth them.  
He raised them up a judge, Ehud the son of Gera. The common translation hath Aioth. 
Why the Latin & Greek translation have corrupted proper names.  But that is marvel, for both in the Greek and also the Latin translation, very many proper names are corrupted. As Isaac, ezechiel, Ezechias, Nabuchodonosor, etc., for both those Nations abhorring from hard kind of speaking have levifyed and mitigated the Hebrew words after the form of their own speech. And this man of whom we entreat, came (as the holy history declareth) of the tribe of Benjamin. For the family of jemini, whereof he was borne, belonged unto the tribe of Benjamin.  
Having an impediment in his right hand. The common Latin edition hath turned it Ambidextrum, that is, one which useth both hands a like, which interpretation the Hebrew phrase suffereth not, which is thus: Ater iad lamino, 
Why some are lefthanded.  that is, shut or taken in his right hand. And in the Latin also we say claudum, quasi clausum, that is, lame. And there are two causes alleged, why some are lefthanded. For either it cometh of custom from their childhood, or else by some impediment in the right part. But I would think that the custom of using the left hand from a child cometh of some impediment, because peradventure some pores of the body are shut or stopped, by which the spirits which are instruments of moving, can not easily have their course to the sinews and to the brawns of the right hand. Otherwise children should of their own accord be prone to use the right hand, for as much as in creatures, by order of nature, the right part is much stronger than the left. Neither do jat this present speak of those which do of purpose practise to use the left hand, that thereby when need requireth they may have both hands ready. For that serveth little to our matter, for the history by express words declareth that this Ehud had an impediment in his right hand. Yet let us remember, that god for the executing of noble deeds & enterprises for the most part chooseth the weak & unapt ones, as the first epistle to the Corin. testifieth: Brethren, see to your calling: how that not many noble men, not many wise men, not many mighty men, are chosen, but God hath chosen the foolish things of the world, to put to shame the wise, & he hath chosen the weak things, to overthrow things that are mighty, & also vile things, and things of no reputation hath God choose to confound things of reputation, that no flesh should be glorified in his sight, etc. For as much as the glory of God should easily be darkened by the power & wisdom of men. Wherefore that that glory might excel, he hath elected the foolishness of preaching, he hath also chosen unto himself rude Apostles, and weak and feeble men, by whom he might show forth his wonderful works. Howbeit because that which was now done by Ehud seemeth to be done by craft, subtility and guile, it is declared what occasion God gave of this noble deed.  
And by him the children of Israel sent a present unto Eglon. God would therefore have this messenger choose, that he might the easilier come to the presence of the King. And I suppose that the present which they sent unto Eglon was not the ordinary tribute which they paid, but some honourable gift, there by to make the King more favourable towards than, or else to obtain somewhat at his hands. For tribute is called by an other word of the Hebrews than by this word Minchah. For that word is derived of this verb Nachah, 
Minchah.  which is to bring, or to offer. Wherefore Minchah signified not only an oblation, which was appointed for sacrifices, but also a present, and gift presented unto noble men. And for that cause in the book of Genesis, those things which jacob as a gift sent unto his brother Esau, before he came unto him, are called by the same name. And when Ehud saw, that he was called to a weighty and perilous enterprise, although he nothing doubted of the success thereof, yet he diligently weighed with himself the dangers to the end he might the more prudently avoid them. The calling of GOD causeth us to have a sure confidence, but yet it nothing letteth, but that we may meditate how we may warily, and wisely execute it. Ehud therefore revolving with himself the things that were to be done, caused that thing to be made for him, which the holy history by these words declareth.   

16 And Ehud made him a sword with two edges, of a cubit length, and he girded it under his raiment, upon his right thigh.  
17 He presented the present unto Eglon King of Moab. And Eglon was a very fat man.  
18 And when he had presented the present, he sent away the people that bore the present.  
19 But he himself returned again from the quarry of stones that was in Gilgal, and said: I have a secret errand unto thee O King: who answered: Keep silence. And all they that stood near went forth.  
Ehud made him a two edged sword, which having a most sharp edge on both sides, might both easily pierce and cut, and also quickly strike through the body. He caused it also to be made but a cubit in length that he might the easilier hide it. 
What is the stature of Pigmeians.  Neither is this word Gamar any other thing with the Hebrews than Amah. Wherefore the Pigmeians in ezechiel the xxvii Chapter are called Gamerim, and therefore so called, because they are but a cubit in stature. And such a short sword the Latins call Sica that is, a scayne. He hid it under his garments: for if he had worn his sword openly, either he should have been compelled to lay away his sword, or else he should have had no access unto the King. For tyrants will not easily admit armed men privately to talk with them. Furthermore if it had been marked that at his departure when he had killed the King, he carried not his sword with him as he brought it, his enterprise would easily have been suspected. He girded the short sword upon his right thy, that he might handsomely take it with his left hand, which only he was able to use.  
Eglon was a very gross man It is no strange thing that Princes are troubled with overmuch fatness. For they live delicately, they eat and drink abundantly, and very little exercise their mind and body. Agag the King of Amalek, is in the first book of Samuel described to have been such an other.  
And he sent the people away, namely those which brought the gift And returned from the place of graven Images which were by gilgal. Those men which Ehud sent away, were either fellows of the message or they which bore the gift that should be offered unto the king. By good advise he sent those away from him, because he would talk with the king alone & without any arbiterers. And he saw that when he had finished his purpose he should by flying away a great deal better save himself being alone, than he should do if he had many joined with him, 
Conspiracies communicated to many have seldom good success.  because than he should not have been careful only how to save himself, but also how to save others. Farther conspiracies when they are communicated to many, have very seldom good success. Peradventure also he would endanger but himself only, and not bring others into danger with him. Wherefore he sent them away that if any danger should peradventure happen, they might be in safety. And the place fro whence he returned is called Pesilim of this verb Pasall, which is to cut or grave, because peradventure there were in that place either a quarry of stones, or else some Idols of late set up by Eglon. For Gilgal was among the jews counted a religious place.  
For the ark of the covenant remained there a while, and we read that the Israelites after they were passed over jordane rested first in that place, and celebrated a general circumcision there. Wherefore it might easily come to pass the Eglon in contempt of the Hebrews, had there placed images and idols.  
Ehud when he had there sent away his fellows, returned again alone unto the king, to whom he said, I have a secret business to tell thee O King. As touching the proper signification of his talk, he told the truth as it was. For Dabar signifieth with the Hebrews not only a word, but also a thing and business. But because Eglon was thereby deceived, and he spoke these things to deceive, he made a lie also. The King when he heard this answered, Hold thy peace. beckoning unto him to tell it him secretly & not to speak it before all them which stood then by.   

20 And Ehud came unto him, and he sat in a summer parler alone, and Ehud said: I have a message unto thee from God. And he arose out of his seat.  
21 Then Ehud put forth his left hand, and took the sword from his right side, and thrust it into his belly.  
22 And the haft went after the blade, and the fat closed the haft, so that he could not draw the sword out of his belly, & the dirt came out.  
As soon as they understood the will of the King they went all forth, and Ehud was left alone with the King. And he sat in a cold parlour, that is, as they translate it, in a summer parler. The Hebrew interpreters do say that that place was therefore the colder, because it had very many windows, so that the air did the easier come into it. When Ehud said: I have a message unto the from God, he said not a message from jehovah but from Elohim which is a general name and is also attributed unto idols, he lieth again although he depart not from the signification of the words. He deceived the king, and that he might the better beguile him he spoke after this sort. Eglon when mention was made of the word of God, he rose up & honoured it. And as it is to be thought, the manner was so at that time in those regions. And in our days we see oftentimes, that very many Princes which otherwise are far from religion, yet to feign themselves most religious, will uncover their head at the name of God and of Christ, and come to holy services showing great reverence unto such rites rather of hypocrisy, thereby to deceive the common people and where as they are ungodly they would be counted very Godly. This did Eglon as far as I suppose: although I know that the Hebrew Rabines have far otherwise feigned. For they say that because of this honour which he gave unto the name of God, it came afterwards to pass, 
A lie of 〈◊〉 bin●.  that the daughter of Eglon Ruth I say, was converted to the jewish religion, and was the great grandmother of David. That is altogether a feigned thing, because it hath no testimony out of the holy Scriptures. And yet I speak not this, 
God bes●oweth benefi● s upon men for kep●●g outward discipline.  as though I knew not that God giveth unto men abundant benefits for observing of outward discipline. Farther I mark that Ehud got three commodities by the things which he thus did. First, as a Prophet he spoke unto the king standing, whereas otherwise he ought to have spoken with him either prostrate or else kneeling. Secondly the king might easilier be stricken to death standing than sitting. Lastly whilst he was rising he could not so well mark Ehud plucking out his short sword. And the strooken was so vehement that not only the sword, but also the haft pierced into the body of the king. Yea & the whole skayn was so closed in with fat or grease that he was not able to pluck it out. And the king was killed with the self same stroke. It is added also that dirt came from him, which things is wont to happen to those which die violently.   

23 And Ehud got him out through the porch, and shut the doors of the parlour about him, and locked them.  
24 When he was gone out, his servants came, and looked and behold the doors of the parlour were locked. Then they said: Surely he covereth his feet in his summer chamber.  
25 And they tarried till they were ashamed, and behold he opened not the doors of the parlour. Wherefore they took a key and opened them. And behold their Lord was fallen down dead on the earth.  
Ehud when he went forth plucked the doors after him and locked them: for there is a certain kind of locks made in such sort, that without a key, of a man pluck the doors after him, they will straightway lock. 
Augustine.  And Augustine writing of this place, saith that they are in Africa every where called Verudata. The servants of Egl n when Ehud was come forth, suspected no evil, because as it is most likely, he never changed his countenance when he went forth but went his way fair and softly as though he had committed no wicked act. And they thought that the king had shut Thedores, because peradventure he would ease himself. And that is meant by the Hebrew phrase wherein they say. He peradventure covereth his feet. For in that work men used to cover their feet with garments like a tabernacle or tent. And whilst the servants of Eglon tarried and waited, Ehud had good leisure to fly. But at the length when they were ashamed, they took a key and opened the doors. They use in courts to have many keys of the kings chamber, which the chamberlains diligently keep: and that is it which is here said that they took a kaye. But when they saw their king so vilely and miserably slain, we must believe that they were amazed, so that they could not well tell what was to be done. The thing was so strange which had happened. Peradventure also they a while mourned and lamented or else provided to save themselves by flight, because they had not well kept the king.   

26 And Ehud escaped whilst they tarried, and was passed over the quarry of stones (or place of graven images) and escaped into Seirath.  
27 And when he was come to his, he blewe a trumpet in mount Ephraim. And the children of Israel went down with him from the hill and he went before them.  
28 And he said unto them: Fellow me, for the Lord hath delivered your enemies the Moabites into your hands: and they descended after him and took the passages of jordan toward Moab, and suffered not a man to pass over.  
This place Seirath, which is here mentioned, is not the mount Seir in Idumea, but is a place not far from mount Ephraim, as the words which follow do manifestly declare. And Ehud being of a noble courage when he had slain the tyrant, left not his matters half done and half undone, as did Brutus and Cassius long sins when they had slain Cesar, with a trumpet he called together the Ephraites, which were men very expert in wars, and those by his authority he exhorted to battle, making them assured the God had granted him the victory. They therefore stopped the passages of jordane, that the Moabites, which were in the kingdom of the Israelites, & had gotten part of it as it is already declared, should not fly away. And lest others of the country of Moab should pass over the river, to succour their own men, which were among the hebrews.   

29 And they slew of the Moabites the same time, about a ten thousand men which were all fat, and all strong men, and there escaped not a man.  
30 So Moab was subdued that day under the hand of Israel: and the land had rest lxxx. years.  
When they had stopped the passages of the river of jordane, they slew x. thousand Moabites, which at the time dwelled in the dominions of the hebrews. And they which were slain were no common men, but in our history, are called Fattemen, not that they were fat in body but in richesse. For they were rich and very strong. For by their might and warlike power the Israelites were brought into bondage. Wherefore it is very aptly a little afterward said, that the hebrews when they had gotten this victory, were in quiet a very long time after: for the Moabites were so consumed and worn away, by reason their notable and excellent captains were lost, 
Augustine. What peace of the Romans was longer than other.  that they were not able to renew war again. And therefore it is said, That Moab was subdued under the hand of Israel. Augustine diligently considering, that the land was at rest lxxx. years, hath learnedly noted, that the Romans had never peace above the space of xl. years, which they had in the time of Numa Pompilius. For the king setting aside the study of making war, applied himself wholly to institute ceremonies. Wherefore thereby he concludeth that the affairs of the Israelites were longer in quiet, than were the affairs of the Romans. Howbeit the hebrews think, that in that sum of lxxx. years are comprehended those xviii years, wherein the hebrews served the king of Moab, that the supputation of the time might agree more justly.  
There are two things which are to be marked in this place. First the Ehud was of a valeant, strong, & noble courage, whereunto was adjoined a singular prudence. And of those gifts, faith was the principal foundation, for unless he had effectually believed god when he called him & also his promise he would never have put his life & goods into so great jeopardies. The second thing is, that all things had therefore happy success, because god never faileth those, which obey him, following their vocation, whereby they feel that by him they are called to accomplish any thing.  
But now that we have briefly touched the history, there are three places or questions offered unto us which may not by any means be left unspoken of. For foras much as Ehud (as we have heard) used guile, & the evil guile, made also a lie, & drew his sword against his prince, me thinketh it is worthy to be declared, whether it be lawful for Christian & godly men to use guile. Secondly whether it be lawful to lie, lastly, whether the subjects may invade their prince for any cause.   

¶ Of Guile.  
NOw let us speak of the first. That which the Latins call Dolus (that is guile) the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so that their word and the Latins, is almost all one. But the hebrews call it Mirmah or Rimiah. Then we must know this, that guile is there used, where any thing lieth secret which is hidden, 
Plautus.  lest the guile should appear or easily be seen. Wherefore Plautus said, Guiles unless they be covered by craft, they are no guiles. Thus much as touching the name. Now let us come to the definition.  
In the digests de dolo malo lege. 1. 
The definition of guile. Servius.  servius an interpreter of the law hath thus defined evil guile, namely to be a subtle invention or devise for to deceive another by, when as one thing is done and an other thing dissembled. Wheresoever therefore is guile, there is deceit by some dissimulation. 
Labeo.  It is true in deed that Labeo an interpreter of the law reproved the definition which Servius brought and that by two arguments. Whereof the one is, that some may be beguiled without dissimulation or evil guile. Wherefore the definition is more straight and narrow than that which is defined, which all men count to be an error. The other argument is, because some sometimes by dissimulation do save and defend their own, or else other men's things, and yet thereby they beguile no man, neither do they hurt any man. Wherefore the definition is applied unto other things besides that which is defined: 
another definition of guile. Vlpianu●.  which thing also is reproved as a fault. Wherefore he thus defineth it: Naughty guile, is all craft, deceit and subtlety invented to beguile, delude, and deceive an other. Vlpianus in the same place alloweth the opinion of Labeo. Saving the authority of such a man I would say that Labeo did not well in removing dissimulation from the definition of deceit. And as touching the first argument which he hath, I deny, namely that men may be beguiled without dissimulation, because unless they should be together without sense, they would not easily, be brought to receive & to take that which they manifestly see willbe hurtful unto them. Wherefore it is necessary, that there be some show and colour added, which can by no means be done without dissimulation. Then, where as he saith that there are very many, which by dissimulation may defend either their own things or else things of other men's: I grant that, but yet I affirm that the same is guile, although it be good guile, as afterward we shall more manifestly show. Wherefore as touching the definition of guile, it seemeth that feigning or dissimulation is always to be added. And for that cause the definition of Servius pleaseth me better, which definition for all that I myself would rather apply unto guile in general, than unto evil guile as he did. Being by this means peradventure moved, because he understood by deceit that deceit which should be hurtful.  
Cicero in his first book of offices affirmeth that dissimulation or feigning, 
Cicero.  pertain chief unto the nature of guile. For he writeth that Aquilius his familiar friend being demanded what guile was, he answered, where one thing is done and an other thing dissembled. To this sentence Augustine assenteth, 
Augustine.  who (in his 7. treatise upon john expounding these words which Christ pronounced of Nathaniel, Behold a true Israelite in whom is no guile) saith: Then it is guile, when one thing is done and an other thing feigned, etc. And to speak this by the way, by this place is easily gathered, 
Augustine preached unto the people in ●●ti●e.  that Augustine preached his Sermons unto the people in Latin, because the Affricians used the Roman tongue, although it were not pure, but in some words corrupt. For there Augustine admonished the people, that Dolus which is guile, signified not Dolour that is pain as many corruptly spoke, saying Dolus illum torquet, that is as they meant. He is troubled with pain, when as in that place they should have said Dolour and not Dolus: to take away therefore the ambiguity of the word, he sayeth, that Dolus which is guile, signifieth feigning and dissimulation. And in the same place, to express what feigning beguiling signifieth, he addeth, 
Guile cometh of doubleness of heart.  that it cometh of doubleness of the heart. He allegeth th● 12. Psalm, where when mention is made of guileful men, David saith that they speak in heart and in hearts, that is, as he interpreteth, in one part of their heart they do see the truth, & perceive how the thing is: & in the other part they go about dissimulation & deceit. But in those (saith he) is no guile, which when they see themselves to be sinners, do also count themselves for such, neither do they dissemble or boast of righteousness, as did the Pharisey, when he prayed by the publican, & as other hypocrites also do. Nathaniel had no guile in him, but not universally, because every man is a liar: & as Paul writeth, there dwelleth no good thing in our flesh, for as much as it is altogether guileful and deceitful. It could be only said of Christ in universal, that he wanted guile. But yet they are blessed (as David saith) to whom the Lord hath not imputed sin, and in whose spirit there is no guile. For in as much as they are regenerate especially as touching the spirit that which they do they do it uprightly and simply: and such a one Christ affirmeth Nathaniel to have been.  

Augustine.  The same Augustine in the 10 Tome and his book of 50. Homilies the first Homely, expoundeth this, which is written in the 33. Psalm of David what man is he, which would live, & loveth to see good days? Refrain thy tongue from evil, and thy lips that they speak no guile, than (saith he) it is guile, when nothing is close and secret in the heart, and an other thing is expressed, either in word or deed, 
Flatterers.  as flatterers use to do, which commend some contrary to the which they think, thereby either to eat their meat & drink their drink, or else to get some other benefit at their hands. And that which he speaketh of flatterers, may also be understand of enemies & backbiters. But that it is convenient that men should do that which they do uprightly & simply, 
●omere.  the very ethnics saw. Wherefore Achilles in Homer saith, that he doth no less than death, hate those men, which speak otherwise than they think. Wherefore we think that it is not ill to affirm a subtle invention to deceive a man, when as one thing is done and an other thing dissembled is set for the general word in the definition of guile.  

Good guile & evil guile.  But after this definition we must add a distinction. For some guile is good & other some is evil, we call the good, which is not hurtful: & when as it hurteth none, but sometimes profiteth. But evil guile is hurtful, & ever hurteth somebody. These membres may easily be made plain by examples. nurses do continually use good guile toward their little ones, thereby to please & still them: for with them they dissemble & feign very many things. physicians also do after the same sort deceive them that are sick, because they would heal them. Yea and chrysostom in his first book de Sacerdotio, writeth, that a certain Physician so beguiled one that was sick of an ague, that in drinking water, he thought he drunk wine. And the same chrysostom in the same place affirmeth, 
chrysostom.  that he himself used a good guile, to beguile Basilius to take upon him a bishopric, when that he in no case was minded that way. David by this kind of guile, escaped the hands of the king of the Philistians. For he feigned himself to be a fool, so that the king judged him unworthy to be punished. But of evil guile there are very many examples in the holy scriptures amongst which this act of Ehud which we now interpret, is one. And that is an other also which the hebrews did, when they went forth of Egypt, who desired to borrow both of their neighbours & also of their friends precious garments, golden & silver vessels, & yet they minded utterly to rob them of them. To this kind also belongeth, that which Chusai the Arachite did in deceiving Absalon. This act also may be counted among them, which Simeon and Levi perpetrated against Emor & the Sichemites. I could bring a great many more examples, if I would needless stand long about a thing that is manifest.  
Of the first kind of guile, which is called good & unhurtful, no man will contend, but that it is lawful to use it. But of the other kind there is a doubt. Whereof if I should be demanded, 
Evil guile is not prohibited to be used against enemies  I would think this answer should be made. That we may not use evil guile with our friends, but against our enemies it is not prohibited, because it is as it were armour. Wherefore if it be lawful to make wars against them justly with armour, guiles also are to be admitted according to the saying of the Poet: Whether it be guile or power, who can require in an enemy?  
Howbeit this is to be observed, 
Who be the true enemies.  that we speak only of those enemies which either God himself, or the public wealth, or a just Magistrate declareth to be enemies, and not those which every private man hateth. Farther I doubt not, but that seeing it is lawful to repel violence by violence, when there is no other way to escape, it is also lawful to use guiles against guiles. For he which repelleth violence by violence, as the laws do permit, the same man is not to be counted a private man, for as much as he is armed by the Magistrate. Wherefore it is manifest that he doth not against the law, but with the law. So he that is suddenly oppressed, may lawfully escape by evil guile if he can. Moreover the Scriptures teach that this kind of guile is just. 
Jerome.  For Jerome saith, and it is written in the decrees .22. question 2. chap: Vtilem. That jehu did very well dissemble with the Priests of Baal, because he could not have killed them all, if he had begun to put some of them to death. Wherefore to gather them all together, he feigned himself to be much more studious to worship Baal than was Achab, and by that mean he slew every one of them.  
But this is to be taken heed of, that they which are so destroyed by guile, 
An act of the king of Denmark ..  be very worthy of punishment, & as they are commonly called, notorious offenders, & such as can not be punished by an ordinary way. For which cause the king of Denmark of some is commended, which by guile destroyed most pernicious thieves, which he could not take. For he feigned a war, and made a proclamation that as many as would come should receive wages of him, and promised unto the thieves pardon for their wicked acts which they had hitherto committed. But I (as I shall afterward declare) do not so fully allow such examples.  
Augustine (as it is found in the 14. question the 5. chap: Dixit, 
Augustine.  & it is a place in his questions upon Exodus) showeth that the Israelites deceived the Egyptians, when they borrowed of them golden & silver vessels, & yet it was not to be counted a fault in them, when as for all the no man doubted, but that they did it by evil guile. The same 23. question .2. Dominus which is taken out of his questions upon the book of josua, rehearseth the place, wherein it is said the God commanded the hebrews, to fight against the city of Hay by wiles, which without doubt belong to guile. Jerome upon the 17. chap: of Ezechiel, bringeth this sentence as a worldly sentence: 
Jerome.  namely, Whether it be guile or power, who can require in an enemy?  
Howbeit he assenteth unto it, although he denieth that it can take place where an oath is made. But I will straight way expound that. Ambrose in the 14. 
Ambrose.  question the 4. permitteth guile, or gainful fraud against enemies, & after this manner he interpreteth a place of Deut. where God gave the jews liberty to put their money to usury to strangers, namely, that where the war is just, there also may usury take place. For the goods of the enemies are ours, & they may lawfully be taken away from them. And it skill not, whither it be done either by violence or by guile. There are which allege that which is written in the latter Epistle to the Corinthians the xii. chap: When I was crafty, I took you by guile. But that maketh nothing to the purpose, when as it is most manifest that he spoke it in mockage. For he feigned, as though he had received money of the Corinthians by other men, which by himself he refused to receive, which thing he straight way putteth away. But those examples which we brought first, do manifestly prove that it is lawful to use guile, yea & evil guile against enemies, namely in keeping close our Counsels & doings, & using coulorable works & words. 
The civil laws permite guile against enemies.  Nether do the civil laws otherwise teach. In the Code de commerciis et mercatoribus Lege. Non solum. The emperor decreed not only the no gold should be carried unto the barbarous nations that were enemies of the pub. wealth, but also that by subtle guile or policy the gold which they had, should be taken from them. Also in the digests de captivis postliminio reversis. Lege. Nihil interest, it is decreed, the captives how soever they returned into their country again, should recover again their own goods, & old state, whether they were sent home again, or whether they escaped by violence, or by guile. Although afterward in Lege postliminio Paragrapho captivis, that be restrained, if that they return with a mind to tarry at home. For if they should either promise or swear unto their enemies to return, they should not enjoy the right of returning. 
Attilius Regulus.  Wherefore Attilius Regulus enjoyed not the benefit, because he was sent to Rome to persuade the senate for the changing of captives. Wherefore for as much as he promised & was minded to return, he might not by the laws use evil guile.  

A division of an other.  By this also appeareth that to be true, which a little before was said, namely that we may not use evil guile against our enemy, if there be an oath made. And that this may the plainlier be understand, we must divide an oath as the lawyers do, so that one kind of oath is called an approving or an affirming of a thing, & an other a promising of a thing, or as they speak, the one affective, & the other promissory. For when we swear, either we do affirm or else deny some thing to be or to have been, which we ought never to do with evil guile, if we add thereunto an oath. Or else we promise to perform something, & for as much as faith is to be kept even with our enemy, the same faith also is not to be broken with evil guile. Wherefore if those things which we have sworn unto our enemy to keep & observe, are temporal goods, as are money, honours, & life of the body, for these things the name of God is not to be profaned. Wherefore David in his .15. Psal. saith: He that sweareth to do evil, & changeth not. In Hebrew it is thus written Nischoah Leharah Velo jamid, 
Kimhi.  which place I know Kimhi expoundeth of those, which vow unto God certain hard & sharp things, which serve to the subduing of the flesh, neither do there change the which they have promised. But the sentence me thinketh seemeth more simple, if it have a larger sense, namely of an oath hurtful unto us, which a good & godly man will not abrogate or change. 
Jerome.  Jerome also upon ezechiel the 17. chap. is of this opinion. For there the Lord saith that he was very angry against Zedechias, because he had broken the oath which he had made unto Nebuchad-nezar king of Babylon. For although the jews counted him as an enemy, yet as Jerome teacheth, he was now as a friend, when he had by an oath promised his faith unto Zedechias. For the belongeth unto friends one to be faithful unto the other. 
Ambrose.  Wherefore evil guile ought there to take no place. And Augustine in the 33. question the 1. chap: Noli existimare, writing unto Bonifacius admonisheth him to keep faith with his enemy also. 
Augustine.  Ambrose also in the 28. question the 4. chap. Innocens, admonisheth the same, & hath the same sentence in his book de officiis, where he bringeth the example of josua toward the Gabaonites, who although he might have made the oath void & of no force, yet by the consent of God he caused it to be kept & ratified. Neither suffered be the Gabaonites to be slain, whom for all that he punished because of the guile which they used. 
An oath for an unjust thing is to be broken.  But if the oath be given for an unjust or ungodly thing, it is utterly to be made frustrate, because an oath ought not to be a bond of iniquity. Neither is it of necessity, that a man to be absolved of these kinds oaths should come before some judge. Which I therefore speak, because the Pope claimeth this right unto himself, namely to release a bond in such kind of oaths, & as they commonly say, to dispense with them, as it appeareth in the 15. question the 6. 
The Pope dissolved both lawful & unlawful  where Nicholaus absolveth one Treverensis. And his pride & arrogancy hath so far now at the length extended his right or power, that he absolveth not only unlawful oaths, but he abrogateth also just and lawful oaths when it seemeth good unto himself. So Zacharias loosed the french men of an oath, wherein they were bound unto their king, and he put the king from his kingdom, and substituted Peppine in his place. But that is not to be marveled at, when as it is a common saying in the court of Rome at this day: 
A proverb of the court of Rome.  Non est regum & magnatum, sed mercatorum stare iuramentis, that is: It is not meet for kings and noble men, but for merchants to keep their oaths.  
Wherefore if there be an oath made, guile is not to be used unless peradventure the one party to whom the oath is made, shall go from the conditions and covenants, for then the common saying must take place, he that breaketh faith, 
Jerome.  let faith also be broken unto him. Wherefore Jerome ad Nepotianum commendeth this saying of Domitius the Orator unto Philip, when thou countest not me for a senator, I also will not count thee for a Consul. But hereof we have testimonies also in the holy scriptures: for Paul in the first to the Corinth: the .7. chap: writeth, as touching faith given in matrimony, If the unfaithful depart let him departed. A brother or a sister is not in subjection unto such, but God hath called us in peace. And those things which are alleged of an oath, I understand also to be of the same efficacy in promises & covenants. In which promises & covenants I affirm, the godly & just men ought both to use plain & simple words, & also faithfully to fulfil them. 
Sophistical reasons of the Thracians.  Wherefore the Thracians are justly & worthily condemned who after the truce was made for 30. days, rob & spoiled by night, excusing their act, for that their truce was made for the day & not for the night. Neither did the legate of the Romans uprightly, yea he Sophostically dealt with Antiochus, 
The guile of the Legate of the Romans against Anthiochus.  who when he had decreed that the one half of the ships should be given unto the Romans & the other half to the king, commanded them all to be divided & cut in sunder in very deed. But he did it that the king should be utterly destitute of a warlike Navy. Wherefore what soever a godly man shall promise, he ought before deeply to weigh with himself, whether he be able to stand by his words and promises. Wherefore Jerome hath written unto Celautia: 
Jerome.  things which thou shalt say, think thou swearest them.  
As touching the end of the question, that the thing may be the more manifest, there remain certain doubts to be examined. First if a man promise unto any man armour and help & that for the space of three or four years: & in the mean time the same man becometh a traitor to his country, & maketh war against it, whether in this case he ought to perform his faith, or else by evil guile to break it? I answer, that neither in this case, nor in the like, is faith to be kept: because, 
When an oath is made of a lawful oath an unlawful oath is not to be kept.  as it is manifest, a mischievous act happeneth in the mean time which with a safe conscience we may not help. Neither in very deed is either evil guile or else perjury here committed. For he which hath sworn is not changed, but he to whom the oath was made. For oaths can pluck away or diminish nothing of those bonds which went before. 
An oath dissolveth not former bonds.  Wherefore for as much as every man is bound unto the word of god & to the health of his country, before he sweareth any thing, the which is afterward sworn must be understand, so that the first bonds be kept unbroken. The same also must take place in vows which are vowed. For although a man vow sole life, for somuch as he before was bound unto the word of God, wherein it is said, that it is better to marry than to burn, & they which can not keep themselves chaste let them marry: 
No oath or vow taketh away the bond unto the commandments of God.  he doth not by reason of the vow which followed take away the first bond. Wherefore if he can not keep himself chaste, or if he burn, he ought by the commandment of God to marry: neither can any oath or vow that is made, take away the power & strength of the commandment of God.  
There ariseth also an other doubt, of those princes, which have given their public faith or safeconduict unto heretics for to come unto Counsels or to communications, whether they ought to stand by their promise, 
Whether faith is to be kept with heretics  or violating their oath to keep still the heretics and to punish them. I answer, that they ought to keep whole and pure the promise made unto them.  
But say they, we will easily grant that it is then sin, when we give promise of a naughty thing. But if after we have promised, we keep & stand to our promises, we fall into an other grievous sin. For we execute not the office committed unto us, neither do we obey God. For it is our part according as God hath commanded, to punish and to correct Heretics, that they wast not the Church, and go forward to defend their pestiferous doctrine among the godly. Neither doth any man doubt but that Magistrates ought to defend the Churches. Wherefore it seemeth that Heretics are not to be let go, when we have them once in our hands. I answer, that this in deed is the office of kings, to punish and to correct heretics, but yet then when they have them in their power. But if they give them a safeconduct to come unto them, 
They which by a safeconduct come unto kings & princes, are not in their power. Of jehu.  then can they not say that they have them in their power. For they came under a promise & an oath to go & come harmless, otherwise they would not have come. Wherefore if there be a promise made, it is not lawful to break it. And this is the cause, why I before said, that I can not easily allow the act of the king of Denmark. Neither also would I judge jehu to be without sin, when he promised that he would worship Baal, thereby to get all Baalites together: except peradventure he manifestly knew, that he was by God stirred up to do it. But of this thing we will entreat in an other place. Let them therefore, which defend the Counsel of Constantia, cease to lay for their pretence, that john hus with a safe conscience could not be let go, because it is a heinous sin in all princes, if they suffer heretics to wander at liberty: for because that which they say is so farforth true, as they shallbe in their power. But when they come by a safeconduct given them, then are they at liberty, neither are they said to be in the power of the princes, which call them.  

Whether faith is to be kept with thieves.  Other are in doubt, whether it be lawful to use evil guile against thieves, so that if a man fall into their hands, & by an oath be made unto them, is suffered to go home upon this condition, there to gather money to redeem himself, whether (I say) he ought to return unto them with the money, or without it, if he can not get it, as he hoped to have done, especially if in a manner he were assured, either to live in perpetual servitude, or else to be put to a most cruel death. I answer, that in my judgement he ought to return unto them, for as much as in this case there is no danger, but as touching goods of this world, of money (I say) liberty, & life of the body, which are not so much to be esteemed, that for their sakes an oath, or the name of GOD should be violated. And the verse of David before brought serveth aptly for this purpose. And this sentence is so firm & true that even an Ethnic, 
Attilius Regulus.  Marcus Attilius Regulus I say, knew it. For he returned to Carthago, where he knew certainly, that either he should be in perpetual servitude, or else lose his life, and that most cruelly. Neither canst thou answer me, that he did foolishly therein: because the Roman laws (as we have before said) de captivis, & postliminio reversis, in lege postliminium Paragrapho Captiuus, do ordain and holily decree that he should not be counted to enjoy the benefit of the law postliminius, which had promised to return again. Farther the nature of man persuadeth the self same thing, for it is civil & delighteth in society.  
Wherefore next to God and godliness toward him, there is nothing which ought more to esteem, than faith, which wonderfully helpeth human fellowship. For without it, it is not possible for men to live together. Farther who will not say, that the money, liberty, and life of one man is rather to be lost, than the money, liberties, and lives of innumerable men? For if covenants and promises be not kept with those thieves, henceforth they will give credet to no man that they shall take, they would send home none to their own house to fetch their ransom, but as many as they take, either they will kill them, or else keep them with them in miserable and perpetual bondage.  
Lastly, this I think good to admonish you of, that in oaths let signs of universality trouble no man. As, if a man promise and swear unto his friend that he will be an helper unto him in all things, or if a man promise and swear unto a School or unto the Church, that he will do and observe all things which it shall decree. 
How it is lawful to swear certain things universally.  For all such kind of speeches (as it appeareth by that which we have said) are to be understand, so that the obedience of the word of God be kept. And undoubtedly, although that clause be by the nature of another understand always to be added, yet for all that it is the duty of godly men to express it, when they are received into any university, College, office, corporation, or fellowship, & according to the custom are compelled to swear for to observe statutes, laws & decrees. It is the sure way (I say) by express words to testify, that they will observe all those things, unless they shall find that any of the same are against the word of god. And as touching this matter I think I have spoken sufficient now. Our Ehud used evil guile. I grant: but yet against his enemy. Neither doth the scripture make mention of any oath that was made between him & Eglon the king. And though there had been an oath, yet he had been quit of it, for as much as the stirring up of god, whereby god opened unto him his will, had abrogated it.   

¶ Of Truth and of a lie.  
NOw resteth to entreat of the second question, namely. 
Of Truth.  Whether it be lawful for a good & godly man to lie. But first before I entreat of a lie. I think it good somewhat to speak of truth, which undoubtedly is an excellent virtue.  
Truth (as saith Tullius de Inuentione) is, whereby things which are, 
Tullius.  which have been, & which shallbe are spoken unaltered. Wherein we first note, that it consists in words: for (saith he) they are spoken, not that I am ignorant, that both dumb men, & also other men speak sometime by signs, 
Augustine.  but because (as saith Augustine in his first book de doctrina Christiana) words among other signs are the principal & most plain. Farther we are hereby taught, that truth is not only to be considered as touching one difference of time, but as concerning three differences, for he saith, both those things which are, and which have been, & which shallbe. These things undoubtedly are then spoken truly, when they are set forth unaltered, that is, even as they are, & by speaking made neither more ample nor less than they are. 
Augustine.  This self same thing almost hath Augustine said in his book de vera Religione chap: 36. where he writeth, that the truth is, whereby the which is, is signified. 
Truth is a virtue.  And it is a virtue because by it men are made prone & ready to speak that which is true. The general word of it is equality, 
The general of virtue is equality.  whereunto is joined in stead of difference, this voice, namely, of words, to the things which are signified. And as it is well known of all men, all virtues level unto the midst, & fly from extremities. 
Two faults in speeches.  Wherefore in kind of speeches thou shalt find two faults namely if thou shalt speak more than the thing is, or else less than the thing is. Neither is virtue content with the midst only: for we must add also circumstances, which use continually to follow it. Wherefore the truth is not always to be spoken to every man, neither at all times, nor yet of every thing, & yet we must not lie: but it is wisdom sometimes to keep close those things which we will not for just occasion have known. He which should vaunt abroad every where & unto all men the gifts of God given him, he should be counted foolish & unwise: as contrary, he which should boast of a crime, 
What truth requireth.  wherinto by human weakness he hath fallen, should rightly, and worthily be reproved. Truth therefore requireth this, that those things which we have within us as touching our sense or will, be signified of us as it is, prudently & rarely. Farther the virtue, whereof we speak, hath chief simplicity joined unto it, & it is very much contrary unto doubleness. Besides this it is a part of justice. For it rendereth unto things their words and to a neighbour the truth which of duty longeth unto him, without which truth human fellowship can not consist. For if a man should continually suspect himself to be deceived by any man, he would never believe him in any thing. 
Aristotle. When an Irony is lawful.  Whereby amongst men all trades and societies perish. Aristotle in his ethics affirmeth that truth declineth sometimes to defection: especially when any man speaketh of himself. For the wisdom requireth, that a man boast not of himself. Wherefore Paul in his second Epistle to the Corinthians the 12: chap. writeth: If I will boast of myself, I shall not be unwise: but I will not, any man should think of me, more than he seeth in me, or that he heareth of me. By these words, he reproveth those as foolish and unwise which do boast & glory even of those good things which they have. And he saith that he will abstain from it. 
He which speaketh less of himself than it is, lieth not.  Neither (saith he) do I require, that any man should think more of me, than he either seeth in me or heareth of me. Neither is he which speaketh less of himself than it is, straightway to be accused as a liar. For that which is more comprehendeth and containeth in itself that which is less. For whosoever hath fifty, he may say truly that he hath twenty, although he speaketh not all that he hath. Howbeit the same man, 
We may not lie for humilicyes sake.  if he should affirm that he had but only twenty or else should deny that he had any thing, without doubt he should lie: which is not to be committed, either for modesty sake, or else (as they say) because of humility.  
And as for testimonies of the holy scriptures which do stir us up to speak the truth, I could undoubtedly bring a great many: but a few shall suffice. It is written in the x. commandments: Thou shalt not bear false witness, which commandment is not only to be observed in judgement, but in all things which in our talk we testify to be either true or false. Farther, God is set before us of us to be followed, whom the scriptures every where pronounce to be true. Wherefore we also ought to be most fervent lovers of the truth. And for that cause in Exodus the 18. chap: jethro counseled Moses, that he should make rulers over the people, such men as feared god, strong men, lovers of the truth, & which hated covetousness. David saith also: Behold thou hast loved truth, & therefore thou hast made me to understand wisdom in the inward & secret parts of my mind. These words sufficiently declare, that we are for the cause taught of god both by inward inspiration, & also by outward doctrine: because he is a lover of the truth, neither doth he easily suffer, that his children should either err, or be deceived by lies. In Zacharie the viii. chap. it is written: Speak ye the truth every man to his neighbour, which self same sentence Paul useth to the Ephesians & he commandeth the same unto the  But to the Corinth. the latter Epistle he saith of himself & of the other Apostles, that they can have nothing against the truth. Yea & the Scribes & Pharisees being joined with the Herodians, after this sort flattered Christ, whom they went about to entrap in his speech. Master, we know that thou acceptest no persons, yea thou teachest the way of god in truth. Hereby they declared that it is a singular virtue for a noble & notable man, to prefer the truth before all things. But let these testimonies of the holy scriptures be sufficient at this time. Now resteth to entreat of a lie. 
Of a lie. Augustine.  Augustine (who wrote of it to Cosentius) affirmeth a lie to be a false signification of a word. And undoubtedly all those things which before are declared of truth, we may by the contrarity affirm of this vice. And chief it is contrary to that that Marcus Tullius affirmed of truth, namely that to be truth, whereby things which are, which have been, & which shallbe, are spoken unaltered. And a lie is that, whereby is the signified which is not: for Augustine contrariwise spoke of the truth. This vice is so hurtful, that it maketh a man which is infected with it, 
In equally is the general word of a lie.  to rejoice & to be glad in false things. The general word of truth was equality, & of the vice the general word shallbe inequality. And as the virtue was very nigh joined with simplicity: so belongeth a lie to doubleness. Truth is a part of justice. But a lie is a part of unjustice. By truth human fellowship is kept, but by a lie it is hurt & overthrown. 
Augustine.  But to return to Augustine who writeth, that he is said to lie, which with a will to deceive speaketh that which is false, & that to lie is nothing else, than to speak against the mind: for liars speak otherwise than they have in their heart. But the desire to deceive, is utterly against justice, love & amity, 
Three things joined with a lie.  which we mutually own one unto an other. There are three things therefore in a lie: first to speak that which is false: secondly his will in speaking: and thirdly a desire to deceive. The first part longeth to the matter of a lie: the other two parts pertain unto the form.  

A division of a lie.  A lie is divided into a Serviceable lie, a Sportful lie, & a Pernicious lie. And this division cometh of no other thing but of the effects, or of the ends. For this is evermore true, that the ends themselves, may have the nature both of the cause and of the effect. For lies do either profit, or delight, or else hurt. The end of a pernicious lie, is to hurt. The end of a Sportefull lie is to delight: and the end of a Serviceable lie is to profit. But Aristotle, because in virtue he chief considereth the mean, 
Aristotle.  therefore if in speaking thou exceed that mean, he calleth that boasting: but if thou want of the mean, he nameth it Irony. And in that evil this is chief hurtful, because an evil or false opinion is engendered in the mind of our neighbour. 
A lie is both evil and also to be avoided.  For the which cause the same Aristotle seemeth to have said well, that a lie is both evil, and also it is to be avoided. Which thing we may also prove by testimonies of the holy Scriptures. For to this belong all those things which we before brought to stir us up to speak the truth. And very many places are here and there set forth, which detest lies. David saith: Thou wilt destroy all those which speak lies. 
In a lie is an abuse of signs.  There are reasons also which persuade us the same: whereof one is, in a lie is an abuse of signs. And for as much as it is not lawful to abuse the gifts of God, a lie is understand also to be prohibited. Farther (as it is before said) a lie is contrary unto human fellowship, for in lying the conceavinge of the mind are not communicated unto our brethren, but lies. Wherefore seeing man is by nature made unto fellowship, and communication, when he speaketh false things, he fighteth with his own nature. And as Augustine saith: Faith is therein hurt, 
Augustine.  for he which heareth, believeth those things which are spoken. Wherefore that faith, which he giveth unto other men's words, is made frustrate. And so great a thing cannot be hurt without blame. And lastly every man by lying, loseth his own credit: for being taken in a lie, he shall ever after be suspected. Wherefore though he would, he shall not be able by admonition or correction to help his neighbour. For the which cause the fault which is in a lie, pertaineth not only to the hurt and loss of our neighbour, but it is in it by the general word, as by that which we have already said manifestly appeareth. But among lies, 
What kind of lie is most grievous.  that lie seemeth to be most grievous, which is committed in religion, doctrine, and godliness, because in no other thing can guile be more hurtful & pernicious. For there if we shall err, we are thrust from the eternal felicity. 
Augustine.  Wherefore Augustine in his Encheridion the .18. chap. hath very well written that they in deed do sin grievously, which deceive traveling men, showing them a contrary way: but they are much more detestable, which as touching godliness by lying, do bring men into errors.  
If the three kind of lies should be compared together, I mean a pernicious lie, a sportefull lie, and a serviceable lie: A pernicious lie, 
Two evils in a pernicious lie  should rightfully be counted more detestable, because in it are two evils. One is the abuse of signs: the other is, the hurt of our neighbour. And that both of the mind which deceiveth (which thing is common unto all lies) and also of the thing which is lost. But as for other lies, although they are not without fault, yet is that not a little diminished by the good added unto it, either of delectation, or of help. And in deed a sportefull lie, hath in it but a small and slender nature of a lie: 
A sporteful lie.  for as much as the falsehood is straightway found out, neither can it be long hidden from the hearers. 
Augustine.  Yea Augustine writeth that such lies are not to be counted for lies. But as touching a serviceable lie, the judgement of it is more dark & hard. For some deny it to be sin: for they say it hath a consideration to this, 
Whither a serviceable lie be sin.  to help our neighbour, whom we ought in words and deeds to relieve as much as we can. Wherefore they think, that thereby cometh no abuse of signs, for as much as all our things ought to have a respect to the commodity of our brethren. Neither do they think that in it is sin committed against human society, when as by this kind of lie men are made safe, and kept harmless. Farther, they say, that where as it is in the holy scriptures written, that God will destroy all those which speak lies: the same is not to be understand of every kind of lie, but only of a pernicious lie. Which thing Augustine also in his Encheridion the .18. chap. seemeth to grant. 
Plato.  They bring also the opinion of Plato in his book de Repub, who although he feared away the people from lies, yet he gave Magistrates liberty to lie, especially in making of laws. But in my judgement, the thing is far otherwise, neither will I easily grant that a serviceable lie wanteth the abuse of signs. 
Aristotle.  For Aristotle in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, defining words, saith that they are notes of those affections which we have in our mind. Whereby it followeth, that all they abuse words, which signify things to be otherwise, than they think in their mind. Farther, that reason which they bring of love, is a very weak reason. For we ought to help our neighbours: but yet by just and honest means, otherwise let us permit thefts, to be bestowed in alms giving. But the sentence of the Apostle must abide firm and stable, which is, that evil things must not be done, that thereby good things may come to pass. Neither do I think that true, that by those kind of lies human fellowship is not hurt, for as much as take away faith, and there remaineth almost no traffic among men.  
But as touching that sentence of the holy scriptures, wherein it is said: Thou shalt destroy all them that speak lies. We grant with Augustine, that that sentence is not universally spoken, for as long as the power and conjunction of faith abideth with Christ, so long those sins are not imputed, which otherwise of their own nature should be our destruction. And this also will I easily grant of serviceable and sportful lies, because they are not so much against charity, as are pernicious lies. But this can no man deny, that in making a lie, we do against faith. And we must utterly grant, that he which lieth, looseth thereby his own credit, so that afterward he cannot profitably admonish, reprove, or with fruit give counsel, as he ought to do. For they which hear him, will easily believe that he serviceably lieth, to call them again into the way, & not that the thing is so in very deed. 
A contention between Jerome & Augustine.  This undoubtedly was the cause that Augustine was against Jerome, who in a manner attributed a serviceable lie unto the holy scriptures. If this (saith he) should be so, the authority of the holy scriptures would soon decay. For the Readers of them would easily say, that the thing is not so, but that it is so written, 
An error of Plato.  to keep men in doing their duty. Nether ought the authority of Plato much to move us, for as much as in that place he very much erred, granting that in things pertaining unto God, they might feign fables, which might serve to bring forth and keep a good opinion of them. Without doubt we may not mock in matters touching God. Farther, the law of God is equal, and the self same, as it will not have the people to lie: so also it prohibiteth the same unto the Magistrates.  

Who are to be excused of a lie.  Howbeit they cannot justly be accused of a lie, which in their talk, are far from doubleness. For sometimes it cometh to pass that some speak that which is false, and yet they thought the same to be true. With which men they also are excused, which have given their promise to do a thing, which afterward they are not able to perform. Because at the beginning when they promised it, they were fully minded to do that which they had promised: and therefore they have not lied. If so be that afterward they do not accomplish those things which they have said, the same happeneth by some other means. And sometimes it happeneth, that he which delivereth his sword to some man to keep, falleth afterward mad: wherefore he ought not to restore the sword unto him, which hath left it with him: because a new case (as the Lawyers say) requireth a new help. After which self same sort Paul is excused, who said that he would go into Spain, when as for all that he went not thither. Paul also promised the Corrinthians to come unto them, which he performed not: but yet he lied not: because when he spoke those words, he was determined so to do, but God had otherwise appointed the thing, as Gelasius hath well written, as it is found in the .22. question the 2. chap. Beatus. Undoubtedly the disposition of God dissolveth and breaketh all bonds, as it is written in the .19. question, the .2. chap. duae sunt.  

Hyperbole per●●ne●● not al●●yes 〈◊〉.  But what shall we say to Hiperbolical places which are in the holy Scriptures, which at the first sight seem lies? I answer, although there the sentences in signifying, hold not the mean, as touching quantity, yet as touching the substance it keepeth it. For those Hiperbolis or excessive speeches amplify a thing, for their nature is not only to set forth the thing, but also to bring men into admiration of them, which thing by that manner of speech is most aptly attrived unto. Neither have lies there any place, forasmuch as they breed not in the minds of the hearers and readers any froward or false sense. A mean therefore is there to be kept, not undoubtedly of the thing, but of the substance. The Evangelists also are not to be accused of a lie, when as they setting forth the acts of Christ, do not all use the self same words. For unto the truth it is sufficient that a thing be set forth as it was: but it is not required that it be expressed by the self same words. Yea it is often times done through the goodness of the holy ghost, that the form of the narration should vary. For by that means those things which are not sufficiently expressed in the one, are more amply declared by an other.  
But they use to object the Midwives of the hebrews, 
Of the midwifes of the Hebrews and of Rahab. Augustine.  which although they lied, yet God rewarded them: The same also happened to Rahab the Harlot, or a table keeper. Augustine answereth, that in the Midwives the lie pleased not the Lord, but the faith and fear which they had towards God, and the mercy which they showed unto the Israelites. And the same doth the holy history by express words testify. And no otherwise must we think of Rahab. 
Gregory.  But Gregory's opinion I never like, who saith, that for the lie which they made, their eternal reward was turned into a temporal reward, because for the celestial blessedness it is said that God builded them houses. But I judge, that by reason of the true faith, which was strong in them, so that it brought forth love and the fear of God, which are just and lawful fruits thereof, although of infirmity they lied, yet were not they therefore bereaved of eternal felicity.  
Abraham also is objected, who said that Sara was his sister. 
Augustine. Whether Abraham made a lie of Sara.  But therein (as Augustine teacheth) he lied not: he told that which was true, but yet he spoke not all the truth. And that is of no man required, to utter all that is true, which he knoweth. He did not tell that she was his wife: yet because she was his kinswoman, he might according to the manner of the hebrews truly say that she was his sister. But he seemeth not to be utterly excused: for although he lied not in calling her sister, yet it seemeth that therein he fell, because in not opening that she was his wife, he put her in danger of losing her chastity. For he left her naked of that aid, whereby only she might have been defended from coming into strange loves. Neither is it necessary that I should labour utterly to defend Abraham: 
Augustine.  For he was a man, and by over much fear he might easily fall. Howbeit Augustine mentioneth, that Abraham was then in danger two manner of ways: one was lest he should be killed himself, the other was the adultery of his wife. The first danger he might avoid by calling her sister: but the other, namely, lest she should be defiled, he was not able to repel, for although he had said that he was her husband, that would not have served to have delivered her from the filthy lusts of the Egyptians. Wherefore he committed unto God that, which he himself could not turn from him. And in that which he had in his own power he would not tempt God. This seemeth to be Augustine's judgement. But what I judge, I have before declared.  
But did not the same Abraham lie, when he said unto his servants: Tarry here, and we will return unto you: when as for all that he was minded to sacrifice his son: which if he had done, he should not then have returned together with his son, but alone? jacob also by express words lied, when he said unto his father: I am Esau thy son. Paul likewise (as it is written in the Acts) saith that he knew not that he was the chief priest, which commanded him to be stricken: when as yet (as Augustine testifieth in his Sermon de puero Centurionis, and as it is written in the .23. Question the .1. chap. Paratus) he knew him well enough. Paul (saith he) was brought up among the jews, he had learned the law at the feet of Gamaliel, wherefore he knew very well the chief priest from other men. jehu also manifestly lied, when he said that he would worship Baal. 
Augustine. Two kinds of men.  Augustine writeth that there are two kinds of men mentioned in the holy scriptures. For hereby it is manifest that some were by God made so perfect, that although they were not without sin, yet we may not rashly judge evil of them, but rather see how we may defend those things, which in their works have a show of sin. They oftentimes were so moved by the holy ghost, that God by their words and acts would make open certain secrets. Wherefore we must believe that oftentimes they both spoke and also did certain things by prophecy. So Abraham, when he said: we will return unto you, prophesied unwares, that which should be. For with Isaac in safety he returned from the mountain. And jacob in saying: I am Esau thy son, would declare nothing else, but that he was the man, to whom the degree, blessing and dignity was due, which things seemed to pertain unto Esau that was first borne. Paul also prophesied what should at the length become of the high Priest, namely this, that he should be destroyed like a wall that is plucked down and as a thing altogether feigned and hypocritical. Farther (saith Augustine) there were other men not so perfect, but wicked, which in the old Testament are mentioned either to have lied, or else to have done something which seemeth sin. Of those men he thinketh, we may not so labour for to defend a good fame and opinion of them. Of this sort of men was jehu: for although that murder pleased God, which he executed upon Achab and his family, and also his weeding out of Baal, and the worshippers thereof, yet for all that he was a wicked king, neither departed he from the worshipping of golden Calves. Wherefore it is lawful for us to grant, that in lying he sinned.  

A distinction to be noted.  And (as I think, and before admonished) by this only distinction, we may easily dissolve this doubt. Namely, that those men were stirred up to lie, either by the spirit of man, or by the motion of God. When they did it as men, we will not deny but that they sinned: but when they spoke so by the inspiration God, we will marvel at their sayings and doings, but let us not take example by them, or follow them.   

¶ Of dissimulation.  

Dissimulation is of two kinds.  But what shall we affirm of dissimulation? I answer, that it is of two kinds. One is, which hath a respect only to deceive. And that forasmuch as it differeth not much from a lie, it is undoubtedly sin. If one being wicked, do feign himself to be good and holy, the same man without doubt is an hypocrite: and in that he dissembleth, he heinously sinneth. Whosoever also having a malicious and envious heart against any man, doth flatter the same man, and dissembleth to be his friend, he is not without sin, yea he is infected with a detestable dissimulation. But there is an other kind of dissimulation, which tendeth not to deceive any man, but serveth only to keep counsels secret that they be not hindered. And this dissimulation is not to be repudiated, or to be condemned as a sin, forasmuch (as we have already declared) that it is not always required, that we should open what soever truth we know. 
What Christ meant by his dissimulation.  So Christ being most innocent, took upon him the flesh of sin, & hide his innocency & divine nature. And that not to deceive mortal men, but that he might suffer for the salvation of meant For if he had been known to have been the Lord of glory, they would never (as saith the Apostle) have crucified him. The same Christ feigned also before two of his Disciples that he would go farther. He did not that to deceive them, but he therefore a while opened not himself unto them, to reprove them of their incredulity, and to instruct them by testimonies of the scriptures. Therewithal also he signified how far he was from their hearts. Or as Augustine interprereth it, he shadowed unto them his departure into heaven. Wherefore it manifestly appeareth, that in those dissimulations there was no lie, seeing his words did well agree with the thing signified.  
And David when he fell into a most great danger before Achin King of Geth, changed his countenance and feigned himself a fool, 
Of the dissimulation of David.  and for that he seemed such a one, he escaped. Here some say that he committed no dissimulation, but that God, to deliver him, struck such a fear in him, that his senses might be taken from him, and so did these things which are rehearsed of him in the first book of Samuel. Wherefore in his Psalm which beginneth: 
Psal. 34.  I will always give thanks unto the Lord, he gave thanks unto God for so great a benefit. And therewithal in his act by the inspiration of God, he shadowed what Christ should suffer for our sakes, namely that he should be counted as a fool and a mad man. Either else we answer, that David is not altogether to be excused of sin, if as a man being more afeard than was meet, he sought for this kind of help. But if he by the motion of God did it wittingly and with knowledge, we will not accuse him of sin, although we may not follow his example. Neither is it lawful, that any man should feign himself to have committed any crime, which he hath not perpetrated, 
Gregory. Augustine.  although Gregory saith that good minds will there acknowledge a fault where none is. Augustine writeth more truly and sound of that thing in his .29. Sermon de verbis Apostoli. For he writeth: In so feigning, if before thou wast not a sinner, thou shalt be made a sinner, namely in saying that thou hast committed that ill which thou hast not perpetrated. It is lawful in deed for every man to confess himself to be a sinner in universal. But this or that crime in special no man ought to receive in himself, which he hath not in very deed committed. Farther, we must note, that this is true, that it is not required of us, that we should open the truth every where, and in all places to speak all that we know: but yet in judgement the same is not to be permitted. For when two of us are examined as witnesses, there we are bound to testify that which we know serveth for the thing, whereof at that time we be demanded.   

¶ Whither it be lawful to lie to preserve the life of our Neighbours.  
But there ariseth a more hard doubt, namely, whether it be lawful to lie for to preserve the life of our neighbour. Augustine of a lie to Consentius saith: 
Augustine.  If a man should be in very great danger of death, & the same man also should know that his son also were in the like extreme danger, which happeneth to die, and thou knowest of his death: when the Parent shall ask thee, liveth my son or no? and thou art sure that he also will die, if thou shalt tell him that his son is deceased: what wouldst thou do in this case? whither thou sayest, he liveth: or whither thou sayest, I cannot tell, thou liest. But if thou shall answer, that he is dead, all men will cry out upon thee, as though thou hadst committed manslaughter, and as though by thy heavy news thou hadst been the occasion of the death of this father being sick and lying at the point of death. Augustine granteth that it is a hard case, neither denieth he but that as a man he should be moved, & peradventure it might so happen, that affections would not suffer him to speak that which is just & right. But all the length he concludeth that he should not lie. And he addeth moreover, 
A similitude.  that if thou knowest that any unchaste woman loveth thee inordinately, which also threateneth to kill herself, yea and will do it in very deed, unless thou wilt grant to her wicked lust, whether therefore thou oughtest to be enticed to commit any filthy thing against chastity? I think not. So also saith he, thou oughtest not for the saving of thy neighbour's life to offend against the truth. And moreover what a window should be made open to lies, if we should otherwise judge of this. For that which one shall think to be lawful for life, an other will judge that he may do the same for money, an other for estimation, or for defending of lands & possessions. And so shall it come to pass that there will be no measure or end of lies. We may not suffer (saith Augustine) that any man should kill his own soul, for the corporal life of an other man. Yea and he affirmeth that we must not lie for the salvation of any man's soul. Every lie (saith john) is not of God: but we ought not to speak those things which are not of God.  
What if murderers should persecute a man to kill him, & thou knowest that he lieth there hidden where thou presently art, & they demand of thee if thou knowest whither he be there or no? He answereth, that if thou be of a valiant courage, & as it becometh a Christian, thou must say: where he is I know, but I will not utter it, do ye what ye wil But when the matter cometh to this point, that for the safety of any man's life thou must make a lie, know thou that thou oughtest to commit the thing unto God, & that thou hast nothing there more to do. Either thou must answer, that thou wilt not betray him, or else thou must hold thy peace. But by thy silence the murderer will suspect that he is in thy house, and then thou shalt seem to have given occasion of his taking. But in very deed thou hast not so done. For thou canst not let him to think what he wil Wherefore the matter is rather to be committed unto God, than that thou shouldest make a lie. Howbeit thou must very well weigh with thyself, namely, to speak so, that thou say not all, and yet speak not falsely. For in these cases I think it is not forbidden, yea I judge it is most lawful to speak doubtfully. And as touching this question, this is sufficient.  
As I deny not but that our Ehud manifestly lied, so will I also say that he was stirred up of God so to speak. Those words undoubtedly, although they deceived Eglon, yet without controversy they declared that, which was in very deed true, namely the word of God, & that he had a secret thing to do with the king.   

¶ Whither it be lawful for Subjects to rise against their Princes.  
But leaving these things, let us come unto the third question, whereof for as much as I have somewhat before spoken, I think not to speak of it abundantly in this place, lest I should be more full of words than is needful.  
Let us divide subjects, as we have before divided them, so that some of them are mere private men, & others are in such sort inferiors, that the superior power in a manner dependeth of them, as among the Lacedæmonians were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and at Rome the Tribunes of the people. Those which only are subject, & counted altogether private, ought not to rise against their Princes & Lords, to dysplace them of their dignity or degree. The two Apostles Peter & Paul have commanded the same, namely that servants should obey their Lords, how rough & hard soever they be. Farther, the sword (as it is written to the Romans) is given only to the powers. And they which resist the power, are said to resist the ordinance of god. God would that the jews should obey Nabuchad-nezar, & he was angry with Zedechias the king, because he fell from him. Yea, & jeremy by the commandment of God admonished and exhorted the people to pray for the health of the king of Babylon. David also would not stretch forth his hand against the anointed of the Lord: when he might have done it with out any difficulty, & to his great commodity. The godly soldiers of julianus the Apostata, obeyed the same julianus in fight and pitching their camps: neither did they at any time (being also armed) rebel against that most cruel tyrant. Phocas when he had slain Mauricius, possessed the Empire by great violence & unjustice, & wrote to Rome to Gregory, who obeyed him as his Prince, and gave unto him great reverence.  
But there are in public weals other, which in place & dignity are lower than Princes, & yet in very deed they elect the superior power, & by certain laws do govern the public wealth, as at this day we see in done by the Electors of the Empire, and peradventure the same also is done in other kingdoms. To these undoubtedly (if the Prince perform not his covenants & promises) it is lawful to constrain & to bring him into order, & by force to compel him to fulfil the conditions & covenants which he had promised, and that by war when it can not otherwise be done. By this means the Romans sometimes compelled the Consul, whom they themselves had created, to go out of their offices. The Danes in our time did put down their king, & held him long in prison. 
Polidorus. Virgilius.  Polidorus Virgilius writeth, that the Englishmen sometimes compelled their kings to render account of the money which they had naughtily consumed. Neither are we ignorant that Tarqvinius the proud, 
Of Brutus and Cassius.  was by the Romans for his overmuch cruelty & arrogancy put out of his kingdom. I will not speak of Brutus & Cassius, which slew Caesar: but whether they did it justly or otherwise, most grave men vary in the opinions. And I in examining their enterprise by the rule of the scriptures, do not allow it. Because they gave not unto him the tyranny or Empire of Rome, but he usurped it himself by violence and power. And God (as Daniel testifieth) transferreth Empires & kingdoms. And although it be lawful to resist tyrants which invade a kingdom, yet when they have obtained the Empire, and that they do govern, it seemeth not to belong to private men to put them down. Wherefore forasmuch as the kingdom of the jews was such a kingdom, that in it all men depended of the king (for they were not chosen by the noble men, but by succession the posterity of that family governed, which God had also commanded) & therefore in the laws in Deut. & in the .1. book of Sam. wherein the right of a king is constituted, there is no liberty granted to any to resist them. Yea & sometimes it happeneth that some of them were killed. But yet we never read the god allowed the murder of them: yea he punished the murderers. When God at any time would trouble the kings of juda: he did it by the babylonians, Assyrians, & Egyptians, but not the jews. He only armed jehu against his Lord: which thing as it was peculiar, so also must not we take example by it. He destroyed Saul also by the hands of the Philistians, and not by David.  
Neither am I ignorant how many things are decreed of this matter in the Code, & in the digest in the law julian maiestatis. But I studying to be brief do of purpose overpass these things. And although I know right well that the Ethniks in the old time appointed rewards for such as killed tyrants', yet I have answered that godliness & the holy scriptures do not allow the same. Undoubtedly if it be lawful for the people to put down kings that reign unjustly, no kings or Princes should at any time be in safety. For although they reign justly and holily, yet they cannot satisfy the people. And so much of this question.   

31 After him was Sangar the son of Anath: and he smote of the Philistians .600. men with the goad of an ox: & he also saved Israel.  
What this Sangar was, or of what tribe or family, the holy scripture doth not declare. But this conjecture is very likely, that when the hebrews had a long time lived in peace under Ehud, as soon as he was dead, the Philistians began to vex them. Wherefore Sangar being stirred up by God, defended the people from coming again into subjection under the Philistians. And among other victories, of the which I think there were very many, this is chief mentioned as a miraculous & wonderful victory. The hebrews think that this notable act of this Sangar happened in the time of the oppression under jabin. But they bring no reasons why they should so think. Farther, 
josephus.  by the holy scriptures it appeareth not how many years the hebrews were kept by this judge: yet by josephus we may know, that he fought for the Israelites but only one year. That which we translate with the goad of an Ox, the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, with the foot or staff of a plow. The common translation in latin hath with the plough share. 
Augustine.  Augustine (as it appeareth by his questions on this place) readeth, beside calves of the kine. Which clause seemeth to have no sense in it. And he judgeth that this Sangar in this murder of the Philistians slew peradventure many oxen, which are called calves. And he addeth that the Egyptians used in his time to call all kind of oxen of what age soever they were, by the name of calves. As we (saith he) call Chickens, all universally as many as are comprehended under the kind of hens, with out any difference of years and age. In the mean time he confesseth that it is not so in the Hebrew, & he hath said truly: for in the Hebrew bibles we read Melamed. Which word is derived of this verb Lamad. And that verb, in the conjugation Kal, is to learn, but in the conjugation Pihel, it is to teach. Wherefore Melamed might be turned a teacher of Oxen, 
Kimhi.  namely to be that instrument whereby Oxen in ploughing are guided. And lest we should doubt what it is, Kimhi writeth that it is a rod or a staff, in the end or top whereof there is fastened a prick. And the Chaldey paraphrast testifieth the same, which in steed of the word hath put this word Perasch: & that word signifieth to prick. Wherefore it is an instrument whereby oxen in ploughing are pricked. Wherefore the word Peraschim signifieth horsemen, of spurs, whereby horses are by the riders upon them, pricked. And thus much by the way.  
The old writers think that in this place is used the figure Synecdoche, as though Sangar did not alone kill so great a number of Philistians, but that he with other rustical men fought against them, which rustical men were armed with no other kind of weapons than with goads of Oxen. In deed I know that the holy scriptures many times do admit change of numbers, which whither in this place it be to be received, I do very much doubt. Yea (if I should speak the truth as it is) I think the contrary: forasmuch as in this present history me thinketh no vulgar act is set forth, but rather a wonder or miracle. But howsoever it be, this I think is godlily and profitably to be noted: That any thing may serve us for weapons, when the word of God is added. A sling and stones of a river furnished David nobly. The jaw bone also of an Ass was a weapon to Samson, and a nail to jahel, wherewith she slew Sisera. And contrariwise, what kind of weapons of fence so ever we devise, unless it be strengthened by the word of God, it shallbe utterly unprofitable and serve to no purpose. The walls of jericho, which otherwise were well fenced, fell down of their own accord: 
Psal. xxxiii.  and the great sword of Goliath the Giant was made to cut the throat of his own master. Wherefore it is most truly said in the Psalms: A king is not saved by much strength, and a horse is a vain thing to save a man. But what do we speak of weapons, when as the same happeneth unto all creatures? For so long every one of them is and abideth, as the word of God carrieth and upholdeth them. For allthings whatsoever they be, do by that only both abide & consist. Yea and the Sacraments themselves, taking away the word of God, are utterly nothing. For what do we think bread, wine, or water to have by themselves, which may be profitable for our salvation, 
Augustine.  or serve to stir up or to strengthen faith? Undoubtedly nothing. Wherefore Augustine hath right well said: The word cometh unto the element, & it is made a sacrament. Wherefore in that vi hundred Philistians were killed with an Ox goad, we must believe that the same came to pass by the commandment of God, & by the power of his word.    

¶ The four Chapter.  

1. ANd the children of Israel began again to do wickedly in the sight of the Lord, when Ehud was dead.  
2 And the Lord sold them into the hand of jabin king of Chanaan, which reigned in Hazor, whose captain of war was called Sisera, which dwelled in Hazoreth of the gentiles.  
The cause of the oppression of the Israelites is mentioned, namely, because when Ehud was dead, they began to do evil, that is, to sin. They abused therefore the quietness and tranquillity of the four score years, in which they lived peaceably, under their judge, neither declined they only from the right way, but also they increased in sin. This is the nature of carnal men, that by prosperity they are not made the better, but farrs worser.  
When Ehud was dead. It cannot be told how easily the people fall from the right way, when as holy Princes are also removed from the same. Wherefore that is not unworthily to be counted a most grievous plague when the pillars both of the Church and also of the public wealth are taken away. 
There is no mention made of the death of Sanger.  But what should be the cause, why there is no mention made of the death of Sangar, we cannot easily tell. The Hebrew interpreters say, that it therefore happened, because he continued but a little time, and for that cause is scarcely counted among the judges: neither was the delivery which by him happened, perfect, which is in the next chapter by express words declared. Farther, it is in deed said of him, that he saved Israel: but it is not added as it is of Othoniel and Ehud, that the land was any years at rest under him.  
And God sold them. When all things seem unto the ungodly to be in quiet and at rest, and that they think that on no side any hurt or evil can happen unto them, God even than useth by a certain wonderful manner to stir up great miseries and calamities out of ashes and sparckels, which were thought to have been long time quenched. jabin the king of Chanaan was killed by josua (as it is written in his book the xi chap.) and Hazor his kingly City destroyed and burnt with fire. Wherefore none would have looked that war should have been renewed again on that part. But an other jabin, the son or sons son of him that was killed, took courage again, and invaded and oppressed the Israelites. But least all that should be ascribed unto his strength, it is added that God intermeddled in the matter, when he sold the hebrews unto him, that is, granted unto him to use them as he thought good himself, even to all most vile services, and that as most abject bondslaves. And this calamity is amplified by many names. First, by the longness of the time: for it continued twenty years, when as before Othoniel's time they were afflicted only viii years. And before Ehud was stirred up, they served xviii years. It is declared that this servitude was very cruel, because jabin oppressed the hebrews by strength and violence. And josephus writeth that it was in such sort, that they durst not so much as to lift up their head. And the cause of his so great cruelty was, 
Why jabin was so cruel unto the hebrews.  because he remembered that the jews in the time of josua had killed his Father or Grandfather. And had overthrown the kingly City Hazor, in wasting and burning it with sword and fire. Farther, the violence and power of his tyranny is by this declared, in that he had so great a number of iron or hooked chariots, and (if we may believe josephus) he went a warfare with three hundred thousand footmen, 
josephus.  ten thousand horsemen, and three thousand chariotes, among which ix hundred of them were of iron. Neither for all his great host had he been able to have brought the hebrews under subjection, unless God (as we have before said) had sold them. And undoubtedly, it is to be thought that jabin used these ix hundred chariots, which the history speaketh of by name, to afflict the region of the jews, which he had now conquered, and to the end they should not fall from him.  
And he dwelled in Hazoreth. How reigned this man in Hazor, when as in the time of josua the City was overthrown? To this we answer, first that after the overthrow which happened under josua, the rest of the Chananites fled into a very huge wood which is called Of the Gentiles, & there by little & little they so increased their power, that they set over themselves a king, which was of the surname of the first king, namely his son, or else his sons son, which is therefore said to have reigned in Hazor, because he still retained the title of the place, as very many kings do at this day, which keeping the title of certain places do call themselves kings of the same places, wherein in very deed they have no possession at all. But the Hebrew interpreters think the Hazoreth was a large & huge wood, which contained in it many cities & Castles. Unto which sense the Chaldey paraphrast leaneth, which turneth that word, munition of Castles. This day also in Germany, there is the wood of Hercinia, wherein are both Cities and very many Castles. And it is called, Of the Gentiles, either because a great number of divers people resorted thither, or because those places were built and fenced by the labour of many Gentiles. We might otherwise also answer, & that much more likely to be true: namely, that the citi of Hazor was after josua, recovered & reedefied by the Chananites, so that it was the kingly city again, where (jabin either the son or else the sons son of the first jabin) reigned. And to this reedefieng the times served very aptly. For from the burning of Hazor there were passed .150. years more or less, that is, eight years of bondage, which happened under the king of Mesopotamia .40. years of Othoniel .18. years of servitude under Eglon king of Mesopotamia .80. years, wherein Ehud peaceably judged the Israelites, and .20. years this jabin afflicted the hebrews. Wherefore he might easily reign in Hazor being again re-edified, and this maketh with it, because it is not written of this jabin that he dwelled in the wood, but that Sisara his captain dwelled there. For kings use not to keep an house in their kingly city, but rather to have them in their borders or in the fields, where they may be prompt and ready to accomplish things to be done.   

3 And the children of Israel cried unto the Lord, for he had .900. chariots of iron, and .20. years he oppressed Israel very sore.  
4 And Deborha, a Prophetess, the wife of Lappidoth, judged Israel the same tyme.  
Both by the things before declared, & also by these which are now spoken of, we may understand the frowardness of man's nature: for unless it be by troubles and adversities bruised and broken, 
Men in desperate things call upon God.  it regardeth not God, yea as long as there is any hope of other helps, it neglecteth God and useth them. But when things are passed all hope and do separate, than god is required, as a certain holy ankerhold. Wherefore it is no marvel, though the hebrews deferred their repentance 20. years long. Surely I am persuaded, that they did oftentimes groan and cry. But because they lamented not that they had offended god, and wickedly committed sins, but only desired him to take a way the pain & long punishment, and peradventure murmured against God, therefore were not their prayers heard. But now at the last at the .20. years end, when with faith and godliness they prayed unto God, 
Though God defer his help yet we must not despair.  he heard their prayer, and granted them their requests. By this example let us learn that we must never despair of the help of god, although it be deferred. We all in deed desire to be straightway delivered of our troubles: but god in his counsel thinketh not good so soon to take away his punishments. Wherefore that which he hath decreed we also must patiently suffer.  
Deborah a Prophetess. God which before to deliver Israel had chosen Ehud, which had an impediment in his right hand: and then Sangar, a husbandman armed only with the goad of an Ox: now chooseth a woman, by whose conduct the jews might be delivered from a most grievous enemy. 
God useth both strong and weak a like.  Wherefore by these examples he abundantly showeth that his power is not bound unto noble men and to strong men, but he can easily use the weak and feeble once. Yea and he showeth forth his power rather in these, than in the other. Howbeit to declare, that it is all one unto him, as touching both kind of instruments, sometimes he useth the strong ones, and other sometimes the weak ones. And when he taketh the weak ones, he strait way endueth and adorneth them with his grace and gifts. For as much therefore as he had unto this ministry chosen Deborah, being weak in kind, he straight way endued and adorned her with the spirit of prophecy. By which grace, and peradventure many other more miracles, she was by God constituted, and by miracles confirmed, as she that was elected unto so great an office.  
Neither only this woman was endued with the spirit of prophecy: 
We comen prophetesses did openly instruct the people.  for in the holy scriptures we read of other women which were likewise inspired by the holy Ghost, Mary the sister of Moses, Hanna the Mother of Samuel, Holda in the time of josias the king were Prophetesses. And in the new testament mary the Virgin, Elizabeth the mother of john, and Anna the wife of Phanuel, the daughters also of Philip the Deacon (as it is written in the Acts of the Apostles) were prophetesses. Neither do I think that we may deny, that some of those women endued with the spirit of prophecy, did openly teach the people, in declaring those things unto them which God had showed unto them. Forasmuch as the gifts of God are not therefore given, that they should lie hidden, but to advance the common edifying of the church.  
And yet hereby it followeth not, that that which God doth by some peculiar privilege, we should by and by draw it for an example, because according to the rule of the Apostle we are bound unto an ordinary law, whereby both in the Epistle to Timothy, and in the first Epistle to the Corrinthians, 
Why women are commounded to keep silence in the church.  he commandeth that a woman should keep silence in the church. And he assigneth causes of this silence so commanded, namely because they ought to be subject unto their husbands. But the office of a teacher hath a certain authority over those which are taught, which is not to be attributed unto a woman over men. For she was made for the man, whom she ought always to have a regard to obey, which thing is also appointed her by the sentence of God, whereby after sin committed he said unto the woman: Thy lust shall pertain unto thy husband. Farther the Apostle giveth an other reason, drawn from the first fault, because, as he saith, Eva was seduced, and not Adam, wherefore if women should ordinarily be admitted unto the holy ministry of the Church, men might easily suspect, that the devil by his accustomed instrument would deceive the people, and for that cause they would the less regard the Ecclesiastical function, if women should be believed. It ought therefore to be committed only to men, & that by ordinary right and the Apostles rule. And though God do sometimes otherwise, yet can he not be justly accused, forasmuch as all laws are in his power. Wherefore if sometimes he send any prophetess, and adorn her with heavenly gifts, if the same woman speak in the church, undoubtedly she is to be heard: but in such sort, that she forget not her own estate. 
Two places of Paul conceliated.  Wherefore these two testimonies of Paul which seem to be contrary one to an other, may easily be conciliated. To Timothe the first Epistle he writeth, that a woman aught in the church to keep silence: which thing toward the end of the first Epistle to the Corinth. he most manifestly confirmeth. And in the same epistle he commandeth, that a man prophesying or praying should have his head uncovered, but a woman when she prophesieth should have it covered: whereby undoubtedly he teacheth that it is lawful for a woman both to speak and also to prophesy in the church. For he would not have commanded, that in this doing she should cover her head, if she should utterly keep silence in the holy assembly. The thing is in this manner to be taken, that we should understand the precept of silence to be a general precept, but the other which is for the covering of the head when they pray or prophesy, pertained only to those which were prophetesses. They undoubtedly are not forbidden to prophesy, for the common edification of the church, 
Why women prophetesses were commanded to have their heads covered.  but to the end by reason of their office extaordinarily committed unto them, they should not forget their own estate and wax proud, they are commanded to have their head covered: whereby they might understand that yet they have the power of man above them. Farther whereas to Titus the two. chap. it is commanded that the elder women should admonish the younger women of temperance, and that they should love their husbands and children, and diligently look to their family, this is not to be understand of public doctrine or ecclesiastical sermons, but of private exhortations, which it is meet, that the elders have to the youngers.   

5 And the same Deborah dwelled under a Palm tree, between Ramath and bethel, in mount Ephraim. And the children of Israel ascended up to her for judgement.  

How Deborah judged the people.  The word of judging (as we have admonished) in this book oftentimes signifieth to revenge, and to set at liberty. Which signification if we now follow, we shall see that Deborah was appointed unto the same, namely to deliver the Israelites. And as soon as they by the inspiration of God understood that, they ascended to her, to hear of her what they should do, to attain unto liberty. But if any man will have the word of judgement to signify to set laws, or to give sentence of controversies. I will not be much against it. For so great peradventure was the oppression of jabin, that now the Israelites could not use ordinary judges. They therefore being taken away, when they saw that Deborah was endued with the spirit of God, they had rather be judged by her, than by the Chananites. 
josephus.  But josephus inclineth more unto the first interpretation, and he saith that they being oppressed by their enemies came unto Deborah, whom they knew to be a most holy woman and endued with the spirit of god, and desired her to pray unto God for them, which she both did and was heard.  
As touching the ministry of the church, how women may be preferred, & in what sort they are not apt, we have before declared. And this we add now, that when churches, are newly planted, when there want men to preach the Gospel, a woman may at the beginning be admitted to teach, but in such sort, that when she hath taught a while, some one man of the faithful to be ordained, which afterward may minister the sacraments, teach & faithfully execute the office of a pastor. But because Deborah was not only a Prophetess, but also in setting at liberty, governed civil things, I might therefore demand, whether a woman may be appointed to govern a pub: wealth. But I have determined to entreat of this question in an other place, namely when I come to the history of Athalia in the books of the kings.  
The wife of Lappidoth. What this man was we can not by the holy scripture certainly know. The Hebrews think that he was Barak: but this is only the reason why they think so, because the signification of these names have great affinity one with an other. For Barac signifieth lightning, and Lapidh is a lamp, 
A feigned tale the Rabbins.  whose plural number is aswell Lapidim as Lapidoth. And lamps or torches and lightnings are very like. Other think that this woman was so called of her handy craft, for that she made matches for the candles of the sanctuary. But that the Rabbins feigned as though God doth never bestow freely his grace or gifts. For they signify by their fable that she by desert became a prophetess and a judge, because her works served for the tabernacle & that very religiously. Others also writ that she was so called, because in that hour, wherein she was endued with the spirit of prophecy, her face was made shining, casting forth beams, as the holy history writeth of the countenance of Moses. But all these things are trifles, and lean only unto the interpretation of the words, neither are they by any means proved by the holy scriptures. But there is a certain conjecture that Barac was not the husband of Deborah, because she dwelled in mount Ephraim and he in Kades of Nepthalim. And it is not agreeable that the wife and the husband did dwell one so far distant from the other. Unless thou wilt say that Deborah went then only to mount Ephraim when the people should come unto her. And if we grant this, them will it be marvelous, why her husband went not thither together with the other israelites. Wherefore that way seemeth to be the plainer, namely to say that she was the wife of Lappidoth: but therefore she gave not this governance unto her husband. For that thing should be governed by man's reason, but she did follow the counsel of God as she ought.   

Of the marriage of ministers.  

God despiseth not those which are married.  THis is also very worthy to be noted, that married folks are not contemned of God. For of them certain hath he chosen to be Prophets and those notable prophets. For Esay is commanded to go unto a Prophetess, which both conceived & also bare to him children. Ezechiel also was married. Wherefore that Roman Sircius & his like are not to be herd, 
Sircius is not to be heard.  when they forbidden the use of the ministration of holy things to such which are married: & this godly reason forsooth bring they for it, namely because Paul writeth, that they which are in the flesh cannot please God, and in the old law it is in this manner commanded, be ye holy, for I am holy: and again saith Paul, ye are the temple of God, or of the holy ghost. But these testimonies now alleged, if they should serve any thing to their sentence, then undoubtedly should they declare, that no men which are married can please god, neither that any are to be counted holy, except they be chaste. The temple also of God or of the holy Ghost should be drawn only to the clergy. But how vain these things are, all men so well understand, that they need none of my labour to express them. For who seeth not that the sentences now alleged are not spoken unto this man or to that man alone, 
The manner of the ethnics as touching virginity or sole life.  but preached unto all the faithful? It was the manner of the Ethnics, to have their prophetesses either Virgins or such as were of sole life, as it is written of the Sibyls. They also appointed certain priesthodes unto women, but yet only to virgins, namely the holy things of Vesta, and also of her that was called Bona dea.  
Neither must we believe, those married folks, 
They which were married & called to the holy ministry, did not forsake their wives.  which were by God taken to the office of prophesying or to the holy ministry, did straightway forsake their wives, for neither God nor yet Christ were authors that any man should devource himself from his wife. We know in deed that Paul permitteth them which are married sometimes to be a sunder, whereby they might more expediently give themselves to fastings and prayers: but he permitteth not that unless they be both agreed thereunto, and that for a short time, and he commandeth them to return to their old estate, lest by the temptation of Satan they should be overthrown. Wherefore this sentence which they bring, is not sufficient to prove the necessity of sole life for ministers, forasmuch as the adversaries gather more out of it than can be gathered. For the Apostle saith that sometimes it is lawful to abstain from accompanying. But these men take it to be a commandment to all sorts of ministers, ever to be unmarried. Which argument is both weak and unprofitable, as the art of Logic manifestly showeth. For we grant, that it is meet for ministers sometimes to contain themselves, and that oftener than other men, but not continually. This they object, if other men moderate themselves, making their prayers but sometimes, what should they do, whose duty is always to apply themselves unto prayers & to the administration of the sacraments? I answer. First, that we much marvel at those which allege these things, when as the clergy for the most part never almost teach, & distribute the sacraments very seldom, & celebrate that their most filthy & abominable mass scarce once or twice in a whole year. But in the mean time play the whoremongers & pollute themselves with adulteries. And they cavile that they cannot marry, because of the ecclesiastical degree which they have taken upon them. Undoubtedly the reasons which they bring do nothing defend this kind of men.  
Farther we must mark, that the words which Paul there speaketh, 

A distinction of prayers and fastings.  
Sometimes fastings & public prayers are commanded.   belong not to common fasting, or to common & usual prayers: otherwise it were lawful for none either to marry or to have a wife, for as much as all men are commanded to pray with out ceasing. And there are sometime certain solemn prayers and fastings appointed, either for the avoiding of iminente calamities, or for the choosing of ministers of the Church, and for such like necessities, in which we must with the prophet & the Apostle council & exhort the husband not to departed out of the bedchamber, & the bride out of her bed. Howbeit I would gladly hear of these new masters & most severe censors, what they did in the old time in the church of Rome, 
At Rome they did communicate daily.  which they so much allow above all other worship, what I say was done when christians did communicate as Jerome & Augustine write was done in their time. They indeed communicated, and yet had they wives. 
Of the high priest of the old Testament.  Moreover what did the high priest Aaron and his successors in the old testament, whose office was both morning and evening perpetually to minister at the tabernacle? For as then were not the courses of the priests distributed by David, Solomon, and Ezechias. Used they not their wives? Undoubtedly they brought forth children. But they say, that then it ought to have been done, forasmuch as the succession of the priesthood was by carnal propagation, neither might the priests he taken out of any other tribe, than out of the tribe of Levi. But now that we are loosed from that law, and that we may every where have ministers of the church, it is meet that they be without wives. I will ask these men, who was the author, that the high priests & the priests in the old time should be continued by carnal propagation? It is marvelous if they grant not that God was the author. I will therefore conclude that they make themselves wiser than god, who is most wise, who also suffered & willed priests to use matrimony. He might have taken priests out of every tribe and commanded continency. But he would not do it. But these men dare do more than he hath commanded. Farther let them tell us whether there were ministers in the primative church or no? 
The ministers of the primitive church had wives and used them. Canons of the Apostles.  undoubtedly there were, yea and those had wives, & yet for all that they perpetually both taught and ministered. That they had wives, the histories declare, the Canons do testify, & these Canons in especial which are of the Apostles, whereunto our adversaries think we must so much lean unto. For there we read, that he is accursed, which teacheth that a priest ought to despise his wife.  
I am not ignorant, that there are certain wily heads, which by trifling words do so avoid the place alleged, as though it were only to be understand as touching meat and drink and clothing: for which things, they say a priest ought to provide for his wife when he is separated from her. As though a wife is not more despised, from whom the due benevolence is taken away, then if she should be neglected as touching meat and drink and clothing. The council also of Gangrensis decreed, 
Concilium Congrente.  that he is accursed which putteth difference between the oblation of a married priest from others. Here also (lest they should be counted dumb) they say that a married priest, is taken for him which was once before married, and not he which is presently married: which they think happeneth, when either the wife is dead, or else if they be separated the one from the other. 
Who married folks are.  But grant which of these two ways thou wilt, yet one of the clergy can not be called a married man. For they are married folks, which both love together, and are not separated one from an other. And that the ministers in the primitive church had wives, and used them, the history of Nicolaus the Deacon sufficiently declareth. And it is hereby also easily proved, because if ministers accompanied not with their wives, Sircius, Pelagius, and other roman Popes should not have needed to have made so many prohibitions, that it should not from thence forth be done, for these tyrants complained that it was so done, & therefore to their power by decrees ordinances, & threatenings they forbade the use of matrimony to ecclesiastical men: which they should not need to have done, if such matrimonies had not then been in use. At the length they deny not but that so it was, but they fly to this, that we must have a respect unto the times, & attribute somewhat to necessity. For in the primitive church (as they say) was there a great want of ministers, wherefore they were fain to choose them out of every state of men, & therefore there were very many of them which were married at the time. But now that the church is increased, we are not urged with that necessity, wherefore justly it is decreed that only unmarried folks should be chosen.  

The primitive church had great abundance of ministers.  But I would have these men to remember with themselves, that in that first time, when the heat of the holy Ghost did so much abound, there were a great many more which were meet for the ministry, them now are, by reason of the great abundance of grace & spiritual gifts. Besides that the church when it was extended and increased, it than needed many more ministers. Farther an other necessity oppresseth us more grievously, 
Men are 〈◊〉 weaker.  because men at this day are more weak than they were then, which their Popes also deny not. For in the dist. 34. chap: Fraternitatis, Pelagius judgeth that a certain Deacon which was to be promoted (which had committed whoredom, and yet having a wife of his own) should be more gently entreated because in these days not only bodies are feebled, but also virtue and manners. If they be not ignorant of this weakness of our times, which is far greater than it was in the old time, they ought not from thence to take away the remedy where they perceive a greater necessity. Neither is it meet, that they should dissemble the necessity of this age, which objecting unto us the manner of the old Church, dare lay against us the necessity thereof. There is on either side necessity, and therefore if there be a consideration had of the one let there be also a consideration had of the other.  
There are some amongst them, which say, 
Whether it be lawful to marry a wife after orders received.  that ministers in the old time had wives, and sometimes used them: but they deny that after they had taken orders it was at any time lawful to marry wives. Undoubtedly they err: For in the synod of Ancyrana (as it is written in the decrees the 28. dist: chap. Diaconi) it is decreed, that if a Deacon while he is in ordering, 
Synodus Ancyrana.  shall deny when the state of continency is required of him and shall testify that he will not live without a wife, if the same Deacon after he is ordained do contract matrimony, he may not be hindered but may freely execute his ministry. By which place we are manifestly taught, that it was lawful to contract matrimony after orders received. 
☜ Gratianus.  Which Gratianus saw well enough, and therefore he writeth, that as touching that Synod a consideration ought to be had both to the time & place. For it is observed in the east Church, which in promotions of ministers admit not the promise of continency, but as touching time he addeth, that as yet this continency of Ministers was not then brought into the Church: but if thou shalt ask, when that counsel was had, we answer, as it also appeareth by the same decrees under Syricius and Innocentius, which lived in the time of Jerome and Augustine.  
But it is a wonder to see, how Tyranny hath increased, 
How punishments against the clergy which marry have daily increased. Concilium Neocaesariensis.  and impiety by little and little taken deep roots. At the beginning, the Ministers of the Church which contracted matrimonies, were not altogether so severely handled. For the counsel of Neocaesariensis (as it is recited in the dist. 28. chap. Presbyter) commanded such to be put only out of their office, and not from their benefice: for they were still nourished, and received their stipends from the Church. Neither in the mean time will I overpass, that the counsel did cast out of the Church such Priests as were adulterers and whoremongers, namely, in excommunicating them which was very meet and just, when as our men now a days do altogether wink at those sins. After that they began not only to put them out of their offices, but also (as they speak) to remove them from their benefices, as it is written in the 33. dist. chap. Eos & chap. Decreverunt yea and those which so married, they banished either into a monastery, or into some strait place to do penance, but in our time they burn many of them. And afterward they raged also against the women, with whom the Ministers had married, as it is found in the dist. 81. 
Concilium Toletanum.  out of a certain counsel holden at Toledo, chap: Quidam, where it is commanded that the women should be sold. And in the dist. 34. chap. Eos, they are appointed to be servants of that Church, wherein the Priest was, which hath contracted with them into servitude, and if peradventure the Bishop could not bring them into servitude, he should commit it unto the prince or lay Magistrate. They banished them also sometimes into a monastery to do penance, as it is read in the 34. dist. chap: Fraternitatis. Neither were they content with this cruelty, but the children also which were by such matrimonies borne, would they have to be servants of that Church, wherein their father had been, & they deprived them of all their father's inheritance. And that is written, in the 15. question the last chap: Cum multae. They do so not punish their adulterous sacrificers and whoremongers, neither their harlots, nor yet their bastard children: they only exercise their cruel tyranny upon the wives of Priests and their lawful children.  
At the last, when they have almost no other thing to bring, they fly unto their vow as to a holy anchor. They cry out that that must utterly be kept, and therefore it is not any more lawful for Ministers to marry, because when they are ordained they do vow sole life. 
Vow of unjust things are of no force.  As though it were not both by the holy Scriptures and also by human laws commanded, that a vow, promise, or oath should be of no force, if it compel us to an unjust or unhonest thing.  
And who seeth not, that it is a thing very filthy, and against the law of God that he which burneth in filthy lust, yea and so burneth that he daily defileth himself with harlots, adulterers and unlawful Vsu veneris, should be forbidden matrimony? Undoubtedly the holy Ghost hath commanded matrimony to all such as can not keep themselves chaste, yea and the fathers (which in this matter are more enemies to us than they should) saw this. Wherefore Cyprian as touching holy virgins, 
Cyprian.  which had unchastely behaved themselves, sayeth: If either they will not or can not keep themselves chaste, let them marry.  

Jerome. Epiphanius.  Jerome also feared not to write the same unto Demetrius, Epiphanius also against the Catharis, sayeth: It is better those which can not keep themselves chaste to marry wives, and sin only once, than daily to wound their minds with unpure actions. But the opinion of this father I do not in this thing allow, because he affirmeth that those do sin, which when they have made a vow of chastity do contract matrimony, for as long as they do obey the voice of GOD, they charge not themselves with sin. Neither do I allow that his reason, wherein he saith, that one sin is to be committed, to avoid a greater, only this I mean to show by his words, that matrimony is very necessary to such as can not keep themselves chaste. But I will entreat no more of this thing at this present for I have abundantly spoken of all this question in my book of Vows.  
And the children of Israel ascended up to her for judgement. Some affirm that this was done at certain appointed days, so that the Israelites should come to her house, as to a certain oracle, and to an interpreter of the laws of God. Or else then they ascended unto her, when he was inspired with the spirit of Prophesy. And undoubtedly it is very likely, that she then called the people together, when she had any thing to show unto the Israelites in the name of God. And they are said properly to ascend, because in passing over the mount Ephraim they came unto her.   

6 And she sent, and called Barac, the son of Abinoam, out of Cedes Nephthalim: and she said unto him: Hath not the Lord God of Israel commanded thee to go, and lead unto mount Thabor, and take with the ten thousand men of thee children of Nephthalim, and of the sons of Zebulon.  
7 And I will bring unto thee, unto the river Kison, Sisera the captain of the host of jabin, with his chariots, and his people, and I will deliver him into thine hands.  
8 And Barac said unto her, If thou wilt go with me, I will go: but if thou wilt not go with me, I will not go.  
9 Who answered, I will surely go with thee, but this journey that thou takest shall not be for thine honour: for the Lord shall deliver Sisera into the hand of a woman, So Deborah rose up, and went with Barac into Cedes.  
Deborah useth the authority of a prince, when she citeth Barac unto her and commanded him to be called in her own name. he came from the City of Cedes. That was a City of the Priests in the tribe of Nepthalim, and also a City of refuge as it is read in josuah the 19 chap. Hath not the Lord God commanded thee. She useth an interrogative speech: for that very much profiteth to stir up minds, and earnestly to commanded any thing. Some think that Deborah had more than once yea often times admonished Barac in the name of god to accomplish this office and he for fear lingered it. Wherefore she at the last openly and before the Israelites reproveth them. And it is as much, as if she should have said, In very deed it is God which hath commanded thee these things. That which I speak is not mine invention, I tell thee this thou must take in hand by the counsel and will of God. 
To precepts are joined promises.  And in these words of the Prophetess may be observed a manner much used in the holy Scriptures, which when they give any precept, do strait way join thereunto a promise. When children are commanded to obey their parents, length of life is strait way promised. Deborah also declareth, that she exercised the office of a Prophet among the people, when as she prophesieth what shall become of Sisera, and foretelleth a notable victory, which God had decreed unto Barac. Mount Thabor, 
Mount Thabor is called Ithabyrius.  which is here mentioned, of the Ethnic writers is called Ithabirius: It is nigh unto the Assyrians; Nepthalites and Sabulonites. There the Lord jesus Christ, our Saviour, was transfigured before three of his Disciples, as it is declared in the history of the Gospel. This mount hath by it the river Kyson, 
The river Kison.  which by the destruction of the Baalites is made notable: for there Helias the Prophet slew the Priests of Baal.  
Draw, and take with thee ten thousand men. This seemeth to be a new kind of speech: but unto the thing which is in hand it is most proper. For this Hebrew word Maschach, is not in this place to draw by violence to, but (as all the Rabbins almost do interpretate) with presuasion to lead, that is, with fair and pleasant words to allure them. For without doubt it was a great and perilous work whereunto they were called, & for as much as they lived under a Tyrant, their soldiers could not by public authority be mustered or gathered together, but must of necessity by fair means be alured, to conspire against a Tyrant. By this place we are taught that good and eloquent speeches are very profitable in warlike affairs; 
Rhetoric is profitable in warlike affairs.  and that the art of Rhetoric by the law of God is not forbidden, but may in his place profitably serve for holy men. Farther this is not to be left unspoken of, that those two tribes, namely Nepthalim and Zabulon, were not warlike tribes but the weakest of all the tribes among the Israelites. 
The tribes of Nepthalim & Zabulon were of less estimation than the other tribes.  And yet God commandeth to choose out soldiers out of them, whereby we learn that it is a like to him to use either weak soldiers or strong warriors against his enemies.  
Some man peradventure will doubt, by what arguments or reasons Barac could be persuaded, to believe the words of Deborah. To whom we answer, that he weighed with himself, that those things which Deborah promised, did very well agree with the words and promises of God. For he, as he had threatened, that the Israelites when they sinned should by his commandment and will be afflicted by outward nations: so again had he promised, that he would deliver them out of the hands of their enemies, if they faithfully repented them of their wickedness committed, and faithfully from the heart called upon him. He promised that he would fight for them, neither should their weakness or fewness in number be a let, 
The words of Deborah were agreeable with the holy Scriptures.  but that they should get the victory over their enemies. Wherefore for as much as Deborah prophesied that those things should come to pass, which the Lord had promised unto the people of the hebrews, it was convenient, that Barac should receive those words for true and faithful  
Farther the authority of the speaker helped thereunto. For Deborah was by God constituted in the ministry, not undoubtedly by an ordinary prerogative, but by a certain singular and principal prerogative. And if we should look upon the Etymology of her name, 
Deborah signifieth a be.  we shall think that her orations were very sweet. For Deborah with the hebrews is a be, which beast we know is a diligent artificer in making of honey. And yet all these things had not been sufficient, to make Barac to believe her, unless the power of the holy Ghost had persuaded in his mind those things which were commanded. For faith is only the work of the holy Ghost, which he can work in the hearts of men without any outward instrument, but he hath decreed for the most part to use them, I mean the word and the ministry, not as though he were bound unto them, but to show unto us, how much we ought to make of these two instruments. Neither do I think that it is to be doubted, but that this holy woman, was both by miracles, and also by prophesying of things to come, declared to be the Minister of the true God and the most healthful judge of the Israelites. We therefore ought hereby to learn, that we must altogether hear the Ministers of God, when they set forth unto us, his words, promises, and also threatenings out of the holy scriptures neither is there any authority in the world, which ought to be preferred before the ministry of the Church and word of God. 
They were heard things which Deborah commanded.  Wherefore justly ought Barac to believe the things which Deborah commanded, although they seemed both grievous and heard. For she commanded him, to move sedition and tumult, to rebel against his prince, a private man to gather an host, and that a little one against a most mighty king.  

Whether Barak were without faith.  And Barac said unto her, If thou wilt go with me, I will go. In this place it seemeth might be demanded, whether Barac were doubtful, and believed not at the beginning (as he ought to have done) the words of Deborah. And that seemeth to some absurd, when as in the Epistle to the hebrews the 11. chap: Barac is reckoned with Samson, Gedeon jephthe and others, which by faith overcame kingdoms. And therefore it seemeth that his faith being praised by the testimony of God, ought not by our judgement to be empared. Wherefore they affirm that he would have Deborah to go with him, not because he believed not the promise of God, but that he might have a Prophetess ready and ac hand, whose Counsel he might use in ordering his war, in pitching his Camps, and other chances which are wont to happen in wars. And I am not ignorant, 
Augustine.  that Augustine readeth it, after this manner. Because I can not tell in what day the Lord will prosper his angel with me, etc. As though he should have said, I will therefore have thee with me, because thou being endued with the spirit of Prophecy (which hath not happened unto me) shalt easily know, in what day the angel of the Lord will luckily fight for us.  
But I do think that Barac did somewhat doubt: for Deborah Prophesied in the name of God that because of this answer he should be punished. And more over (sayeth she) thy glory shallbe taken away from thee, and the Lord will sell Sysara into the hand of a woman. 
josephus.  And as josephus testifieth she spoke these words being somewhat moved. And a Prophetess would not have been angry, neither would GOD have diminished the glory of Barac without a fault. And it appeareth not that he fell into any other sin besides infidelity howbeit that incredulity was afterward taken away by the spirit and grace of God & when at the length he believed the words of Deborah, 
Men although they be godly do not strait way believe.  and obeyed her, and by faith (as it is written to the hebrews) he obtained the victory. And how often that happeneth unto men, 
It is profitable for Captains to have ministers of the word in their Camps.  although they be godly, namely, to doubt at the beginning, by reason of the dregs of the old Adam, there is none which hath not experience of it in himself. afterward when they are strengthened with the spirit, there succeedeth a great assuredness of faith. And I do not deny that which the first interpretation sayeth, namely that it is very expedient for Captains, to have Prophets and Ministers of the word of God with them in their wars. For as much as the law of God in Deut. so commandeth and in the 2. book of kings it is written, that Helizeus the Prophet was in the camp, when the king of Israel, the king of judah, and the king of Edom went to fight against the king of Moab. Wherefore Christian princes, when they take any just wars in hand, 
The presence of Deborah was profitable in the Campe.  do rightly and orderly if they have Preachers and Ministers of the word of God with them in their expedition. Farther an other commodity came by the presence of Deborah: for thereby godly men understood, that it was no rash war, or taken in hand by human reason, but enterprised by the commandment of God, and Counsel of his Prophetess.  
But in that it is written that the glory should be taken from Barac, and Sisera delivered into the hand of a woman, it may be expounded two manner of ways: either, because this victory should not now be ascribed unto Barac, but to Deborah, namely, because she should have the praise to have judged Israel, and to have set them at liberty, and Barac should not be counted among the number of the judges. Or else because Barac should not kill Sysera with his own hand, but jahel the wife of the Kenite should do it, as it shall afterward be declared. And in deed this latter interpretation seemeth to me more natural and proper.  
Of these things which we have now brought forth, are some most worthy to be noted. The first is, that God might have delivered this people the Israelites without the help or host of ten thousand men, whom yet he therefore choosed to teach us, that he dissaloweth not just warrefarre. Farther that human helps, when they are present, are not to be despised. Moreover he according to his wisdom used the gathering together of these soldiers thereby to provoke Sisera, that he again might gathered an host, and come and overthrow Barac.  
And in that God saith he will draw Sisera unto mount Thabor, 
The drawing of God serveth both to good things and to evil.  he teacheth us, that his drawing is of force, not only to good things, but also to evil, in respect that they are pains and just punishments. No man can doubt, but that Sisera sinned in this, because with a great violence he contented to oppress the Israelites, and that unjustly. And yet GOD promised to draw him to it. Nevertheless we must mark, 
The manner of the drawing of God is not a like as touching good things and enui.  that the manner of the drawing of GOD is not a like as touching good things and evil: because to good things we can not be drawn, execept God do heal our understanding, and give us a good mind. For by nature we are the children of wrath and utterly corrupt, but when we are induced to evil GOD needeth not to instill, any new malice in us, for as much as we always of ourselves have it ready and prompt to do evil: but only the doing of GOD, directeth them to what end he will, and he so governeth them, to make open his glory as he hath decreed. After this sort undoubtedly was Pharaoh hardened, and Sisera now drawn to destruction. 
God drew both the men of Barac and also Sisera but by divers means.  God also drew those ten thousandmen after Barac, for otherwise they would not have followed him, but this drawing was after an other manner: for here he used the speech of this man, which he made to be of efficacy in the hearts of his soldiers: but there to move and provoke Sisera he appointed both falling away of Barac, and the host gathered by him.  
This is also to be considered, that by this place is proved, 
Glory may lawfully be desired.  that glory is a certain good thing, which just and good men may desire: otherwise Barac, to be punished for his incredulity, should not have been deprived of glory. And glory is certain nobleness coming of things well done. 
What glory is  For those things which good men do very excellently of their own accord, do breed a noble name or glory. 
The matter & end of glory.  Wherefore the matter wherein it consists are opinions & talks of just & wise men. But the end whereunto glory ought to be directed, is the setting forth of the name of God, & also an example which is set forth for our neighbours to follow. And as the brightness of the name of god, & the edifying of others, are very excellent & good things so also is it manifest that the glory which serveth unto them is a good thing. Wherefore although glory for itself is not to be desired as the last end, yet for those things which we have mentioned, 
God can do many things which he will not do.  ought it not to be neglected. Farther we must note that God can bring certain things to pass, which yet he will not perform, except things be done of us. For he could (as it appeareth by this place) have given the glory of this victory and health of Israel only unto Barac: which he would not do, because he refused to go alone to that expedition. Helizeus also (as it is written in the 2. book of kings) when he was sore sick, and commanded the king of Israel which stood by him, to strike the earth with and arrow, and he did strike it only three times, the Prophet was grievously angry with him, and said: If thou hadst stricken six or seven times, thou shouldest utterly have destroyed Syria. But now thou shalt only thrice vex● and molest it. This maketh against those, which think that the power of God differeth not from his will, as though he can not do those things, which he will not, 
A destruction of an absolute power & of an ordinary power.  when as for all that Christ said, that he could have xi. legions of angels of his Father, to defend him from the jews that they should not take him. GOD therefore could have done that which he did not. Wherefore they seem not to think evil, which refer things to an absolute power and not to an ordinary, or definite power.  
But how it is said that Sisera should be sold into the hand of a woman, we shall not need now by many words to declare, and for as much as we have before heard this self same word, and how rightly it agreeth with God is there expounded. This only will I add, that he was now sold of GOD to him, to whom before God had sold the Israelites, and it is said that he shallbe sold into the hand of a woman, which should have power and might to kill him: for he was killed by jael, as a little afterward shallbe declared.   

10 And Barac gathered together Zebulon, and Nepthalim in Kedes, and he went upon his feet with ten thousand men. Deborah also went up with him.  
11 Now Heber the Kenite, which was of the children of Hobab the Father in law of Moses, was departed from Cain, and pitched his tent even to Elon in Zaananuin, which is in Kedes.  
12 And they showed Sisera, that Barac the son of Abinoam was gone up to mount Thabor.  
13 And Sisera gathered together all his chariots, even nine hundredth chariots of iron, and all the people that were with him from Harozeth of the gentles, unto the river Kisyn.  
It is before showed by what means Barac gathered his men together, namely by an oration of much likelihood and of much efficacy which was of so great strength with these tribes, 
The counsels of men are so efficacy as the predestination of God hath or deigned.  that there came of them ten thousand men unto him, neither would God (as it appeareth by the words of Deborah) have any more. Hereby we see that the Counsels and words of men are so farforth fruitful, as the predestination or will of GOD hath before appointed. Wherefore Luke in the Acts of the Apostles feared not to write: And they believed as many as were ordained to everlasting life. Some translate this Hebrew word Bergeliu, footmen, and others, after him. But as for that matter we will not much contend: because if they followed the feet of Barac, it is a token, that they also were footmen, neither were the Israelites wont to be of any great force on horseback, for as they were by GOD forbidden to keep any great number of Horses. And when they should go up the mount, though they had been horsemen, they could not have been so apt in those places. Farther this also maketh with it, for straight way is used the same kind of speech, when Sisera leapt out of his chariot, & would have fled away on foot. But thereof we will speak in his place.  
Deborah also went up with him. It was before said that she went with Barac unto Kades: but because he should lead his host from Kades to the mount, it is properly said that she now also went up together with the Soldiers that were collected. And there was no small faith both in the Captains and also in the Soldiers, which durst take such enterprises in hand, being so weak and few in number. But faith seeth those things which appear not to the eyes of the body. Helizeus the Prophet once prayed, that the eyes of the lad which was with him might be opened, to see the wonderful number of angels, which very valiantly fought for him against his enemies. And therefore as many of us as do believe in Christ, when we are in dangers, aught by constant faith to take hold of that help which God hath prepared for us, although with our eyes we see it not.  
The things which are now by a Parenthesis declared of the Kenite, are therefore in the history by anticipation set forth, that those things may the easiyer be understand, which afterward shallbe spoken of Sisara that was killed by jahel.  
This Heber the husband of jahel was of the posterity of Hobab the father in law of Moses, of whom we have abundantly spoken before. 
Why the family of jethro were called Kenites.  But of this place we learn why they were called Kenites. For Cain was the name of their family: but this Heber dwelled a part from his kinsmen, neither remained he any longer among them. For the rest (as it is written in the 1. chap: of this book) departed from the City of jericho, followed othoniel, and lived in the desert together with the children of Israel. 
Why Heber departed from his kinsfolks.  But Heber of whom it is now written, went to the borders of Zabulon and Nepthalim, and pitched his tent near to Cedes. But what was the cause of his departure from his brethren, it is not presently written. But we know that Loath and Abraham by reason of the abundance of cattle and want of Pastor, departed one from an other: and seeing the same might easily happen unto the Kenites, it is not unlikely, but that they were upon the like occasion separated. This word Tseenim, (if we may believe the Chaldey Paraprhast) signifieth ditches full of water, 
The Rechabites were Kenites.  with which that place peradventure abounded. It is no marvel that the family which that place peradventure abounded. It is no marvel that the family of the Kenites dwelled in tents: for so much as the Rechabites which came of them, had no where any firm abiding places, and that was wont to be the manner almost of all shepherds, to follow Pastors that be plentiful, in what place so ever they be. And this word Acilun signifieth sometimes an oak, and sometimes a playnefielde. The Chaldey Paraphrast turneth, it a playnefielde: but it might be, that there was some notable oak or grove of oaks in it.  
It was showed unto Sisera only how Barac had gathered together an host and told him that Deborah the Prophetess of God was there, because that all men had a respect unto them at which was the Captain of the host. And though a woman were their first counsellor, of this enterprise yet there is nothing showed him of her, for the things which are done by women, are wont for the most part to be referred unto men. Neither had the ethnics peradventure any regard to the gift of Prophesy wherewith Deborah was endued. What number of Soldiers Sisera had it is not in this place expressed: only there is mention made of nine hundredth chariots of iron. 
josephus.  But josephus testifieth (as we have before said) that the Chananites had 300000. footmen. 10000 horsemen, and lastly 3000. Charlottes. And in that the history now maketh mention only of 900. 
Augustine.  it is to be understand, of hooked and iron chariots, which interpretation Augustine in his questions on this place followeth. Farther josephus addeth that this Sisera by the commandment of jabin his king directed this host unto mount Thabor or Ithabyrius.   

14 Then Deborah said unto Barac: up, for this is the day, wherein the Lord hath delivered Sisera into thine hand. Is not the Lord gone out before thee? So Barac went down from mount Thabor, and ten thousand men after him.  
15 And the Lord destroyed Sisera, and all his chariots, and all his host with the edge of the sword, before Barac. So that Sisera lighted down of his chariot, and fled away on his feet.  
Barac is made strong by the words of Deborah, and forced to join battle with his enemies. For that is the power of faith, to strengthen the weakness yea if the exhortation of Deborah had not been, 
josephus.  Barak (if we may believe josephus) by the sight of his enemies was so feared and troubled, that he would have gotten him to the stronger fenced places of the hill, but she called him back again, and by her words drove him to fight. Being therefore strengthened, and confirmed, he forsook the well fenced parts of mount Thabor, and came down to fight with Sisera. This is (sayeth she) the day. As though she should have said, no human power, or warlike might can let the victory, which the predestination of God hath this day decreed unto thee. But a man will ask how it is now said that Sisera should be delivered into the hands of Barac, when as before it was foretold, that he should be sold into the hand of a woman? I answer that it is therefore because that the host should be destroyed by Barac, and Sisera should be so made to fly, that the matter was begun by the conduct of Deborah, and finished by jahel, but the flight and slaughter was accomplished by Barac. Wherefore in the history there can not justly be noted any contrariety or diversity.  
Is not the Lord? The interrogation which the Prophet useth, doth not only stir up and encourage the heart of Barac, but also vehemently commandeth him, as the Latin Poet also hath said: Shall not armour dispatch the matter, and shall they not follow me through the whole City? But here may somewhat be doubted, in that our text hath, that the Lord went forth before Barac, when as the Chaldey paraphrast turneth it, an angel. For it sayeth, Shall not the angel of the Lord prosper thee? And undoubtedly this paraphrasis showeth, 
Augustine.  what was the cause why Augustine read (as we have before admonished), that Barac said unto Deborah go with me, because I know not in what day GOD shall prosper his angel & me. Wherefore we must think, that the Greek interpreters had these words of the Chaldey paraphrast, which afterward crept into the text, but yet out of place. But as touching the matter, 
Christ was the angel which defended the jews.  either is true, both that GOD and his angel were present and fought on the hebrews side. And undoubtedly Christ was that angel which defended the jews and fought for them. Of Malachi the Prophet he is called the Angel: and in Exodus God promised both, that he himself would come with his people, and also send his angel, for our Christ both is GOD and also had ever with him angels as Ministers defending the hebrews.  
And the Lord destroyed Sisera. This Hebrew word jeham may have for his root or ground this word Hamam, which signifieth to make afeard or to trouble. And then shall the sense be, God made him afeard, but the same word signifieth also, to break, or to destroy, although as Kimhi writeth, his rote may be this word Home and Him which almost signifieth the same thing. And in deed God did both, he terrified the hearts of the Chananites, and stroke and broke their host.  
How this slaughter happened, or by what singular aid of God the israelites overcame, it is not in this place written. But josephus affirmeth that a great violence of tempest and hail was cast from heaven into the eyes of the adversaries, wherewith the Chananites were so hindered in the battle, 
josephus.  that they were not able to defend themselves, & therefore they were miserably slain, when as yet the misery nothing at all hurted the jews. For the hail was only on their back, and therefore their violence against their enemies was in nothing letted.  
With the edge of the sword. It is said that God slew them, for he made them afeard, and wonderfully troubled them with the tempest or hail. Howbeit the victory was so obtained, that the israelites also fought: for it is written that the enemies perished by the edge of the sword, by which kind of speech undoubtedly is declared that they were slain. This I have for this cause noted, 
God sometimes destroyeth his enemies without the help of men.  because God sometimes so maketh afeard his enemies & granteth victory over them, that his people whom he delivereth, do nothing at all: as it came to pass in the red sea, when Pharaoh perished there with his host: and when the host of Senacherib was wonderfully destroyed in one night by the angel.   

16 But Barak pursued after the Chariotes, and after the host even unto Harozeth of the gentiles: & all the host of Sisera fell upon the edge of the sword. And there was not a man left.  
17 Howbeit Sisera fled away on his feet to the tent of jahel the wife of Heber the Kenite. For there was peace between jabin the king of Hazor, and the family of Heber the Kenite.  
Again in this place we have this word Bergeliu that is, on his feet. And in deed it appeareth that it signifieth nothing else but a footman. For Sisera thought he could not in that battle be saved in his chariot: wherefore he determined privily to fly among the rascal soldiers. He now therefore forsaketh and abiecteth his chariot which was prepared unto him for a defence and aid. And assuredly when God taketh away audacity and strength, the things which before were weapons, are then made burdens and lets. Miserable Sisara flieth, but he escapeth not. He made haste unto the place, where god had prepared a snare for him. For the other Cananits fled to Hazoreth of the gentiles, namely unto the place from whence they came. But Sisera turned his journey an other way from the rest of the soldiers, neither fled he the right way as the other did. He knew the shortest way, & he got him to the tent of the Kenits: which he knew was nigh home, and not far from the place where the battle was fought. And there he hoped to have lurked, till the rage of the war should have been pacified.  
In that they were all destroyed, it is a token of a perfect victory. But as concerning the peace between jabin and the Kenites, in what sort or manner it was, we have no certainty. Wherefore to affirm any thing of it for certain, it should be rashly done. For it might be that Hebor paid somewhat unto jabin for the pastors which he occupied, and contrariwise that the king promised him security and safety for his flocks, cattle, and family. There may be also very many other things thought & those very likely, but not to be affirmed for certain.   

Wither it be lawful for the godly to have peace with the ungodly.  
THis question is now to be discussed and defined, whether it be lawful for godly men to make peace & to keep it with ungodly. And me thinketh we may say that it is lawful, especially if it be concluded for the peaceable defending & keeping of the bonds or borders on either side. Paul saith, as much as lieth in you, have peace with all men. So did the most Christian princes with the barbarous infidles, in making peace sometimes with them. So jacob in the old time made a legue with Laban. So also did the children of Israel, with their other neighbours, excepting the seven nations, for God commanded them not to make war with all those nations that dwelled about them.  
But if thou shalt demand, whether it be lawful for the godly when they take a common expedition in hand, to join their army and power with the ungodly. 
An example of josaphat.  That seemeth to be denied. For josaphat had evil success when in making war against Ramoth Gilead, he joined himself with the king of Israel. Neither sped the same king luckily when he sent ships together with the king of Israel's ships into Tharsis. For there arose a tempest in Aschou-Gaber whereby happened a shipwreck and so he lost his Navy. And as it is written in the latter book of Paralip. God by the mouth of his prophet reproved josaphat, because he had joined himself with an ungodly king. The Machabites also made league with the Romans, 
An example of the Machabits. The question is confirmed by reasons.  & Lacedæmonians, but what displeasure they had thereby, their history declareth. But now that we have manifested the thing by examples, let us confirm it also by reasons. This no man can deny, that in such hosts, namely consisting of the ungodly & the godly together, the sincere religion and idolatry are mingled together: whereby it easily cometh to pass (such is the weakness of our nature) that the unpure do infect the holy ones. And it seldom happeneth but that some impiety cleaveth unto the children of God. Farther when they come to handy strokes they must call upon God, and when the victory is obtained, they must also give thanks unto God. And in doing these things, what invocation I pray you, what sacrifices, what thanks giving shall there be? The true god shallbe mingled with Belial, idolatrous rites with lawful rites, and true piety with superstition. These things undoubtedly displease God. For if he would have things after this sort mingled together, why choosed he a peculiar people unto himself? Undoubtedly he did it, that the faithful might live purely by themselves, and worship the true god sincerely. And seeing the matter is so, it is not lawful confusedly to have to do with the ungodly: otherwise the order which god hath appointed should be troubled.  

Of the league of Abraham with the Chananites.  A man might peradventure say, that Abraham made league with Abuer, Eschol, and Mambre, and with their aid took in hand an expedition, wherein he delivered Loath his kinsman, which was led away captive. But they which object this example, where find they that these men were idolaters? I undoubtedly do not see that it can be gathered by the holy scriptures. But rather I suppose that they were worshippers of the true God. For God said unto Abraham, that he would not straightway give unto him the land of the Canaanites, because the sins of that nation were not yet full. Wherefore it is not absurd to say, that these three men were yet there, & did worship the true God simply. For as much as we know assuredly that Melchizedech also was in those regions, who blessed Abraham, and was the priest of the most high God. But grant that they were idolaters as these men will have them: Shall that which was by a certain singular progative lawful unto Abraham, be straightway counted lawful unto all men to do it justly and without punishment, I think not. furthermore we must mark, that the common wealth of the jews was not yet ordained. And Abraham alone could not dwell among the Canaanites without some covenants or leagues made with them. Whereunto thou mayst add that God had not yet given the law, wherein he peculiarly forbade any thing as touching this matter.  

Wither it be lawful for christians to seek for help of infidels.  But if a prince, or Christian pub: wealth (as sometimes it chanceth) should be in danger, may they desire help at infidels hands? They cannot. For if Paul will have us rather to suffer wrong and hurt, than that we should go to the judgement seats of the infidels when we are in controversy with our brethren: How much less is it lawful to use the help of the ungodly, to deliver us from other Christianes', which unjustly oppress us.  
I know that Asa king of judah sent money, gold and silver, 
An example of Asa the king.  unto Benhadab king of Syria, to make war against the king of Samaria, that thereby he might be delivered from him which in a manner oppressed him: Howbeit I do not think that the act of this king (though it had good success) is to be followed. For he was reproved of God for it. And though it be not expressed in the book of kings, yet in Paralip: it is manifestly described. For there we read that the prophet was purposedly sent of God unto Asa the king to reprove him grievously for this his act. 
An example of Amasia.  Yea and there is an other notable example of like sort written in the same book, namely that Amasia did hire against the Edomits. C. thousand Israelites: which the prophet in the name of God grievously reprehended, and commanded that he should put away the Israelitish soldiers from his host, because that the will and good pleasure of God was utterly from them. The king answered unto the Prophet: But now I have given them an C. talents for their stipend. The man of God answered, that the Lord could aptly and easily repay him as many talents, and that for so small a loss he should not suffer Idolaters which were hated of god to be in his camps.  
I will not tell how often the jews were forbidden by the prophets, that they should not require help of the Egyptians, or of the Assyrians.  
But to return to the matter from which we have somewhat decreased: This Heber the knight, if he had peace with jabin, for his limits or borders, or for some pension agreed with him for pastor for his cattle, it cannot be discommended. Forasmuch as godly men seek not to dwell out of the world, & they ought according to the Apostles commandment to have peace with all men as much as in them lieth. But if he had peace, to take in hand any common expedition, it was unjust, neither ought it to abide ratified. But the thing which we have in hand was done by jahel, and not by Hebor her husband. For he either was not at home, or else if he were at he home was sick: Wherefore he could not execute this notable act.   

18 And jahel went out to meet Sisera, and said unto him, Turn on my Lord, turn in to me fear not. And he turned in unto her tent. And she covered him with a covering.  
19 And he said unto her, give me I pray thee, a little water to drink for I am thirsty, and she opened a bottle of milk and gave him drink and covered him.  
20 Again he said unto her, stand in the door of the tent and when any man doth come and inquire of thee, saying: is any man here? thou shalt say, nay.  
21 Then jahel Heber's wife took a nail of the tent, and took an hammer in her hand, and went privily unto him, and smote the nail into his temples, and fastened it unto the ground. For he was fast on sleep and weary: and so he died.  
jahel used guile and that evil guile: but against her enemy, not her own enemy, but one already rejected of God and an oppressor of the people of God. And in what sort it is lawful to use evil guile against such enemies, we have before declared. The covering wherewith she covered him, it is uncertain what manner of one it was, and the opinions of the interpreters do much differ therein. For some affirm that it was of silk and fine, and other some that it was a thick  garment full of hears and locks hanging in both sides. But the matter is of no great importance, and consisteth wholly in conjectures.  

The cause of the drought of Sisera.  That Sisera was oppressed with thirst we ought not to marvel, when as he had traveled so far on foot, and was pressed with so great grief, for both they which are weary and also they that are heavy for the most part are wont to be thirsty. For both labour and the affection of sorrow, have a power of drying. The woman gave him milk. Peradventure she did it of purpose, to cause him to fall on sleep. Neither was it any hard thing for her to give him milk to drink, for she had it in hand, when as she & her whole family exercised the art of graffing of cattle. And in that it is said, that she opened a bottle, it declareth that she had no small store of milk, but great abundance thereof. But Sisera when he had well drunk, forgot not yet his own safety, but diligently admonisheth the woman, what she should answer, if any body came to ask for him. And that none should have occasion to enter into the tent, he willeth her to abide at the door, to answer such as should go by, to the end that if they sought for him, they should soon depart from thence.  
A nail of the tent I take to be that which they use to fasten into the ground to cause the tent being bound unto it to abide spread abroad. And in that the woman used a hammer and a nail, this I gather thereby, that the Israelites whilst they served the Chananites, had their weapons taken away from them by the Chananites that they should have neither sword nor dagger meet to kill a man withal. This holy woman undoubtedly was governed by God, which durst accomplish so great an enterprise. For the strength of women is not able to achieve these things. 
The cause of Sisaras sleep.  Sisera being on sleep, died. The causes of his sleep are now sufficiently expressed, namely that he was weary by reason of his journey, he drunk a great deal of milk, and lay well covered: He was oppressed with heaviness: and it is possible, that he slept but a little the night before.  
The woman came softly or privily, to see whither he were thoroughly on sleep and when she saw that he was so, with a stout and valiant courage she gave him a stroke. Sisera died, and that with ignominy. For God for this cause suffered him for a time to fly, that he might not be killed in battle among men, but being on sleep be slain by the hand of a woman.   

22 And behold Barak pursued after Sisara, and jahel came out to meet him, and said unto him, Come, & I will show thee the man whom thou seekest. And he came in unto her. And behold Sisara lay on the ground dead, and the nail in his temple.  
23 So god brought down jabin the king of Chanaan that day before the children of Israel.  
24 And the hand of the children of Israel prospered, and prevailed against jabin the king of Chanaan, until they had destroyed the same jabin king of Chanaan.  
jahel meeteth Barak and she therefore showeth him his enemy killed, that he should no more travail in seeking of him. Sisera was not deceived when he thought that Barak would come to the tent of jahel, for he came thither in deed, for pursuing the Chananites even unto Hazoreth of the gentiles, he saw not Sisera among them which fell: wherefore he judged he lurked somewhere, and suspected that he had without any more a do fled unto the tent of the Levites, because of the league and peace which he had with them. God therefore brought down jabin, yea if ye may believe josephus, the Israelites destroyed his city with sword and fire.  

Whither jahel in violating the laws of hospitality did well, or no.  But it seemeth that jahel in this her enterprise and notable act did violate the laws of hospitality and league, and therefore now resteth, either to condemn her or to quit her.  
But because all controversy, not a little dependeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
What manner of men the Kenites were.  that is of the circumstance of the persons, let us therefore set her before our eyes, and consider with ourselves what manner of men the Kenites were. They assuredly in blood were joined with the Israelites. For it is written that they were the posterity of Hobab the father in law of Moses. Farther, in the study of piety and the law of God they most purely consented with the hebrews. Neither was their faith idle, but of efficacy and working. For they leaving their country, followed the Israelites, and God which was their guide thorough the desert places. Wherefore at the length when the lands were distributed, they obtained inheritance together with them in the land of Chanaan. For these causes, if jahel went about to set the jews at liberty, she did but her duty, neither took she upon her any other man's office.  
On the contrary part let us thus think of Sisera. 
What Sisera was.  He was an oppresser of the people of God, and now killed by the power of God, and utterly confounded, neither appeared there in him any token of repentance, but rather would therefore hide himself, that escaping this so present a danger, he might again gather a new host against the Israelites. In deed after a sort he was in league with Heber the Kenite: but (as it is to be thought) not with a pure heart, but only to pluck him away from the rest of the jews, whereby he might have the fewer enemies, & not be compelled to fight with so many enemies at one tyme. Or else to get of him a great tribute, or some other commodity which he looked for. furthermore in this his unlucky chance, he calleth upon no God, he imploreth not the prayers of others, but only seeketh hiding places, where he might hide himself till such time, as the rage and brute of the Conquerors were somewhat staked: and only trusted in human aids and leagues. By these things it easily followeth, that both jahel did her duty, and that Sisera deserved so to be killed.  
But as touching the laws of hospitality, 
Laws of hospitality ought ordinarily to be kept unviolated.  we also do judge that they by themselves and of their own nature ought to be kept sacred and unviolated. This understood Loath, when he would have abandoned his daughters to the filthy lusts of the wanton Sodomites, to the end they should do no injury unto them which had turned in unto him. Neither departed that old man from his example, which received the Levite with his wife as strangers, as it shall be more at large declared in this history of the judges. Whose counsel in betraying his daughters, although I allow not, yet I do very much commend the defending of the strangers. Yea, and the Gentiles worshipped jupiter hospitalis, knowing by the light of nature, that God had a singular care over strangers and gests. 
Pythagoras.  Pythagoras also discommendeth the Swallows, namely for this, because they daily lodge under the covering of men's houses, and yet will never be made familiar or tame unto their hosts. 
Mischievous houses.  There were also sometime certain mischievous houses, in which no man might any more inhabit (as probable authors have written) and that because in them the laws of hospitality had been violated. And contrariwise where hospitality hath been well and faithfully kept, not only Angels, but God himself also sometimes hath been an acceptable gest. Christ also at the end of the world will say: I was a stranger and ye lodged me, commending his in the sight of the whole world, for the virtue of hospitality. And it is manifest, that men in the old time decreed that between the gest & the host there should be great friendship. Lastly God in the law commanded, that the hebrews should not despise the Egyptians, or utterly expel them from them, & that namely for this, because at the beginning they showed hospitality unto their elders. Wherefore we must affirm that by the universal and ordinary law, 
When God commandeth, all laws of friendship are to be broken.  the laws of hospitality ought to be kept inviolated. And this aught also to he firm, that in laws, no friendships, are so honest and so just, but they are to be broken if God command otherwise. For all these things ought so long to be of force, as the will of God shall allow them. Wherefore, forasmuch as God had now rejected Sisera and the Chananites, and would have them destroyed, no covenants could justly be kept with them. For we must rather obey God than man's reasons. And of this will of God Deborah was both a prophecier and an interpreter. She had declared that Sisera was now rejected of God, and had openly foretold that he should be sold into the hand of a woman.  
After this manner the Levites when they had slain their friends & kinsfolks followed Moses: to whom Moses in the name of God said, ye have consecrated your hands, so far was it of that they were reproved for violating the bonds of kindred. jeremy also, when by the commandment of God he had pronounced that the Moabites should be killed, he cursed those which had withdrawn themselves from that murder. He is cursed (said he) which doth the work of the Lord deceatefully. In the law also it is commanded, that none should be spared which enticed any to idolatry, no not the Father, nor the Mother, no nor he or she which sleepeth in thy bosom. Who seeth not here that most straight bonds of kindred are to be contemned, if the will and word of God be against it● Abraham was commanded to kill his son, and that his only son, as touching whom he had received a most large promise. The promise of God and fatherly kindness seemed to be against his precept, and yet against these things, the word of God urging him, he ought to have killed his son. So must we think, that all men, although they be night of kin unto us, are sacrifices unto god, as many as he commandeth to be slain. Wherefore in Esay the xxxiiii chap. it is written: 
What happeneth unto them that be preposterously gentle.  The Lord hath a sacrifice in Bozra. But they which with a preposterous clemency will against the word of God be merciful, let them remember what happened unto the king of Samaria. He, when he had spared Benadab the king of Syria, contrary to the commandment of god, he was in this manner reprehended in the name of god by the Prophet. Thy soul shallbe for his soul.  
Wherefore jahel in this place is not to be blamed, forasmuch as she obeyed the counsel of god, and was excellently commended in the song of Deborah, as we shall straightway see. And undoubtedly this her work came of a great faith and singular obedience. I know that some think, that the act of jahel is to be commended, in that she killed Sisera, and had so ready a mind to set at liberty the Israelites: but yet they condemn the lie which she made, and the promise where in she promised that she would hide and defend him. For she said: turn in to me, turn in to me, I pray thee my Lord, be not afeard. By which kind of speech she seemed to promise him not to betray him to his enemies. I also would affirm the same, but that I see that god was the governor of this whole enterprise. I have before taught, that it is lawful to use guile, and that evil guile against our enemies, and that certain proditions are just. But I added, that there should be mingled no promises nor lies, nor oaths with them. But all these things are to be understand by the common law. But if god shall stir us up to do otherwise, there shallbe no blame laid in us, if we obey him: so that we be very assured that god will have it so to be done. And this is not to be left out, that some think, that jahel at the beginning, when she called Sisera unto her, thought of no guile or fraud towards him: but that she was minded to keep him safe, as she had promised: but afterward she changed her purpose, because god had showed her, that she should otherwise work.    

¶ The .v. Chapter.  

1. THen sang Deborah, and Barak the son of Abimam the same day, saying:  
2 Praise ye the Lord for the avenging of Israel, and for the people that offered themselves willingly.  
The ditty or song which is here written, belongeth to a demonstrative kind of oration: for it comprehendeth both praises and dispraises. Praises chiefly of god, which was the principal author of this victory: for in overcoming Sisera, it is mentioned that he used the aid of the Stars of heaven, and of the tempest. Deborah also and Barak are praised, likewise jahel, and also these few weak and unarmed men of the tribe of Zabulon and Nephthalim, which obeyed the Oracle of god. On the contrary part Sisera is dispraised as a most cruel enemy of the people of god: & they are sharply rebuked, which believed not the word of god, but despised the commandments of Barak and words of Deborah: & having a regard to their own weakness, and not so much esteeming the goodness and promises of god as they should have done, they refused the battle appointed them of God.   

¶ Of Music and Songs.  
THis song is a song of victory, 
A song of victory.  such a one as Moses sang when Pharaoh was drowned: and as Hanna the mother of Samuel made by the inspiration of the holy ghost, when she had brought forth Samuel: and such a one as the Maidens of the jews openly sang in companies of players and dancers after the victory of David against Goliath. And in like manner in the new Testament, Marry, Zacharias, and Simeon gave thanks to god in their songs. The ethnics also when they had obtained victories, were wont to appoint supplications for certain days, which in deed was nothing else, than to give thanks unto God. Wherefore being moved with the occasion of this place, I think it good somewhat to speak of Songs and Music, as much as belongeth to piety. first, from whence they had their beginning, and to what end they were instituted. secondly, whither they may be kept in the Churches. lastly, what kind of songs and measures are profitable and healthful.  
As touching the first, we must understand that the men of the old time were wont with common vows to sing certain solemn ditties, both when they gave thanks to god, and also when they endeavoured to obtain any thing of him. Wherefore Orpheus, Linus, Pindatus, and Horace, 
poets using the harp. Sallij.  and such like poets which used the Harp, wrote most part of their hymns for these uses. And in the Roman public wealth, the Priests of Mars, which were called Salii, carried shields, and sang their verses through the City. Furthermore, it was the manner, that Music and verses were had, when the praises of noble men were celebrated, chief at feasts: whereby they which stood by, might be admonished to to imitate their noble acts, and to detest such vices, which were contrary unto their virtues. Moreover, they used them to recreate the minds, and to comfort such as were pensive for the dead. For in burials they sang Epitaphs. 
Epitaphs.  And contrariwise, when any great cause of joy happened, it was expressed by Music and Songs. Wherefore in weddings they were wont to sing wedding songs. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  All these things, if they be done moderately and in due time, may be both borne withal, and also commended. For Music and Songs contain three kinds of good things, honest (I say) profit, and pleasantness. For although singing of itself delighteth the minds of men, yet when words are joined unto it, which are of a just number, and bound by certain feet (as we see verses are) it is then made much more pleasant. And undoubtedly Poetry had hereof his beginning, and I cannot deny but it is a gift of god: 
Poetry a gift of God. Against wanton songs.  but I would wish this that it be kept pure and chaste among men. And that I for this cause say, because certain unclean and unpure men have most filthily defiled it, applying songs and verses to wantonness, wicked lusts, and every filthy thing. Whose verses, although they be eloquent and good latin, yet they are utterly unworthy for Christian ears, neither ought they by any means to be taught unto young men, who being themselves prone enough to vices, need no new fires or motions to move and inflame them. Verses of this kind, may justly be called the sirens of tender minds: wherewith young men being infected, it is scarce possible, but that they shall suffer shipwreck.  

The godly much used holy songs.  But holy songs the people of God much used. For the hebrews in Moses' time, when they took up the Ark of the covenant, in their removing of their tents, sang this song: Let God arise and destroy his enemies. Neither did they set it down without some godly song, as it is written in the book of Numb. Furthermore, in the Tabernacle & in the Temple which was built by Solomon, the Levites at hours appointed were present & sang holy hymns before the Lord in the hearing of the people, & when they gave thanks unto God, they most sweetly celebrated certain notable benefits which he had bestowed on his people, and they adjoined prayers and added sentences to the information of the manners and life of godly men. Householders also, when they sat down in their houses, or rose from a feast, did sing certain hymns, when they kept solemn days among their household, according to the commandment of God: & so in giving thanks to God, they delivered over in manner by hand, his notable works to their posterity. Which laudable custom our Lord jesus Christ seemeth to have followed, when after the Paschal supper, in the night wherein he was betrayed, he went out together with his Disciples into the mount Olivet, when they had said an hymn. 
An example of Helizeus.  And of what force holy music is to pacify the affects of the mind, Helizeus testifieth, who being in mind somewhat moved against the king of Israel, commanded one that played on an instrument to be brought unto him. David also in playing before Saul, bridled the violence of the evil spirit wherewith Saul was oppressed.  
But why Music seemeth so to rapt men in a manner wholly, the reason is plain. 
Music doth in a manner ravish the whole man.  For there are certain pleasures, which only fill the outward senses, and there are others also, which pertain only to the mind or reason. But music is a delectation so put in the midst, that both by the sweetness of the sounds it moveth the senses, and by the artificialnes of the number, and proportions, it delighteth reason itself. 
Pythagoras.  And that happeneth then chief, when such words are added unto it, whose sense is both excellent & learned. Pythagoras' opinion was, that they which studied his doctrine, should be brought on sleep with a Harp, and by the accords thereof also wakened, whereby they might quietly enjoy the time both of sleeping and waking. 
Cicero.  And it is a common saying (as Cicero affirmeth) that rocks and wildernesses do give a sound, and cruel beasts by singing are assuaged and made to stand still. I will not speak, how the poets fable, that when the walls of Thebes the City were built, the stones of their own motion came together with the sound of the Harp. And no man is ignorant, what the same poets have written of Arion and Orpheus. And who knoweth not how much David here & there in his Psalms praiseth both Music & songs. 
Tertulian.  And among Christian men Tertulian in his Apology teacheth that the faithful did very often make suppers, wherein after they had moderately and honestly refreshed the body, they recreated themselves with godly songs. And in an other place, when he commendeth Matrimony, that is of one and the self same religion, he saith: that Christian couples do mutually provoke themselves tosing praises unto God.  

Whether singing may be received in the Church. The east church. Plini.  But now that we have seen the nature, beginning and use of songs and music: there resteth to inquire, whither it may be used in Churches. In the East part the holy assemblies, even from the beginning, used singing, which we may easily understand by a testimony of Plini in a certain Epistle to trajan the Emperor: where he writeth that Christians used to sing hymns before day unto their Christ. And this is not to be left out, that these words were written in that time that john the Evangelist lived, for he was alive unto the time of trajan. Wherefore if a man shall say, that in the time of the Apostles there was singing in holy assemblies. He shall not stray from the truth. Paul, who was before these times, unto the Ephesians saith: Be not filled with wine, wherein is wantonness, but be ye filled with the spirit, speaking to yourselves in Psalms, Hymns and spiritual songs, singing in your heart, giving thanks always unto God, for all things, in the name of our Lord jesus Christ. To wine the Apostle setteth the spirit as contrary: and forbiddeth the pleasure of the senses, when in steed of wine he will have Christians filled with the spirit. For in wine (as he saith) is wantonness: but in the spirit is both a true and a perfect joy. Drounckerdes speak more than enough, but yet foolish and vain things: Speak ye (saith he) but yet spiritual things, and that not only in voice, but also in heart: for the voice soundeth in vain, where the mind is not affected. They which be filled with wine, do speak foolish, filthy, and blasphemous things: but give ye thanks to God, always (I say) and for all things.  
To this end undoubtedly ought Ecclesiastical songs to tend unto. To the Colossians also are written certain things not disagreeing from these. Let the word of the Lord (saith the Apostle) abound plentifully in you: teach and admonish ye one another in Psalms, Hymns, and spiritual songs, singing in your hearts with grace. By these words Paul expresseth two things. first, that our songs be the word of God, which must abound plentifully in us, and they must not serve only to giving of thanks, but also to teach and to admonish. And then it is added, with grace, which is thus to understand, as though he should have said, aptly and properly both to the senses, and to measure, and also unto the voices. Let them not sing rude and rustical things, neither let it be immoderately, as do the Tavernhunters. To the Corrinthians the first Epistle the xiiii chapter where he entreateth of an holy assembly, the same Apostle writeth after this manner: When ye assemble together, according as every one of you hath a Psalm, or hath doctrine, or hath a tongue, or hath revelation, or hath interpretation, let all things be done unto edifying. By which words is declared that Syngers of songs and Psalms had their place in the Church. 
The west Church. Augustine.   
But the west Churches more lately received the manner of singing: for Augustine, in his ix book of Confessions testifieth that it happened in the time of Ambrose. For when that holy man together with the people watched even in the Church, lest he should have been betrayed unto the Arrians, he brought in singing to avoid tediousness, and to drive away the time.  
But as touching the measure and nature of the song which ought to be retained in Music in the Church, these things are worthy to be noted. 
What manner of measure the ecclesiastical song ought to be. Augustine.  Augustine in the same books of Confession, both confesseth, and also is sorry, that he had sometimes fallen, because he had given more attentive heed unto the measures and cords of music, than to the words which were under them spoken. Which thing hereby he proveth to be sin, because measures and singing were brought in for the words sake, and not words for Music. 
The manner of the church of Alexandria.  And he so repented him of his fault, that he execeedingly allowed the manner of the Church of Alexandria used under Athanasius, for he commanded the Reader, that when he sang, he should but little alter his voice, so that he should be like rather unto one that readeth, than unto one that singeth. Howbeit on the contrary, when he considered, how at the beginning of his conversion he was inwardly moved with these songs, namely in such sort, that for the zeal of piety he burst forth into tears, for this cause I say, he consented that Music should be retained in the Church, but yet in such manner, that he said he was ready to change his sentence, if a better reason could be assigned. And he addeth that those do sin deadly, as they were wont to speak, which give greater heed unto music, than unto the words of God: 
Jerome. Gregory.  To which sentence undoubtedly Jerome assenteth, as he hath noted upon the Epistle to the Ephesians. Gregory also of Rome, in the Synod of Rome was of the same opinion. And both their words are written in the Decrees, Dist. 92. in the chap. Cantantes, and in the chapter, In sancta Romana. In which place are read in the gloze two verses, not in deed so eloquent, but yet godly.  
Non vox, sed votum, non cordula musica, sed vox  
Non clamans, sed amans, cantat in aure Dei.  
That is: Not the voice, but the desire: not the plesantness of music, but the voice Not crying, but loving, singeth in the ear of God.  
And in the words of Gregory, this is not slightly to be passed over, in that he saith: Whilst the sweetness of the voice is sought for, the life is neglected: and when wicked manners provoke God, the people is ravished by the pleasantness of the voice.  

The abuses of Ecclesiastical Music.  But now let us declare the cautions which are to be observed, to the end we may lawfully and fruitfully use singing in the Church. The first is: That in Music be not put the whole sum & effect of godliness, and of the worshipping of God. For among the Papists they do almost every where think that they have in the churches fully worshipped God, when they have long & much song and bleated. Farther, we must take heed that in it be not put merit or remission of sins. For there are very many Priests and Monks, which for this cause do think they have very well deserved of God, because they have song very many Psalms. Yea and the Pope also, Cardinals, Bishops & Abbots, when they have heard songs of Masses and Euensonges, do oftentimes pronounce unto the people indulgences of sins. This vice also is to be taken away, that singing be not so much occupied in the Church, that there be no time in a manner left for to preach the word of God and holy doctrine, as they do almost every where. For they so chant all things with singing and piping, that there is no part of the time reserved for preaching. Whereby it cometh to pass, that the people depart out of the Church full of Music and harmony, but yet hungerstoruen and fasting as touching heavenly doctrine. Moreover, so rich & large stipends are appointed for Musicians, that either very little, or in a manner nothing is provided for the Ministers which labour in the word of God. Neither may that broken & quavering Music be lawfully retained, wherewith the standers by are so letted, that they cannot understand the words, no though they would. We must also take heed, that in the Church nothing be song without choice, but only those things which are contained in the holy scriptures, or which are by just reasons gathered out of them, and do exactly agree with the word of God. For if there should be a window opened unto the inventions of men, it were to be feared, least Ecclesiastical Music should at the last be changed into trifles and fables. Yea, we already see, that there are brought into the assembly very many foolish Sequences (as they call them) and feigned Hymns, and many other things also which do stir up unto the hearers rather a laughter and a weariness, 
Hymns of Ambrose.  than a true faith. Neither do I speak these things as though I would dispraise the Hymns of Ambrose, and other which are of that kind, forasmuch as by them I judge that the faithful may be both instructed, and also admonished. 
The Symbol of Athanasius. The Psalms of Augustine. The Psalms of chrysostom.  The Symbol of Athanasius seemeth also to be allowed, and the Psalms of Augustine against the Donatists: and also the Psalms of chrysostom (of which the Ecclesiastical history of Eusebius maketh mention in the .7. book) if they were remaining. For whatsoever things were written in them, we must believe that they agree with the holy scriptures, and that they do advance the edification of the faithful in the Church. 
The Psalms of Valentine.  But contrariwise the Psalms of Valentine (of which Tertulian maketh mention) are above all things to be condemned. 
Psalms in the honour of Samosatenus.  And with them the most corrupt Psalms which were song in the Temple in the honour of Paulus Samosatenus, as the history of Sozomenus declareth.  
But now to conclude the matter, I affirm that godly & religious songs may be retained in the Church: and yet I confess that there is no precept given in the new Testament of that thing. Wherefore if there be any Church, 
There is no precept given for the having of Music in the Church.  which upon just causes useth it not, the same Church cannot justly be condemned, so that it defend not that the thing itself of his own nature, or by the commandment of God is unlawful, and that it do not for the same cause reprove other Churches, which use singing & Music, or else exclude them from the fellowship of Christ. For the Church of Alexandria (as it is before said) used either very little singing, or else almost none at al. For they saw the infirmity of the people to be so great, that they gave more heed to the harmony, than they did to the words. Wherefore if in these days we shall perceive, that the Christian people do run unto the Churches as to a stage play, where they may be delighted with piping & singing, in this case we must rather abstain from a thing not necessary, than to suffer their pleasures to be cockered with the destruction of their souls. But now I think it good to return unto the history.  
Then sang Deborah and Barak. 
Who made this song.  It seemeth that Deborah alone made this ditty: for the spirit of prophecy had pierced her, and not Barak. Howbeit he is joined with her, because even as in the battle he was the Captain, so also among the singers, and those which gave thanks unto God, he was the chief.  
In that day. We may thus enterprise, that in the self same day of victory, this song of victory was both made and also song: which liketh me very well, that we might hereby learn straightway to give thanks for the benefits received. For to defer it, as some do, 
It is vicious to defer thanks giving.  it can scarcely be defended from the vice of ingratitude. Neither can the manner of certain men be commended, which to obtain any thing at God's hands cease not with most importunate vows to pray unto him, but when they have obtained their request, they scarce return unto God, to give him thanks sometimes at the last.  
The ethnics (as we gather by good authors writers of histories) when they had gotten the victory, did straightway sing hymns in praises of their Gods: 
Conquerors did straightway sing Hymns unto their gods  & if they with so great a study gratified their false Gods, how much more ought we for the benefits which we have received, without any tarrying to offer thanks unto the true and lively God, whom we worship.  
Praise ye the Lord for the avenging of Israel. Because this Hebrew word Perag is doubtful, therefore the sense thereof may be taken divers ways. first, it signifieth to make naked & to spoil, as it is put in Exodus, when Aaron took golden ornaments of the Israelites, to make the molten Calf. For he was reproved of Moses, because he had with ignominy made naked the people. Wherefore according to this signification the sense of the ditty is: give thanks unto God, which first made you naked both of strength and of his aid, when we were given over unto the Chananites. Furthermore, give him thanks, because he hath afterward made you prompt both to take in hand war, and also to recover your liberty. Each of these actions of God is to be praised, 
To the elect 〈◊〉 is profitable both to be● c●st down, & 〈◊〉 be deliver We must 〈◊〉 thanks o● God for prosperity & adversity  for they turned to good to his people. For the dejection calleth them back to repentance, and the delivery delivereth them from a grievous yoke. Let god therefore be praised, which both leadeth to hell, and bringeth from hell. Neither must we give him thanks only for prosperous things, but also for adversity. Also this word Perag signifieth to revenge: and by this means forasmuch as revengement may be referred to two things, the sense of it also may be taken two ways.  
The first is: That god in oppressing the Israelites, and delivering them to the Chananites, revenged the injury that was done unto himself, wherein they did grievously offend him, when they fell to impiety and idolatry. Neither doth this latter sentence vary any thing from the first. Forasmuch as by this way also Deborah commandeth to give thanks unto god for the former afflictions. For to the godly adversity also turneth to good.  
For the Saints when they have fallen, are wont by scourges wherewith they are punished to be called back again to repentance, which repentance God poureth in them by divers and many vexations. The third sense is, which is every where, and almost received of all men: That they should give thanks unto God, which at the last had revenged the injuries of the Israelites. For they were before long time, & that grievously oppressed by the Chananites. And then by the spirit of God they were made willing and prompt, which before were such abjects and cowards. Two things therefore are expressed, namely, that God confounded the Chananites, in revenging the evils which they had done unto the jews, and also that he strengthened them in the battle. If God revenged them, 
We do not ask those things of God which are in our own power.  they by themselves could not revenge themselves. If he made them willing, they themselves were not such. Wherefore free will is put down, and the goodness of god commended. For even as we do not ask of god those things which we have in our own hands and power: so for these things when they happen unto us, we give him no thanks.   

3 Hear ye Kings, hearken ye Princes: I, even I will sing unto the Lord, I will sing praise unto the Lord God of Israel.  
Why she calleth Kings in special, there may be many reasons alleged. The first is, because all the jews were called in a manner Kings. For God made that nation both a kingdom and a priesthood unto himself. They were all therefore so called, even as we of Christ are called Christians, or anointed, of our only head Christ, which was chief anointed with the oil of righteousness and grace.  

An admonition to Magistrates  Farther, he maketh an Apostrophe to kings, because that she song these words not only for her time, but also having a regard to the time to come: wherefore by her, all Princes and Magistrates are in especial admonished, because they being puffed up with pride and riches, both think and also affirm that the people should look for safety at their hands. But now they are taught by the word of God, that it is he which defendeth and keepeth, although sometimes thereunto he useth the help of them that are preserved. Lastly, Deborah speaketh to strange kings, which had determined with themselves to destroy the Israelites, and exhorteth them diligently to weigh with themselves the things which God hath done, and to mark how he knoweth to avenge his people in due tyme.  
I, even I (saith she) will sing. The repeating of the pronoun of the first person, is not only used of poets, but also of Orators: neither doth it only adorn the oration, 
Virgil. Cicero.  but also move the affections, and stirreth up men unto admiration. Virgil saith: I, even I am present which did it, turn your weapon against me. Cicero also saith: Ah I miserable man the goods, the goods I say of Gnaius Pompeius, were most cruelly by the voice of the crier. etc. This now is, as if Deborah should have said: I although a woman, yet a Prophet. I although a woman, yet a saviour of Israel will sing unto my God.  
They use to put a certain difference between these two latin words canere that is, to sing, and psallere which is also to sing: but because that difference is not always observed, yea, one is taken oftentimes for an other, therefore I willingly overpass it.   

4 Lord, when thou goest out of Seir, when thou departedst out of the field of Edom, the earth trembled, the clouds also dropped water.  
5 The mountains melted before the Lord, as did that Sinai before the Lord God of Israel.  
In the ditties and periods of songs and of the prophets this is a common use, that the latter part differeth not from the first, as touching sense, 
Why in the periods of the holy scriptures one sentence is repeated.  but containeth the same thing, the words being somewhat changed: which thing also in the proverbs of Solomon is easy to mark. And I doubt not that the same is done upon just causes. Forasmuch as of the holy ghost nothing is done rashly or unprofitably. The sentences also which are entreated of in those books, are very grave, and therefore by that tarrying in them, our dullness is helped. For it quickly passeth over the sense of the first part: therefore the latter part being all one with the first, maketh us to give more attentive heed. furthermore our hardness is so great, that to one stroke it useth not to give place. Wherefore it is no marvel if God strike it with a double stroke. And when the words are changed, the efficacy and weight of the sentence already spoken, is more and more expressed. The want of human speech is helped, which want is such, that at one speaking, the whole signification of a weighty sentence can not be opened. Wherefore by that repetition, that which is not expressed by the first words, is expounded by other words which serve for the same thing.  
God therefore, by whose conduct this victory was obtained, is to be praised: which is by very good reason done, forasmuch as his benevolence towards Israel is proved to be no strange or new benevolence. Wherefore Deborah celebrateth him as an old and ancient patron of the jews. From the time (saith she) wherein the Israelites at thy commandment, walked .38. years by divers writers (as it is written in the .2. of deuteronomy) about mount Seir, and then at the length by thy will departing from thence, they went forward to the land of Chanaan, thou nobly takest in hand their cause. For thou going with us in a pillar of fire, and of a cloud, so fearedst the Chananites our enemies, that they were not able to resist us, which were otherwise weak and feeble. Before when we went about the mountain, they lived in security, and stoutly contemned us. But when thou leddest us out of those places, such a fear came upon them, that even the earth seemed to tremble, and the heavens and clouds cast down great tempests and showers. And it was so great as though the mountains should roll down great heaps of water, to the inferior valleys. By these alligories Deborah describeth the fear that was driven into the Amorites and Chananits. And it is no marvel (saith she) if at thy sight they were so troubled, when as this Sina was not able to abide the descending down upon it, when in old time thou gavest the law, for it was altogether shaken, & it wonderfully trembled. Let the prudent reader mark that there wanteth this particle Caph. Which is a note of a similitude, which should be here put. This Sinai is written simply: when as we must understand even as this Sina in the old time was moved, so they at our coming were sore afraid & trembled. To mount Seir or Edom, which is now mentioned, in the .30. chap. of deuteronomy (where almost the same thing is written) is Pharan added, namely a mountain lying hard by it, and the like thing is red in the Psalm. The Rabbins of the Hebrews do bring trifles, 
A farned thing of the Rabines  and say that God did therefore come from Seir when he would give the law, because he would first have given the law unto the Edomites: which when they refused, he went unto mount Sina to the Hebrews, which received the law, with a willing and glad heart. But these fables are not drawn out of the holy scriptures, but spring out of their own invention, which immoderately commend their own nation, as though they by their own judgement & upright will, had deserved to receive the law of God. But others think, that God when he came to Sinai, was seen to have descended from those mountains of the Edomites, as though he should begin to go from thence unto the Israelites. This also is but a weak reason. The first interpretation fitteth best, for as touching the history, when God caused the Israelites to pass over beyond the mountain, than were the Chananites sore afeard, especially when Og, and Sihon the kings were slain.   

6 In the days of Sangar the son of Anath, in the days of jahel the high ways were unoccupied, and the travailers walked through by-ways.  
7 The towns of Israel were not inhabited, they decayed, until I Deborah rose up, which rose up a mother in Israel.  
Hitherto is God commended as the ancient defender of the Israelites, but now is set forth this present victory. And is handled by comparison because it is declared that God had now granted far greater things than before he had given, when Deborah was not yet stirred up. For Sangar (of whom we before entreated) although he obtained some victory over his enemies, and did somewhat for the safety of the people, yet he did not perfectly set the Hebrews at liberty. Neither performed jahel a full delivery. For in their time the high ways also were not then safe, and men were compelled, either not to go forward, or else to travail through by-ways and unknown places. And things were come to that point, that villages, and towns which were not fenced and enclosed with walls, were clean forsaken. Wherefore merchandise, husbandry, & judgements were hindered, and the jews were compelled to keep themselves in cities well fenced, except they would have been made prays unto the Chananits. And this misery endured from the oppression of jabin to the dominion of Deborah.  
But it may seem marvelous, why he maketh mention of Sangar & jahel both together. Some think that she judged Israel after Sangar. But for asmuch as the holy scriptures writ not so, I dare not affirm it. I think rather that she was named with Sangar for honour's sake: as though she should have said: Although GOD hath by her now killed even Sisera, and that hitherto GOD hath loved her, yet as long as she hath lived unto this present day, the calamity of Israel hath endured, neither was it taken away. This Hebrew word Perzon in the singular number signifieth, villages, and towns without walls and fences: and therefore it is construed with a verb of the plural number, namely Chadelu. 
Virgil.  Farther we must note that this verb Chadelu is twice repeated, for it is put both in the beginning and in the end of the sentence, as in that verse of Virgil: He demanded many things of Priam, & many things of Hector.  
She saith that she rose up as a mother in Israel, because she was stirred up not to reign as a tyrant. Certayn do sometimes fight for their country, and do seem as though they would set it at liberty, 
Cesar.  but afterward the same men do oppress it no less than enemies. Cesar seemed to have delivered the frenchmen and the Germans from the yoke of the Romans, 
●arius Silla.  but he utterly oppressed the public wealth, that is, the liberty of the people. The same thing went Marius and Silla about.  

What is the property of a lawful prince.  And here is touched the duty of a lawful and good prince. And that is to have a fatherly mind toward his people. Wherefore Senators were called fathers, and they were named Patres conscripti. That is, appointed fathers, whose families also were called Patritiae. And assuredly in the old time it was counted an excellent and a most noble title to be called a father of his country, for tuli esteemed it to be so honourable unto him, that he said: The city of Rome called Cicero the father of the country.   

8 When he choosed new Gods, than was their war in the gates, if there were a shield or spear seen among .40000. of irael.  
These words are expounded two manner of ways, and that not unaptly. First, it may be said, that war did then straightway oppress the jews, and that the enemy also besieged their gates and cities, when they declined unto Idolatry. According to which interpretation the election is referred unto Israel, and this word Elohim, shallbe the accusative case, so that there is a reason showed of the misery wherewith the hebrews were afflicted. Undoubtedly they were therefore bruised and made afeard, and also not one of many thousands which durst take a shield, or shake a spear, because they had polluted themselves with idolatry. And Deborah testifieth this to be so true, that she may confirm it even with an oath. Which this particle (If) which is here put declareth moreover we may in this sort interpret it: I Deborah after that I was stirred up of God, there was war in the gates, either of the tents, or else because the Hebrew soldiers which before kept themselves within, were now gone forth of the gates: because god hath now chosen new things, that is, he hath brought in a new show and form of things longing unto the Israelites. Our men durst do nothing hitherto, which now burst forth and assail their enemies. It is god therefore, which hath chosen new things: And this word Elohim in that sense shallbe the nominative case. The things which god hath now wrought, are not unworthily called new things: For it is a rare and an unaccustomed thing, that armed soldiers should be vanquished of unarmed men. And the hebrews were so with out weapons, that not among xl. C. men was found so much as one shield or spear.  
This Hebrew word Aim is a particle of one that sweareth, and is very much used in the holy scriptures. I have sworn in mine anger, if they shall enter into my rest. Also: Lord if I have done this, or if there be iniquity in my hands etc. The reason of this kind of speech is, because they which do so swear, do begin an execration, and sometimes they perform it not. If, say they, they should add. I do it, let this or that happen unto me, let me perish, let me die, let me suffer cruel punishment, and such like. But sometimes they fully express it.   

9 My dart is set on the governors of Israel, and on them that are willing among the people, praise ye the Lord.  
10 Speak ye that ride on white asses, ye that dwell by Middin, and that walk by the way.  
Deborah by an eloquent distribution turneth herself to divers kinds of men, & exhorteth every one of them to praise the Lord. She maketh mention of princes before the other, and saith that her heart is set on them, namely because she fervently desireth them to be thankful unto God, and to praise him for the benefit which they have received. She calleth them Hokekei, because to them pertained to make both decrees and laws. afterward she speaketh of all those, which of their own will and accord had offered themselves unto the battle.  
Ye which ride on white trim asses. Almost all interpreters understand this to be spoken of merchants, which ride to and fro to fairs and markets. 
Asses are used in Syria.  And indeed asses are very much used in Syria: for there the asses be strong, and mighty and of a good big stature, and do go pleasantly.  
Which dwell by Middin, Some understand it thus, that they which are judges should be provoked to praise God. For (say they) as she had before stirred up merchants and rich men to praise God, so now she calleth upon judges to do the same. For as before merchants were hindered from their trades, also were judges letted from exercising judgements. For they being oppressed of their enemies could not minister justice. But it is better that by this word Middin be expressed some certain place, which peradventure was grievouslier oppressed by the enemies than other places were. Or else because their merchandises were wont to be much occupied, which being now set at liberty & in safety, the inhabiters of that place are peculiarly stirred up to praise God, And lastly this seemeth to pertain to the common people. Which walk by the way. Namely on foot. For other, either they did ride, or were carried upon asses, for that they were rich and noble men. All ye (saith she) Schichu, that is tell, and show. But because that verb signifieth also to meditate, we will thus expound it: with a ready and an attentive mind tell or show. Or else it is said, Ye which walk by the way, to declare a certain cause why they ought to give thanks: as though she should have said: All ye, which I have mentioned, therefore give thanks unto God, because now ye may walk by the way freely.   

11 For the noise of the archers appeased in the places where water is drawn, there shall they rehearse the righteousness of the Lord, his righteousness of his towns in Israel, them did the people of the lord go down to the gates.  
When she had now praised God, because he had restored the common high ways free unto the Hebrews, she addeth now an other benefit which he had bestowed on them, 
Water is a very necessary thing in Syria  namely in that they might with out fear draw water, which before was in a manner wholly letted them. This thing undoubtedly, although in other places it seemeth to be of no great value, yet in Syria where is wonderful great scarecety of water, it ought to be counted for an excellent gift. The wells or fountains which were without the cities by the streets and high ways, could stand the jews in no stead, by reason of the Chananites which kept away all things. For the horsemen which were archers, hid themselves privily near such waters, and assailed those which came forth to draw water there. Many of them they led away captives, and with their noise and cry, they feared away in a manner all from drawing of water. Ye have now escaped (saith Deborah) the horrible and barbarous noises and cries of horsemen, which were archers used to cry with an horrible voice when they assail their enemies, jeremy in the .4. chap. testifieth. And the whole city (saith he) fled away at the cry of the horsemen, which they made whilst they bended their bows.  
After that is setforth an other singular benefit, namely that the little towns and villages, which wanted fences, and were not enclosed with walls, and seemed to be desolate and empty by reason of the enemies which besieged them, are now by the help of God reedefied and restored. Wherefore she concludeth that for this cause also, god must worthily be praised. Lastly is added, that the people of god might now assemble at the gates of the cities, 
Why they give judgements in the gates.  from the which before they were altogether prohibited. The judgement place in the old time was wont to be in the gates where they executed laws. But by reason of wars and oppressions it seemeth that judgements ceased, which thing how great a misery it bringeth to the public wealth, they do manifestly understand, which are not ignorant that in judgements in a manner the whole power of the public wealth is contained. But why the Hebrews executed these things in the gates, this seemeth to me to be the cause, because they thought those places most meet to be chosen, unto which not only the citizens, but also the rustical and husband men might easily come. And the undoubtedly could not be better done in any other place, then in the very gates of the cities. give thanks therefore unto God, saith Deborah, because all these things by his aid have now recovered their old form and order.   

12 Arise, arise Deborah, arise, arise, sing a song. Up Barak, and lead thy captivity captive, thou son of Abinoam.  
Forasmucch as Deborah studied to inflame all the Israelites to give thanks unto god, by an eloquent figure she now stirreth up herself, that thereby others might be pricked forward, and endeavour themselves by her example to praise God. Go to, Go to, Deborah, go to, go to sing a song. This without doubt, is, the manner of saints in their Psalms and songs that they never satisfy themselves in praising God, they always think that they are to cold, and for that cause every where they use such stirrings up of themselves. Here R. Solomon doteth, 
A feigned ●●sition of R. ●●lomon.  when he writeth, that Deborah did to much boast of herself, and therefore when her spirit began to wax faint, she endeavoured herself by such stirring up to kindle it again. If these things are spoken by the spirit, as in very deed they are, there can no sin be in them without a great fault. Wherefore let Solomon go whether he will with his fables. Lead thy captivity captive. She exhorteth Barac to triumph & with a certain pomp to boast of his captives. For by that means it seemed that the honour and name of God should more and more be illustrated, when all men understood, that the Chananites were now captives unto the hebrews who before thought that they would either utterly destroy the hebrews or else take them prisoners. This is the punishment of the just law called the law of the like, that they should justly suffer those things, which they unjustly went about to do unto others. furthermore the Rabbins have here noted that the song is peculiarly ascribed unto Deborah, because she was a Prophetess: but the triumph was given unto Barac, because in the battle he had fought against his enemies.   

13 Then they that remain have dominion over the mighty of the people: the Lord hath given me dominion over the string.  
Again the victory is by a comparison amplified, not as it was before, with the evils and discommodities wherewith the Israelites were oppressed, but the conquerors are very aptly copared with them which were overcome. They which were overcome were undoubtedly of great renown, valeant, expert in wars, & noble, but our men seem to be like remnants, for few came unto the battle and those few were of few tribes. Besides that those few which came were men despised and of no reputation. For that commonly such are remnantes, namely to be both small in number, and also vile and abject, if it be compared with other, whose remnant they are. Howbeit these remnants, what manner of men so ever they were, they had the dominion, and were governors over the noble men.  
The Lord hath given me dominion. This is added by correction, lest any man should think that any thing in this battle is attributed unto man's strength. It is the Lord himself which overcometh and hath dominion. Nevertheless hath done this by me. That word Li may be thus understand, as though she should say through me: or as God would overcome by her: or the joy, approbation and pleasure is noted which she conceived in mind of this great honour of God.   

14 Out of Ephraim was there a root of them again Amalek, & after thee Benjamin against thy people, out of Machir came rulers, and of Zebulon they that draw with the pen of the writer.  
15 And the princes of Isaschar were with Deborah and Isaschar: so Barak was sent on his feet in the valley: in the divisions of Reuben were great thoughts of heart.  
vergil and Homer rehearsed the order and number of the ships captains & people, which were helpers unto those princes whom they praised: so now Deborah rehearseth those of the people of Israel which came to take in hand this war.  

Deborah was of the tribe of Ephraim.  A root of them, that is a prince of Ephraim. This I think pertaineth to Deborah herself: for as it seemeth, she was of Ephraim and judged the people under the oak of Ephraim as is before said, and without doubt this war was taken in hand by her conduct and admonitions. But this seemeth somewhat dark, in that it is said that the battle was appointed against Amalek, but by a figure or figurative kind of speech, we must by Amalek understand the Chananites also. Howbeit I am not ignorant, that by this root of Ephraim, some understand josua, who was both an Ephraite, and also fought against Amalek, as it appeareth in the book of Exodus: and they suppose that in these things which follow, therefore is made mention of the tribe of Benjamin, to declare & show forth that Saul which should come of the tribe of Benjamin should within a while afterward finish the war against the Amalekites which thing we read was done in the first book of Samuel. This exposition, as I do not abject, so also I do not easily allow it: because I do not think that the acts of josuah are now rehearsed, neither can I be persuaded that Deborah by the spirit of Prophecy, did Prophecy of those things which should come to pass in the time of Saul. I will omit therefore that interpretation, and return unto mine own. Some of the tribe of Benjamin did at the beginning join themselves unto Deborah, although (as I judge) they were very few of them. But out of Machir (which was a noble family of the tribe of Manasses) came some notable men. Zabulon also was not without some Doctors, Lawyers, & Scribes, which were better with a pen than with weapons, and that is signified, in that it is said. They which draw with the pen of the writer, that is, which were exercised in drawing the pen. And the tribe of Isaschar is wonderfully commended, for from it came princes, yea even at the beginning. Furthermore it is added that Isaschar was as Barac. For as Barac was sent unto mount Thabor, so it seemeth that Isaschar with his footmen was sent into the valley, and there he then on each side invaded the enemies, when the battle being begun the Israelites were in danger, there the Israelites behaved themselves valiantly. Wherefore justly are they in this place exceedingly praised. The complices therefore of this war are mentioned, namely, Ephraim, Benjamin, a part of Manasses, Isaschar, Zabulon, and Nepthalim. But there is nothing spoken of juda, Simeon, Levi, and Gad. Afterward are reprehended Reuben, Dan, Aser, and peradventure all of the tribe of Manasses, as we shall hereafter see. Wherefore they above named which aided in the battle, were worthily called remnants, because they were both few in number and also of no reputation.  
In the little brooks of Reuben. The tribe of Reuben is reproved because it detracted the battle. They dwelled beyond jordane in the Pastors, and it seemeth, that by reason of their sheep and cattle they had no regard unto the public wealth. The places of the Rubenites are not unworthily called rivers: for they had gotten fertile pastors by the river of jordane. He attributeth unto them greatness and wisdom, but he accuseth them for this, namely, because they had so great a care unto their own things. Such a thing seemeth here to have come pass, as is that which is set forth in the parable of the Gospel, namely, that divers which were bidden unto the wedding refused to come, because some would go prove a yoke of oxen, some had bought a Town, and other some also had married a wife. But of the remnants which were gathered out of the streets & high ways, was the wedding fulfilled. So also cometh it to pass in our days, when kings, Emperors, Princes, Noble and mighty men of this world do therefore despise the profession of the Gospel, because they prefer their own commondities before religion and heavenly things.   

16 Why abidest thou among the shepefolds, to hear the bleatings of the flocks? in the divisions of Reuben were great thoughts of heart.  
17 Gilead abode beyond jordane: but why doth Dan remain in ships? Aser sat on the sea shore, and tarried in his decayed places.  
Reuben is described both by the art of a shepherd which he exercised and also by the places of Pastors which he inhabited: and therewith all it is showed that they were great men, and men of a wise understanding, peradventure to reprehend their swelling and pride, as though they would not obey the commandments and conduct of Deborah being a woman. This is the nature of high minds, that they think that all things that they do, are well done. But in that it is added, To hear the bleatinges of flocks: it may be understand plainly as though the Rubenites had more mind to the bleating of cattle, than they had to the regard of the public wealth, but some understand Allegorically, saying that the Rubenites sat still among the sheepfolds by the fertile pastors of jordane, although they heard they lamentations and complaints of the flocks of Israel, that is of the people of God, with which lamentations and complaints they earnestly implored their aid.  
Gilead abode by the river of jordane, or beyond jordane. Some think that the Galaadites were reprehended together with the Rubenites, because they also with their cattle abode by jordane, and neglected this battle. Half the tribe of Manasses, unto which the Galaadites pertained, when the land of Chanaan was divided, obtained the region beyond jordan together with the Rubenites. They which thus expound it, are encumbered with a certain doubt, because it is before said that Machir came: and he was both the son of Manasses, and also possessed the mount Gilead. Therefore if Gilead came as it is before said, why is he here reproved as though he came not? Peradventure they will answer, 
Two sons of Manasses.  that Manasses had two children Machir, & jair, of which children were two families derived, of which either possessed part of Gilead. Wherefore it might be, that Machir, of whom before is mention had, came: but Jair is now reproved, which together with the Rubenites neglected this battle. But other, with whom I agree, do thus think, that the things which are now spoken serve to aggravate the crime of the Rubenites as though it should have been said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Thou Reuben without doubt dwellest by the rivers of jordane, and there dwelleth Gilead also, who came for all that to the battle. Therefore all excuse both of dwelling and place is cut of from the Rubenites. And it seemeth that this sentence should be spoken by a certain interrogation. Did not Gilead also dwell by the rivers of jordane? Wherefore cease Reuben to excuse that which thou hast naughtily committed.  
Why doth Dan go to the ships? 
The situation of the Danites  This can not be understand of ships longing to the sea, for as much as the lot of the Danites fell not by the sea side: but we must understand it of the ships of jordane. Not as though Dan did altogether dwell by jordan, but (as they say) this tribe was so feared with the sight of the hosts, that they fled unto their ships, to pass over to the Rubenites. And that, even as it was filthy and uncomely so also is it now justly & worthily blamed.  
Aser sat on the sea shore, and in his decayed places. Aser is also blamed, who seemeth to have excused his absence: first because he dwelled far of, that is, by the sea shore: secondly because his Cities and Towns were decayed and unfensed. And therefore would he tarry at home, for fear lest if he had gone, his enemies should easily have had occasion to invade his borders. For, for as much as he possessed places which were weak, he thought that if he were absent, his neighbours would easily berive him of them. I do not doubt, but that it was grievous and troublesome to those tribes so to be reprehended, which yet the holy ghost would have done: partly that they being admonished, might repent: partly the other and we also being by this example stirred up, might not refuse to obey the word of God yea though it be with danger: which if we shall not perform, as these men are now reproved, so also shall we in the last day of judgement, not only be reproved with ignominy and irrecoverable hurt, but also we shallbe damned for ever.   

18 But the people of Zebulon have jeopardy their souls unto the death, and Nepthalim in the high places of the field.  
She praised the tribe of Zebulon and Nepthalim for their deserts because they had put forth to reproach their soul, that is their life. For other men counted than fools, because so few and unarmed men durst rashly take in hand war against so many and well appointed soldiers as they thought. Or They put their soul to reproach, because they nothing esteemed their life, and in a manner counted it as a vile thing, putting themselves forth into most certain danger of death, if they should look upon man's judgement. Howbeit they are for the same cause very much to be commended, because they preferred both God and also his word before their own life. And it is added. In high places of the field, or else in high fields, because those were soldiers led unto mount Thabor, from which place they might easily behold the whole host of their adversaries. But although they behold them, yet were they not so feared, to leave of their enterprise.   

19 The kings came and fought: then fought the kings of Chanaan in Thaanach and by the waters of Megiddo: they received no gain of money.  
Now is described the form of the battle or victory. She saith in the plural number that kings came and fought: because peradventure Sisera had very many other rulers joined with him, who although they were not there in person, they had for all that their hosts there. Or else by a figurative kind of speech the plural number is put for the singular number, as is this sentence of the Poet. But we have gone a great space of the sea. 
Virgil. Cicero.  Cicero also saith, we have deceived the people, we seemed to have been orators. Thaanah, and Megiddo, seemed to have been rivers in the tribe of Manasses which had by them two Cities of the same names, not far from mount Thabor. We must think therefore that the host of Sisera possessed all the plain ground which lay between these two Towns. 
Cicero.  And those repetitions, for one verb serve to adorn the sentence or song. Nilchamiu Are Nilchamiu, that is they fought then, they fought as Cicero also saith: No man looketh upon the matter, no man considereth the reason, etc. so that between two words repeated he putteth this one word (no man) This word also Melachim that in kings is repeated. 
Cicero.  For it is said that the kings came, and that they fought as Cicero also saith, This O fathers appointed is found to be your act, and not mine, and undoubtedly it is a most noble act: but not mine (as I have said) but yours.  
They received no gain of money. This may we thus understand, they came to enrich themselves with the spoils of their enemies: but that came not to pass according to their expectation. But others interpret these words more subtly, saying, that the enemies so deadly hated the Israelites, that they had no regard to the gain of the pray, but they would fight under Sisera against the Israelites even without wages, that is, as it is said, without meat and drink & harness. Some refer it to this, that they think those enemies of the people of God were such bloodsuckers, that if in the battle they had gotten any of the hebrews, they would take no ransom of them, but straight way slay them, being such as desired not the pray, but only thirsted for their blood.   

20 They fought from heaven, the stars from their courses fought against Sisera.  
She maketh mention of the help that came from heaven & from the stars, by the will and government of God. But how that came to pass, is not expressed. But it might be, that fire was sent among the enemies, or that hailstones thundering and lightnings (as josephus affirmeth) afflicted the Chananites. Peradventure also the wind so stirred up the dust in the face of the Chananites: (as Levi writeth happened unto the Romans in the battle of Cannensis) that they could utterly see nothing at all. 
Livius.   
The stars from their courses fought. That is from their degrees and stations, lest any man should think that they descended from heaven, or departed from their course.   

21 The river Kison swept them away, the river of ancients, the river Kison, O my soul thou hast marched valiantly.  
To the help of the heaven and of the stars, the river favourably joined itself: for it swelled, when as otherwise it was wont to be but small. Wherefore it was so increased, that it both choked and swept away many of the enemies. But this word Goth signifieth not by any means to sweep, but as it happeneth when a house is sweapte or made clean with brooms, for than what soever is unclean, it is together with the dust cast forth. So in this destruction, they which were counted noble, were in the same sort sweapte away, as if they had been dust and filth. This word River is often repeated in this verse, which undoubtedly is pleasant, when it is in due place done: which I therefore speak, lest any should think these repetitions to be to no purpose. Yea and Cicero also writeth in solute oration: 
Cicero.  When I shall come again into favour with Appius Claudius, and shall come again by Cu. Pompeius: I therefore when I shall come again, etc. And this Kyson is called Kedumim as though it had two names, and were called by both the names, or else because there peradventure was some other river so called, which river because it ran into Kyson, gave it also his name. But some translate that word of Ancientness, namely of Counsels: because God himself had before the foundations of the world were laid, created and appointed that river to this purpose, to be an aid unto him in this victory in time to come. It chanced not so, that the whole host of Sisera was drowned in that river. For how could that be, when there was an incredible number of soldiers, and the river of so narrow a breadth? But as it is to be thought, the chiefrulers & captains which entered into the water with their horses & chariots, were drowned: which thing when the other soldiers saw, their courage was both dawnted, & also they turned themselves to flight. And we see this to come to pass oftentimes in camps, that those things which of their own nature seem to be of no great value, do much profit either this party or the part in the victory. This act without doubt hath some affinity, with the drowning of Pharaoh, but that the sea is not so well compared with a little river: neither did a part of pharao's host perish in the Sea, but the whole host was overwhelmed in it. But all these men (as we have said) were not drowned in Kison. Farther the rashness of the Egyptians seemed greater than these men's, when as it is much more foolish to enterprise to pass over the sea, then to wade over a river.   

22 Then were the houfes of the horses broken with the oft beating together of the mighty men.  
Here is set forth the third calamity, namely that their horses hooves were broken. By nature in deed the horse houfes are mighty and strong, neither are they easily cloven, but the spurring of them forward to ruin was so great in this conflict, that they were worn away. This word Sos, that is a horse, is spoken in the singular number. And that number is also used of our men both poets and Orators, in stead of the plural number. For we say that France hath overcome Spain, 
Virgil.  and Virgil sayeth: The stout Roman was no less valiant than his fathers. When the houses of the horses were broken and torn, the horsemen could neither invade the hebrews, neither yet were they able to save themselves by flying away. The hebrews because they want a superlative degree, therefore to express it, they double both nouns and verbs: as it is here said Miunharoth Deharoth that is of great and very often leapynges. Wherefore the repetition of one self same word serveth not only for the adorning of the sentence but also to express the vehemency of the signification. There are therefore three, discommodities now rehearsed, which came unto the Chananites, namely one from heaven, an other from the river, and the third of the houfes of the horses being broken.   

23 Curse ye Meroz (said the angel of the Lord) in cursing, curse the inhabiters thereof, because they came not to help the Lord, to help the Lord against the mighty.  
She curseth the City of Meroz which was great and nigh unto the place where the battle was fought, because they would not aid them which laboured, being also desired of them thereunto. Deborah curseth not the Cities and tribes which dwelled far of, because they, although they had no true excuses, yet had they some, such as they were. But these men which dwelled near at hand, saw the thing itself, and were called: & for as much as they would not hear, they justly and worthily fell, under these sharp and sore curses.  
Said the angel of the Lord. This she therefore putteth in, lest she should seem to speak of anger, as though she should have said: Even God himself hath commanded me thus to sing. Other understand by the angel, Barac, and that peradventure not ill: for it might be, that he went to the City to stir it up to fight, who when he saw the citizens to be so wilful & obstinate, by the impulsion of the spirit of God, he in this manner cursed it. As touching the composition, she maketh the conclusion with the help of Lord, & beginneth the next clause with the self same words, as doth Virgil: 
Virgil.  O ye Periedes do ye these noble things to Gallus, to Gallus I say, whose love doth daily so much increase towards me.  

What is to be judged of cursings & bannynge.  We have at large before handled the place of cursings, wherefore now I will not speak much of it. The Sum is: That it is not lawful for a man, to curse any man, for the satisfying of his own anger. For when our own matters are in hand, we must love our enemies: & we must bless than which curse us. But when God doth sometimes certainly make manifest, that he will have some destroyed, they which are so admonished of his will, can not but allow it, for by the spirit wherewith they are inspired, they will also the same thing the God wil And after this manner David & other Prophets burst forth oftentimes into cursings of the enemies of God, which self same men for all that, as they were men, by natural compassion which is not vicious, were not a little sorry for the destruction of the enemies of God. So Samuel, David, jeremy, yea & our saviour himself, wept & lamented the fall of ungodly men. Neither is it to be doubted, but the duties of this kind were very acceptable to God, for as much is they proceed from charity. Howbeit when we see some men cruelly to rage against the godly men and Gospel of God, it is lawful in that case to pray, that either their will may be changed, or their strength confounded, that they should not accomplish all the things which they appoint to do. Which things if they can not be obtained, this is at the least to be prayed for, the God will give us strength & might to suffer all such things which may advance his honour & glory. And we must diligently weigh, that this curse was therefore stirred up against the city Meroz, because they denied to help the people of god. What then is prepared for those, which do not only not help the servants of Christ, but persecute, grieve, and cruelly vex them? Farther we must mark, that it is said: these came not to help the Lord, as though God needed their aid: and that could not be as touching himself: howbeit God in his people wanteth help, and in the members of Christ when they are vexed, Christ himself is vexed. Wherefore he will say in the last day of judgement: I was hungry, and ye fed me, 
Math. 25.  I was thirsty and ye gave me drink etc. Wherefore let us hereby learn to obey when God calleth us as did the Israelites which are commended of Deborah, neither neglected they to take in hand the battle. Let us learn also to help those that are in need, especially when they follow their vocation.   

24 jahel the wife of Heber the Kenite shallbe blessed above other women, above women shall she be blessed in tents.  
When she had cursed the wicked City, by a contrary phrase she addeth a good prayer: as the City Meroz was worthy to be cursed, so of the contrary was jahel to be commended. Christ in the last day of judgement will not only say: Come ye blessed of my Father: but on the contrary part, he will add: Go ye cursed. Here is in his place a part of the salvation of the angel Mary, as it is described in Luke: Blessed art thou above women. Which clause is here twice put for the greater moving. But in that in this repetition it is added, In tents, it may be thus interpreted, For this cause let this woman be praised, because she dwelleth in tents. So that by a wonderful, compendiousness of one word, the slaying of Sisera is noted, which happened not in the camps, but was done in the tent. Or else we may say that jahel is to be praised above other women dwelling in tents. For the family of the Kenites dwelled not in houses but in tents. Wherefore she is praised above all the women Kenites, which are signified by this word tents.   

25 He asked water, and she gave him milk, she offered him butter in a cup of the mighty.  
jahel is here praised for her prudence and strength: 
For what virtues jahel is praised.  but the mother of these virtues is faith. It was prudence to call the enemy unto her, handsomely to cover him, and to give him milk to drink. Also to find out a hammer and a nail, and to chose out his head among the rest of the members which she would strike, and among the parts of the head to smite through the temples. Her might and strength is hereby known, because a woman durst enterprise such a notable act, and feared not to assail such and so great a Captain, but had a full confidence that she, notwithstanding that she was a woman, should be able to kill him. Peradventure thou wilt say, the Scripture maketh no mention here of faith. I grant that it doth not by express words: but when it is said she shallbe blessed or praised, her faith is noted. For we be all by nature the children of wrath, neither are any blessed with faithful Abraham, but by faith, as the Epistle to the Galathians testifieth.  
He asked water, and she gave him milk. That he might the easilier and sooner fall on sleep. Why mention is made of butter, this (as some say) is the cause, because out of that milk the butter was not yet cherned. And in deed of that kind of milk a man may drink a great draft, for as much as beside the quenching of thirst it hath also a certain sweetness.  
She used the cup of noble men. Which namely was a very great one. For noble men were wont to drink out of large and wide cups. 
Cicero.  Cicero also against Anthony sayeth. If so be that it had happened in the Supper time among thy great cups, who would not count it filthy etc. Yea and they were wont in banquets of noble men, at the latter end to bring forth great cups. Wherefore this witty woman, to the end she would provoke him to drink a very deep drought, used a cup apt for the fame. 
Kimbi.  R. D. Kimhi expoundeth these things, as though she gave him not only drink, but meat also. For he thinketh that when he had drunk, the woman did set butter before him to eat. Which exposition if we receive, we must then put out this word cup when as that is used for drink, and not for meat: unless by the manner of a cup we understand such a kind of vessel wherein meat also is wont to be put.   

26 She put her hand to the nail, and her right hand to the workman's hammer: with the hammer smote she Sisera, she smote of his head, wounded him, and pierced his temple.  
27 He was bowed down between her feet, he fell down, he slept between her feet he bowed himself, and fell: and when he bowed himself, there he fell down, destroyed.  
That which is translated, She put her hand, in the Hebrew it is put in the plural number, Taschlechavah, and yet the speech is but of one, namely of jahel, which seemeth can not aptly be done. Wherefore some do so expound it, that the two extreme letters of that word are added by this figure Pleonasmos, so that the number may be reduced to unity, that jahel be said to put her hand to the nail. Other think that the plural number, ought not to be referred unto jahel, but unto her strength & might, which extended her hands to these things. There are some also which to undo this herded doubt, say that the hands should be interpretated moved or put to, in the passive voice. For the right hand was put to the hammer, & the left hand unto the nail. Lastly, the order of the words which seemeth to be troublesome, of some is thus construed: Her hand unto the nail, 
A description.  namely her left hand: and her right hand to the workman's hammer, put themselves that is, desired or gave themselves unto it. And this is a very trim description, whereby this thing done is manifestly set before our eyes, neither maketh it us only in our minds to see the woman, holding in her hand the hammer & the nail, but also it showeth unto us one certain part of the body which was stricken, namely the head, and in the head, the very temples, because they are easily pierced. And undoubtedly that member was stricken of her, which being broken or pierced, the whole body is utterly left unprofitable. Farther, there are here described certain motions, which are proper unto such as perish suddenly, & by a violent kind of death. For when he was very sore wounded, & by overmuch pain in a manner astonished, he bowed his body twice or thrice. For he went about to rise, and wanting strength he fell down again, and miserably lay between the feet of jahel. So God throweth down and putteth to shame the arrogant and proud enemies of his people. For what thing can be thought to be more filthy, then for such a great captain to be spoiled of his host, to lie lurking, drunk, and snorting, and so to be killed of a woman?   

28 The mother of Sisera looked out at a window, and cried through the lattece: why is his chariot so long a coming? why stay they the wheels of his chariots?  
29 Her wise and noble Ladies answered her. She also comforted herself.  
30 Have they not found, & they divide the spoils? every man hath a maid or two: Sisera hath a prey of divers coloured garments: a pray of sundry colours made of needle work, of divers colours of needle work on both sides, for the chief of the spoil.  
In the last part of the song, to the end we might manifestly see, to how great a confusion and ignominy the enemies of God came unto, and from how great a hope they fell, the person of the mother of Sisera is brought in, and the words both of her, and of other noble women which were together with her, are setforth. She might have said in few words: The mother waited, that her son should return with glory and laden with spoils, whom the wretched woman knew not to have so miserably perished. But if she should so have said, the oration would have been slender and cold. Wherefore to make it of efficacy and vehement, the talk of the women is put here. Which manner also was very much used among the Ethnic writers, and it is read also in Esay the .14. chap. where is expressed the talk of kings and princes which were dead, 
A figurative speech is not to be accused as a lie.  with which they received the king of Babylon being miserably destroyed and discendinge down unto them. Neither do the holy writers lie when they feign such things, forasmuch as they writ not to deceive, but to declare the thing more openly. The motherly affection, & vehement natural love of the parents towards the children is here expressed, which for the long absence of their children are very much careful, and are many ways afflicted. It is said therefore that the mother of Sisera, whilst he desired to return, being troubled even herself oftentimes, looked out at the windows or thorough the latesses beyond the windows, to see if she could see him returning. And this she did not without crying and lamentation, suspecting by this his long tarrying that evil had happened unto him. But the women which stood by had a great deal better hope, for they interpreted the tarrying of Sisera in the good part. Terence in Adelphis hath notably well written. It is much better, 
Terence  that those things hap unto us which our wives in our absence suspect of us, than those things which our parents suspect. For when a man tarrieth long in a place, the wife saith with herself he loveth, or is loved, he is a drinking, his mind is pleased, and he is in so good case, that he forgetteth to return home. But the parents when their sons return not in time, by and by they are afraid, lest they have had some fall, lest they be a cold, or have broken something, and till such time as they return they are wonderful careful. Neither do I rehearse these things without a cause, because the old translation, writeth that that most wise princess of women which talked together with the mother of Sisera, was Siseras' wife. Wherefore it is no marvel if she were in better hope than his mother. But because heavy things are not pleasant, and even by the instinct of nature we fly from them, therefore they which upon suspicion are heavy do easily receive comfort. Wherefore it is now written, that the mother of Sisera was so satisfied with the words of the woman which comforted her, that she herself with the same words answered herself. When she was pricked with sorrow & heaviness. The some of the comfort was, that the victory was altogether on Siseras' side, but his return was differed to distribute the spoil which they had taken, and forasmuch as the same distribution ought justly to be done, namely to give unto every one according to his estate, labour, and desert, and for that in so great an host very many things are to be divided after so noble a victory: it could not therefore be done in a short time.  
This Hebrew word Racham, signifieth not properly a maid: but yet so must we translate it, because that woman being an enemy of the jews speaketh with great contempt of the Hebrew women, and nameth them by the secret part of the body, namely by the belly and womb. It is spoken by the figure Sinechdoche but very bitterly. For she signifieth that they were unchaste, and appointed to unhonest use. And forasmuch as the more noble rewards are wont to be given unto princes and the best things to the captain of the whole host, therefore she saith, to every man shallbe given a maid or two, that is, the pray of the rascal soldiers shallbe bondmen or bond women be given. But to our Sisera shallbe given the most worthiest things, garments I say of divers colours and needle work. Plini in his 8. book the .48. chap writeth that the men in the old time used to die their wool and garments with such sundry and pleasant colours, 
Plinius.  because they would imitate the most beautiful colours of flowers and herbs. And the same writer attributeth unto the babylonians the invention of divers colours in garments, and even as garments of silver which were found out in Asia under Attalus the king, were called Attalical, so those garments which were by the Phrygians wrought with the needle, being set out with gold and sundry colours and pictures, were called Phrigionical. And for that these workmanshippes were in the old time had in estimation, god would have the holy tabernacle, and the high priests garments wrought with needle work. And this is not to be passed over, that by the civil laws it was not lawful for every man to wear such precious garments. Wherefore it is said now in this song, that garments of sundry colours, and such as were wrought with the needle are attributed only to the prince. In the Code de vestibus oloberis, lege, Auratas, It is prohibited upon great punishment that any other men should were precious garments. 
Laws for apparel  And it is no doubt, but that in the old time there were laws for apparel, which at this day lie utterly void. These women spoke as they knew the manner then used, for they were not ignorant of the custom in war, whereby princely garments were not distributed to private men, but unto captains and emperors. 
Discipline of war among the elders.  furthermore we must consider that the elders used greater discipline in their camps, than at this day our men do. For when a town or city was sacked, every man had not that which he by violence took: all things were brought unto the king or Emperor, and not undoubtedly that he only should have them, but that he should part them according to the labour, dignity, and quality of the soldiers, which manifestly appeareth in the decrees, 23. question the .5. chapter Dixerit aliquis. They are the words of Ambrose in his book of Abraham the patriarch. And the same thing is most plainly taught, Dist. the .1. chap. Ius militare. This hebrew word Tsoari signifieth properly a neck or necks in the plural number, but in this place by translation it signifieth a captain or prince.   

31 So let all thine enemies perish, O Lord: But they that love thee let them be as the Sun when he riseth in his strength. And the land had rest .40. years.  
The things which are now mentioned, the holy Ghost doth therefore speak them by Deborah, to express with a great emphasis and signification, that those things do happen unto the ungodly which they be afeard of: & the things which they hope happen clean contrary. Therefore the song is now concluded with an elegant exclamation, and consisteth of things contrary: So let all thine enemies perish O Lord, as Sisera hath fallen. This her Apostrophe or turning to God stirreth us up, that we should with a singular affection embrace God the author of so great & notable acts. Deborah also in this speaking, declareth, that she setteth not forth her own cause, for she saith not, let my enemies perish, but thine. But they that love thee, let them continually increase in all kind of good things, as the sun increaseth from his rising, until it be none wherein he is most strong either from the spring time to the highest of summer. She addeth not, Let them that love him be saved as the Antithesis or contrary position required. For these two are contraries, namely to be saved, and to perish. But let them be increased, saith she, & strengthened, as the sun increaseth from his rising unto his strength. By this conclusion the use of example is taught under the form of a prayer. Sisera is overthrown, but the people of Israel is increased with a notable victory: so therefore shall it come to pass and hap unto us. We shallbe delivered if we be godly, & they which do persecute us for Christ's cause, shall perish. Wherefore it is profitable, by examples to gather out rules of the government of God, which rules with fruit let us apply unto our own things. This performed David, as touching this self same history, in his psalm, where he saith do unto them, as unto Middian, as unto Sisera, & jabin at the river Kyson. Wherefore the some of this history is to set before us the severity of god toward his enemies, & again his clemency towards the godly. And therefore it behoveth that the severity of his judgements breath in us a fear, and that by faith we take hold of his goodness and clemency.    

The sixth Chapter.  

ANd the children of Israel did evil in the sight of the Lord: and the Lord delivered them into the hands of Middian seven years.  
2 Wherefore the hand of Middian prevailed against Israel, from the face of Middian the children of Israel made them dens in the mountains, and caves, and strong holds.  
3 For when Israel had sown, Middian came up, and Amaleke, and the sons of Kedem came up against them.  
4 And camped against them, and destroyed the fruit of the earth, even till thou come to Haza: neither left they any food in Israel, neither cattle, nor oxen, nor asses.  
5 For they went up and their cattle and came with their tents as grasshoppers in multitude: so that they and their camels were without number, they came I say into the land to destroy it.  
Deborah and Barac were dead: by the authority of which princes the people of the Hebrews were kept in their duty and religion. But after their death, they fell again unto sins, and especially unto idolatry. But yet they are not counted to have turned so heinously from God, as they did before: for it is not written: And they added to do evil. Farther their punishment was not so long, for they served the Madianites only seven years. Moreover it is not said, that God sold them, as he did before, but that he delivered them. I confess that these conjectures are but small: but yet not so small, that they should seem utterly to be despised. Two things are principally entreated of in this history, 

The principal points of this history.  
The order of things to be spoken of.   the affliction of the Hebrews, and their delivery by Gidion. But because each of these parts have their causes, therefore we must also entreat of them. For even as affliction springeth of sin, and delivery beginneth of repentance: so was it meet, that first it should be declared that the Israelites had sinned, before mention be made that they were delivered unto the Madianites, and their repentance must first be showed, before their setting at liberty be spoken of, wherefore these things shall in just order be spoken of, and shallbe noted in their places.  
First of all it is written, that Israel sinned, to the end we might understand that they were justly punished. The kind of their sin (as we shall afterward see) was idolatry. And the punishment which followed was their delivery unto the Madianites to be vexed of them. And what these Madianites were, I think it good in few words to declare. 
What the Madianites were. Jerome  Madian (if we may credit Jerome) was a city so called of a certain son of Araham whom he begat of his last wife Ketura. It lieth beyond Arabia toward the South, in the desert of the Seracens, not far from the Sea called Erithreum. And these people were called Madianites, and peradventure by an other name more in use with the ethnics, namely Maudrenites. From thence Moses had his wife and of them also came the Kenites, which went together with Moses into the land of Chanaan. And lastly from thence those black men are thought to have their offspring, which in our times wander every where, and of some are called Egyptians: they dwell in tents: and being very thievish men, they live all always of other men's goods.  
But what these Madianites were, it skilleth not much to know, let this content us, in that by the history it is declared, that the people of God were by them very grievously afflicted. And the Israelites to avoid the miseries made them Caves for so doth this Hebrew word Manaharoth signify. 
What difference is between a cave and a den.  And dens. It is in Hebrew written Mearoth. But what difference there is between these two words, as much as I can gather by the Hebrews, I will declare. Those first places were in banks of hills, and were so called because from the upper parts, they had certain chinks and holes, which were like windows, so that through them they had light sufficient within. And the same places were very handsome for men to dwell in them. R. Levi saith, that through those holes or cliffs, which were like windows, spies, when they saw the Madianites coming, did use either by kindling of fires, or by some other token, to give knowledge unto the Hebrews, whereby they might gather their stuff, fruits & cattles into the dens & lead them away from the enemies which were coming by. For dens were not in mountains, but places under the earth in the fields being dark & without light, wherein men did not dwell, but they might after a sort hide their things and goods. But caves in latin are called Specus, a speciendo, which is to behold and to look upon, because out of them as out of high places they which were there, used to look through. They made also fenced places as bulwarckes and castles, which might be openly seen, but that they could not be conquered. And not only the Madianites invaded the jews, 
josephus  but with them were the Amalekites and also the children of the east, whom josephus calleth Arabians. They suffered the Israelits to be in peace and quiet, so long as they tilled and sowed the earth, but when the fruits were ripe, they invaded them, and destroyed and wasted their fields. And the Israelites do aptly setforth the nature of sinners, which when they put little confidence in god, & have almost forgotten him, than they fly unto man's inventions, helps and munitions: which yet justly and worthily stand them in no stead: for straight way it is said.   

6 Wherefore Israel was exceedingly impoverished by the Madianites, and the children of Israel cried unto the Lord.  

Of munitions and castles.  Neither caves, nor dens, nor strong fenced castles could help the miserable Israelites. For sinners must not only take heed of outward enemies, but they must chief fly from the anger of God, from which undoubtedly no man can avoid by caves, dens or munitions. And as long as that endureth, these humane helps do not defend from outward enemies. And if any man will not believe this, 
Ecbatanis.  let him call to memory the breadth of the walls of Ecbatanis, which as it is written in the book of judith the .1. chapter) was thirty foot broad, and seventy foot high, and had in it an hundred Towers, and yet all those things could not withstand those which besieged it. 
Babylon  And of Babylon also it is written, that the walls of it was an hundred foot in height, and fighty foot in breadth, and it is said to have been so large that it might have been a province rather than a city, and yet it was conquered and utterly overthrown. Such things men go about when they withdraw themselves from God, these their horns are erected against God. These things do lead unto desperation the afflicted, which think not upon God, as though tyrants' by whom they are oppressed could never be plucked out of so strong and well fenced places. But in Abacuk the prophet such mad building are wonderfully laughed to scorn of the spirit of God, and Abdia in the name of God threateneth the children of Esau, that their nest should be thrown down to the ground, how soever it seemed unto them that they had set it in heaven.  
But what more notable example need we to seek for, than that tower, which men strait after the flood, began to build, as though they would defend themselves against God, if he again should go about to destroy the world with waters, but the Lord from heaven laughed to scorn their made furiousness, as it is amply set forth in the book of Genesis. God wanteth no excellent politic devices: for first, from such, which so much trust to munitions, when they think they shall stand them in most steed, he useth to take away the courages of the bold, and all promptness, & so to strike them with madness, that he utterly maketh them void of wisdom. Wherefore he debilitateth their hearts, & their strength faileth them. Yea, and they seem to be made afeard and very sore abashed, even of the very stones, beams and walls of their Castles. I could here easily show things, which have in our age happened, but that I must have respect to be brief. Read the .2. chapter of Barucke.  
What then? Are not Cities or Castles to be fenced? 
Wither it be lawful to fence cities & castles.  I deny not but that that may be done, but I would have Princes which do in such sort build, first to be a certained of this, that no things created can defend or succour men, unless with them be joined that power of God, whereby with his beck he ruleth and governeth the world: and when he withdraweth that, whatsoever men go about or enterprise, it utterly happeneth contrarily. And even as out of bread, wine, or other meats we ought not to look for nourishment, if God do draw back unto himself that his power and operation, which he daily dareth to those things: so also without it, there is no defence to be had out of munitions, walls, being otherwise never so strong, and Castles very well fenced. Wherefore before we begin munitions, we must put our confidence in God, and we must lay the most profitable foundation of holy prayers: and pray unto God, to keep us chief in true and sincere godliness, to call us back from sins, and daily to give unto us a perfect repentance. Lastly, we must desire, that when a just and holy man shall have need to have the use of such munitions, he would vouchsafe to bestow upon them that his most mighty and healthful power. Which self same cogitations and prayers we must use both in meat, drink, apparel, or any other thing, when we begin to receive them.  
And the children of Israel cried. Now shallbe declared the delivery of the Israelites, but first is set forth their repentance and invocation. Now at the length the hebrews fly unto the sure rocks, unto the safe dens, and unto the true Castles. For the rock or castle best fenced, (as we read in the proverbs) is the name of the Lord. In that rock David escaped all adversities.   

7 And when the children of Israel cried unto the Lord, because of Midian.  
8 The Lord sent unto the children of Israel a Prophet, who said unto them: Thus saith the Lord god of Israel, I have brought you out of Egypt, I have brought you (I say) out of the house of bondage.  
9 And I have delivered you out of the hands of the Egyptians, & out of the hand of all that oppressed you, and have cast them out before you, and given you their land.  
The manner whereby the Israelites were stirred up to call upon God, is in this place set forth. They were turned unto God by the impulsion of faith, which was stirred up by the preaching of the word of God: for he had sent unto them a man which was a Prophet, not legions of Angels, not a multitude of soldiers, not armour, neither warlike engines. He directed unto them a Preacher & Minister of the word of God. And this ought not to seem absurd, if this verb Vaiischlah be interpretated in the signification of the preterpluperfect tense, for as much as it is a thing very much used in the holy scriptures. And yet I deny not, that this place may be understand an other way: namely that the Israelites in deed cried first, but yet with a certain violence stirred up by troubles and miseries, which violence by itself, could not be allowed of God, neither had it obtained any thing at his hands, except it had been adorned with a true faith & perfect repentance: for the bringing to pass whereof, God not forgetting his mercy, sent them a Prophet or Preacher meet thereunto. Howbeit the first sense, which consists all the preterpluperfectnes, pleaseth me very well: although I deny not but that both ways may be admitted. Farther, some think that these things are to be understand by Synecdoche, so that it is meant that not one prophet, but very many prophets were sent of God. But I judge that it is written of some one certain prophet, which was of great authority among the hebrews. And I am not ignorant that some think this prophet to have been an Angel: which I allow not, forasmuch as he is called both a man and a prophet. And I find in no place of the holy scriptures the Angls were called prophets: although on the contrary we read in them sometimes that a prophet was called an angel, 
Aflictiō● make open the way unto profitable sermons.  as it most manifestly appeareth of Malachi. But let us mark this rather, that oppressions and adversities, which often times happen, do give good occasion of profitable sermons: for as much as the hearers by such vexation are made much more attentive. The hebrews think that this Prophet was Phineas, of whom also they say that it is written in the first book of Paralip. the ix chap. that he lived in the time of David, when as for all that the same place may otherwise be expounded. But who he was, it maketh no great matter. We must rather mark the argument of the sermon, which is in few words touched. First, the benefits of God are rehearsed: their delivery I say out of Egypt, whereby they were delivered from servitude most grievous: his defence against those which went about to oppress them: and lastly, the possession of the land of Chanaan. God had now faithfully performed all these things, as he had promised unto their fathers. Whereby it manifestly appeareth that the covenant made with the fathers, was on his part kept unviolated. Let us note in these words, that God at that time was by this title praised, namely because he had delivered his people out of Egypt: for his nature otherwise is most far removed from the minds of men, neither can it any otherway be known, but by the effects. But of this thing I have enough spoken, as much as seemed sufficient. Wherefore it is manifest that the Preacher which was sent from God, doth beat into the hebrews the benefit which they had received, namely both to stir up in the Israelites the knowledge of the true God, and also to show forth his truth endued with constancy.   

10 And I said unto you: I the lord your God. Fear not the gods of the Amorites, in whose land ye dwell, but ye have not obeyed my voice.  
Now is added what God again required of the hebrews, namely that he should be their God, and that they should not fear the gods of the Amorites, or not worship them. For in this word fear is very often comprehended all manner of worshipping and religion. For what should they worship strange gods, when they were the peculiar people of the true God, by whom they were delivered from the house of bondage, that is, out of a prison or dungeon most hard, and afterward in their journey they were delivered both from the Amalekites, & also from the Moabites, & from Sihon and Og the kings? Wherefore forasmuch as they had received these benefits of their God, it was neither lawful nor meet that they should worship strange gods.  

Two principal sins of the Israelites.  Ye have not obeyed my voice. Two most grievous crimes of the people are reproved, whereof the latter dependeth of the first. First they believed not his word, & then they obeyed it not. Undoubtedly they which believe not the things that God setteth forth, do not also obey his commandments. And contrariwise, they which do truly believe, do willingly and without compulsion observe his commandments. Although the wicked acts of the hebrews were sundry and manifold, yet only one is reproved, namely idolatry, because in it almost all the other sins are comprehended. For if we commit sin there, where God is called upon, and if we sin in that thing wherein we seek to be reconciled unto god, what goodness can there be in any other of our actions? If these things be corrupted in us, which are taken for holy things, what may be judged of other works which are counted profane? Wherefore forasmuch as in these things the hebrews grievously fell, we must understand that they also sinned in all other things.   

11 And the Angel of the Lord came, and abode under the Oak, which was in Ophra, that pertained unto joas the Abiezerit: and his son Gideon threshed wheat to prepare his flight from Midian.  
When by faith the sins of the Israelites were forgiven, and that they had called upon God and repent, their delivery is set forth, whereby they were delivered from the outward bondage of the Madianites. Which without doubt God would have done by Gideon the judge, for the which cause he raised him up to deliver the jews. And this brought he not to pass, till such time as things were almost come to utter desperation: all human helps were taken away, and the Israelites trusted only to flight. Wherefore Gideon is not called, but when he gathered some wheat to hide, lest the Madianites should violently take it away. And that is meant by this Hebrew word Lehanim, that is (if thou turn it word for word) to prepare his flight. For he would hide that wheat from the Madianites, were it never so little, that with it he might somewhat sustain both himself and his household. He which appeared unto him, was in very deed an Angel, as it shall afterward by manifest tokens and arguments be declared. He came to Ophra, but to that Ophra which pertained unto joas the Abiezerit, which is therefore added, because there was also an other Ophra in the Tribe of Benjamin, whereof is mention made in the book of josua. And I doubt not but that the Angel came unto Gideon in the shape of a man, for he abode under the Oak: 
Gideon was of the tribe of Manasses.  and (as we shall hear) he spoke unto him. joas the Father of Gideon was of the family of Abiezer, which in the book of Numb. and in Paralip. is reckoned among those that were of the Tribe of Manasses.  
And Gideon at that time threashed corn in the wine press. 
Two manners of threashing.  The hebrews have two words, Dash, which signifieth to thrash, but yet then when we occupy to threashing beasts. The other word is Chabat, which is also to thrash, but yet with flails and without beasts. Wherefore it is noted that Gideon used this latter kind of threshing, that he might the better hide that which he did: and therefore it was in a wine press, where forasmuch as wine was used to be pressed, no man did easily suspect that any wheat was there threshed. Let us mark in this place, that the excellent men in the old time, when they had gotten any leisure, either from holy services, or from civil things, they spent all that leisure, either about husbandry, or about the art of a Shepherd. For they would not consume themselves with idleness, sumptuousness, gluttony, or drunkenness. And this shall we not only learn in Abraham, Isaac, jacob, Gideon, and other holy fathers, but also it manifestly appeareth by the histories of the Romans. For there we read that Curius and Seranus and such like, were elected for the chiefest Magistrates, when in the fields they were at plough, and tilled the ground. And the earth also at that time (as Plini saith) brought forth her fruits more plentiful and abundant, when it was handled with the hands of Emperors most noble. Not undoubtedly, because the earth was endued with any sense, but because wise men, as they used wisely to govern weighty affairs, so also for husbandry, when they were occupied about it, they exercised it with far greater diligence than did the rude men. Our Gideon without doubt had servants, whom he might have commanded to have wrought what work so ever was to be done, yea and his father (as we shall afterward hear) was a man of power among the people. And for all that he was such a one, yet he despiseth not rustical works.   

12 Then the Angel of the Lord appeared unto him, and said unto him: The Lord is with thee, thou valiant man.  

A salutation used of the godly  Here is expressed a most ancient manner of salutation, wherein they said: The Lord is with thee. We read in the book of Ruth, that Boaz used it, when he came unto his harvest men. The Angel also in this manner saluted the blessed Virgin. Yea, and the Church of Christ by the Minister saluteth the people in the holy services, and saith: The Lord be with you. The angel called Gideon a strong man, not by that strength (as it is thought) wherewith he was before endued, but by the strength which should afterward be given him, for the accomplishing of things. Although it might easily be, that Gideon was a man skilful in feats of war. But the first interpretation agreeth better. Howbeit Augustine in his questions upon this place, 
Augustine.  thus readeth this particle, as though God himself should be called a strong and warlike man, as if he should have said: That God which is mighty & warlike, is with thee, or be with thee. Neither ought it much to move us, because this word Man is added, forasmuch as it is after the same manner written in the song of Exodus. For God may so be called by a Metaphor. But the first exposition is more received, and seemeth more simple.   

13 To whom Gideon answered: O my Lord I pray thee, is the Lord with us? Why then is all this come upon us? and where be all his miracles which our fathers told us of, and said: Did not the Lord bring us out of Egypt? But now the Lord hath forsaken us, and hath delivered us into the hand of the Madianites.  
The Hebrew word By signifieth in me: and is spoken by the figure Eclipsis as though it should have been, look lovingly upon me. And therefore they turn it, I prai thee: which is a particle of one that exhorteth. The next word is Adonai, by which name Gideon called him which appeared unto him, not by a religious or divine title, but by a common title, which is applied also to profane men. For he understood not that he was an Angel: he thought he was some Prophet or holy man. Gideon persuadeth himself that God was not with him, when the Israelites were afflicted with so great miseries. For he understandeth the saying of the Angel, as though he had said that God was not only with him, but also with all the hebrews. 
God is not supposed to be with those which are afflicted  And it is no doubt, but that the nature of man thinketh that God is not with those which are afflicted. The saints after this manner seemed to expostulate with God. Wherefore in the Psalms it is written: Arise O God, why turnest thou thy face away from me? why hast thou forgotten me? and such like. This is a grievous kind of temptation, whereunto if a man give place, and be therewith overcome, he grievously sinneth. For he transgresseth the first precept: I am the Lord thy God. But, how far that sentence is from the truth, this history declareth. For when Gideon thought that God was absent from him, than was he present, and talked with him.  
Where be all his miracles? These words may be understand two ways. The first way is, as though Gideon should reason by contraries, saying: When God was with our fathers, he did marvelous things for their health: but now hath he delivered us unto the Madianites, neither delivereth he us by his excellent works: therefore he is not with us. The other interpretation is, as if by a certain godly expostulation he should say: where doth God now restrain these his marvelous works? 
What temptation is counted grievous to the godly.  Why suffereth he the benefits which he so plentifully bestowed on our fathers, so much now to want? Undoubtedly whilst we are thus forsaken, all these things, as it seemeth, are frustrate of their end. These things manifestly declare, what is the temptation of godly men in adversities & troubles: For the devil, the flesh, and the world go about to persuade them, that they are now forsaken of God, and that they in vain put their confidence in him. Which kind of temptation also was moved unto Christ, when upon the cross he cried: O my God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me? For none (as I think) would believe that the same had happened unto Christ, unless the Evangelists had written, that he being upon the cross used such words. And this temptation would he therefore suffer, to the end that (as it is written in the second to the hebrews) he might be like unto us in all things without sin. Wherefore Esay testifieth: He hath in deed borne our infirmities, and carried our sorrows.   

14 And the Lord looked upon him, & said: Go in this thy strength, and thou shalt save Israel out of the land of Madian. Have not I sent thee?  
The Angel looked upon Gideon, when he had spoken these words: For peradventure whilst he spoke them, he looked not upon him: but then he beheld him, when he sent him to deliver the Israelites. But in that he saith In this strength, it is expounded two manner of ways. The hebrews say, that by the sight of the Angel he was filled with strength, and therefore it is said: go thou in this strength, which I have now given thee, and thou shalt deliver Israel from the Madianites. Neither is it any strange thing, that God doth change those whom he chooseth to any function, and endueth them with sundry gifts. For we read that it so happened unto David and Saul, when they were called to be kings. And it is expressedly written in this book that jephthe and Samson were adorned with the spirit of strength. That strength also may here be noted, which God used in helping the fathers, when for them he wrought miraculous things in the time of Moses and josua. Gideon had demanded where those marvelous works were now become, and therefore the Angel answered him: Go in that strength, whereby those things in times past were wrought, and by it deliver Israel. By which words the Angel declareth, that he should not by his own strength bring to pass the things which he had commanded him, but by that power of God, which was given the fathers in the old time, 
The Angel calleth himself the Lord.  And this ought not to seem marvelous, that the Angel is called the Lord. For that is for this cause done, either because he did it & spoke it in the name of God, or else because he was in very deed the son of God, which so appeared. The calling of the judges is therefore so diligently described, that we might understand that private men are not able to attempt matters and affairs of so great weight, unless a certain authority had been given them of God. For to gather an host, and to take weapons against those which have the chief rule of things, unto such as are weak and destitute of all aid, it is altogether dangerous. Wherefore there is required an assuredness and undoubted calling, which cannot be had, unless faith go before, which consisteth of the word of God, when it is rightly understood. The Angel useth an intorrogation when he saith: Have not I sent thee? Because this manner of speaking is very apt to augment a commandment.   

15 And he said unto him: O my Lord, whereby shall I save Israel? Behold my family is the poorest in Manasses, and I am the least in the house of my father.  
God said not that he would deliver Israel, but he declared that it should be done by Gideon, who therefore marveleth, forasmuch as he saw that he wanted all such things as were requisite to so great a work. For war could not be made by a poor man, and one of the base sort, such a one as Gideon perceived himself to be: when as to the accomplishing thereof were required power, riches, and especially authority. Wherefore Aristotle to civil felicity, hath joined outward goods, and that namely for this, because they are necessary instruments of acts most noble.  
Of his Myllenary or thousand, he therefore maketh mention, because God in the public wealth of the jews (as we read in Exodus) instituted this manner, namely that by tribunes or thousands, & hundreds the people should be governed: For it could not easily be, that by a few Magistrates, an infinite number of people should be numbered, and so governed, that their manners, living and ordinances might diligently be looked upon, which one thing chiefly pertaineth to govern well & rightly. 
Why God appointed tribunes, Centurions and Captains over ten.  For when every man is permitted unto himself in these things, he both abuseth his liberty, and also easily transgresseth the laws, because he is not noted. Wherefore God in his people would for that cause have rulers over ten, and over hundreds, and also over thousands, lest that public wealth (if the people were negligently looked unto) should fall to ruin, and wax worse and worse. That band of a thousand, whereof Gideon was one, he declareth to be the poorest among all those of the tribe of Manasses. Farther, he saith that he was the least in his father's house or family, and therefore he saw not, by what means he could set at liberty the hebrews. Some say that joas the father of Gideon was at that time a tribune or ruler over a thousand men, & that his son meant him, when he said that his family was the poorest among the tribe of Manasses. This sentence I disallow not, forasmuch as afterward it shall easily appear the joas was of some authority among his people. But whither this word Alpi, signify him or no, I will not rashly affirm, forasmuch as the first exposition, is both apt and also well agreeth with the words of the history.  


Whither Gideon sinned in gainsaying the amngel.  
Many holy men seem to have resisted the promises and calling of God.   This must we rather note, wither Gideon in objecting these things sinned or no. Undoubtedly if we look upon the holy scriptures, we shall find very many other, which said that their infirmity strived against the vocation and promises of God. Abraham said he was an .100. year old, and therefore he desired that Ishmael might rather live before the Lord, than that he should wait for a son of Sara which was both old and barren. Yea, and she also when she heard that a child was promised her, she could not keep herself from laughing, because she already felt herself unapt by nature to bear a child. Moses also, that he might not be sent unto Pharaoh, alleged the impediment of his tongue for a let. furthermore jeremy said: Ah Lord, I am a child, and I cannot speak. The blessed virgin also said unto the angel: How can this be done? forasmuch as I know no man. There might peradventure also be mention made of others, but these are now sufficient. And I doubt not but that some of these whom I have touched, fell in speaking these words. For God was angry with Moses, when he so obstinately excused the office which he had committed unto him. Saras laughter also was reproved. But I know that the other were praised for their faith: for Abraham, because he believed the promise, was justified, and Elizabeth said unto Mary: 
What is the difference between those which seem to resist God.  Blessed art thou which believed'st: for the things which the Lord hath said unto thee, shall be performed. The difference between these is hereby to be taken, because some did in such sort ask an excuse, for that they believed not the word of God, neither could they be persuaded to agree unto God which sent them, or made promise to them. Wherefore forasmuch as they sinned, God was not without a just cause both angry with Moses, and also reproved Sara. But there were other some of them, which believed the word of God, and yet for all that they put forth certain questions, not in deed to resist, but to declare what things seemed to be a let unto their calling, or to the things commanded them, and in demanding these things, they desired nothing else, than that they might be instructed of the way & manner, which they ought to use, and they required to be confirmed, lest those things which seemed to be a let, 
The same words are allowed in one, that are disallowed in an other.  might pluck them back, either for waiting for the promises, or else from fulfilling the things commanded them. Howbeit these men can not be separated one from an other, by the words which they spoke, when as almost they spoke all one thing. But by the purpose and thought of the heart they are separated: for if they spoke and excused those things of incredulity, they ought not to be counted without blame: but if they believed, and desired only to be confirmed and instructed, we ought not to diffame them as guilty of incredulity. But who shall discern these things in them? Surely God which knoweth the hearts and conscience of every one of them. And we know that the faith of Gideon is commended in the xi to the hebrews. But whither that were strait way given him, when he heard the word of God, or whether it came unto him after some tarrying and wrestling with human reason, we are ignorant.   

16 Then the Lord said unto him: Because I will be with thee, and thou shalt smite Madian as it were one man.  
Cease of (saith he) these human reasons, and have no regard to strength, riches, and authority: if these things should civilly be done, thou mightest justly require them. But now thou shalt use my power and might. Thou shalt save Israel, not by thine own might, but because I will be with thee. So God answered unto Moses when he detracted his message. So was it also said of josua, I will be with him. After that manner was jeremy answered, when he cried that he was a child, and could not well speak. I will be with thee (saith the Lord) thou shalt accomplish all these things to whatsoever I will send thee. Gideon therefore is instructed of the way or manner of the victory, namely, that God would have the handling and charge of it: and that chief by these words: Thou shalt destroy the Madianites as it were one man. For with God it is as easy to overthrow an infinite number, as one man. And the same thing as touching the marvelous murder of the Madianites, then undoubtedly took effect, when they smote one an other with their own sword, and by the impulsion of God they wounded one the other.   

17 Then he answered him: I pray thee, if I have found favour in thy sight, then show me a sign, that it is thou that talkest with me.  
18 Depart not hence I pray thee, until I come unto thee and bring my sacrifice and lay it before thee. And he answered, I will tarry till thou come again.  
He therefore desireth a sign, lest he should think himself to be illuded by a ghost or spirit. For he was not content with words, but he would have an assured sign of the talk now had. But this sentence: That it is thou that talkest with me, seemeth to be spoken by the figure Eclipsis, so that we must understand, in the name of God, lest peradventure I might think, that the words which thou speakest, are the words of a man, and not count them for the Oracle of God. 
This vision happened to Gideon being waking, & not sleeping.  These things were not done when he was a sleep (as it appeareth by the history) but when he was waking, although God, as we shall afterward hear, appeared also by night unto Gideon. He requireth a sign, because it is the part of a godly man to try spirits, and not rashly to believe every spirit, especially when any new and unaccustomed work is commanded: and that which otherwise is not thought to be lawful, there no man will easily assent, except he be fully persuaded that his calling is of God. But when doctrine now received, and confirmed by holy scriptures is set forth, or works required, which in them are commanded, we must beware that we require not signs, for as much as we are bound to believe and obey them. But of this thing we will more largely entreat afterward.   

19 Then Gideon went in, & made ready a Kid, & unleavened bread of an Ephah of flower, & put the flesh in a basket, & put the broth in a pot, and brought it out unto him under the Oak, and presented it.  
This place may be interpreted two manner of ways. One way it is thought that Gideon would have made ready a dinner for the man of God: for such a one did he take him to be. Therefore for honour's sake he desired to refresh him with meat in his journey, & to talk with him at leisure for the showing of the sign. And he thought not that God or an Angel was present with him. Wherefore he thought to follow the example of Abraham & Lot. And in deed the things which he presented, partained rather to a dinner, than to a sacrifice. He erected no altar, neither prepared he the fat to be burnt, nor the shoulder and the breast to be lifted up, nor the blood to be shed. The other interpretation is, that he would therefore bring him a sacrifice, that in that oblation he might obtain a sign, as to Abel the favour of God was declared when he was offering sacrifice. And the authors of this sentence believe that this doth nothing let that Gideon sod the flesh, 
Flesh in sacrifices was sometimes sod.  forasmuch as that kind of sething was sometimes used in peace offerings, as the first book of Samuel testifieth. Of the interpreters of this place this latter sentence seemeth to be received: for they judge the Gideon intended to offer sacrifices: But I rather allow the first sentence as touching the feast, although I know that the Angel contrary to gideon's purpose used that meat to a sacrifice, and in it gave the sign, which a little before was desired of him. This hebrew word Mitsoth signifieth unleavened cakes. 
Why the Elders used so often sweet cakes in their feasts.  But the root of the word may be Natsa, which is to haste, or to make speed. For the Elders were careful to prepare meat for strangers with as much speed as might be. Wherefore they straightway baked new bread, because peradventure their household bread was somewhat hard and stolen. 
The measure of an Ephah.  Therefore, to the end they might the sooner refresh the weary, they used sweet cakes, which were very soon baked. This measure Ephah was not a measure for liquid things, but for things dry, and (as the hebrews affirm) it held three pecks, and a peck contained .144. eggs. And ten Ephas made one Corus. Certain Rabbins fable that there is therefore mention made of sweet bread, because this thing was done in the time of Easter. But how trifling this is, hereby we may gather, because it is well known that sweet bread were by the commandment of God used, not only for sacrifices at Easter, but also at other times, especially such as were to be burnt at the altar of the Lord. But if we shall say that Gideon prepared not a sacrifice, but rather a feast, we have already showed the reason, why he brought sweet bread. Gideon is utterly to be quitted of idolatry. For his will was not to do sacrifice unto the Messenger of God: because his purpose was either to set meat before the man of God, or else to sacrifice unto the living God, by the hand of the Prophet, whom he counted to be far better than himself.   

20 And the angel of God said unto him: take the flesh & the unleavened bread, & lay it upon this stone, & pour out the broth: & he did so.  
21 Then the Angel of the Lord put forth the end of the staff, that he held in his hand, and touched the flesh & the unleavened bread, & there arose up fire out of the stone, & consumed the flesh & the unleavened bread: so the Angel of the Lord departed out of his sight.  
They which think that Pinhas the son of Eleazar was this man of god, which appeared unto Gideon, affirm that the same man was also afterward called Elias. And even as when Achab reigned in Israel, he obtained fire from heaven, whereby the  offering was consumed, whereupon he had poured water and that abundantly & very many times: so likewise now out of the rock, by the power of god be raised up a flame, whereby the meat which was put upon it was burnt, whereupon he had before caused the broth of the flesh to be poured. I confess in deed that there is some similitude between these two acts, but therewithal I see many things to be causes, whereby the one differeth from the other. Farther, I utterly reject this feigned tale, wherein they feign that Pinhas was present either there or here. There, by reason of the great distance of times: & here, because (as I have expounded, 
Augustine.  & the words of the history do manifestly testify) it was either god himself or an angel, which talked with Gideon. Augustine in his book De mirabilibus sanctae scripturae, teacheth that the sign, which is here given, doth aptly agree unto that which was demanded. For it was showed, that by the wondered power of god, without man's labour and fight, the enemies of the people of the jews should be overcome, even as by the might of god above the ability of nature fire came forth, 
Ambrose.  wherewith without man's help or industry those victuals were consumed. But Ambrose very elegantly writeth the allegory of this place, in the Proheme of his book de spiritu sancto, which I to avoid tediousness do overpass. This one thing only I will admonish you of, 
All things that we offer, are to be offered by Christ.  that our gifts are then acceptable unto God, when we offer them upon the rock, which is Christ. There our actions are by the fire of the holy ghost purged, & that which otherwise of his own nature is unclean, is of God received as holy.  
And the Angel of the Lord departed. By this sudden departure Gideon understood that it was an Angel whom he saw, wherefore he was sore afraid, as the words of the history which follow, do manifestly declare.   

22 And when Gideon saw, that it was the Angel of the Lord, he said: Alas my Lord God, shall I because I have seen an Angel of the Lord face to face?  
This is spoken by the figure Ecliptica: for when Gideon saith: 
The fathers by seeing of god & of angels were made afraid.  Alas my Lord God, shall I because I have seen an Angel of the Lord: there should be added, die. Thou shalt evermore perceive that the old fathers, after that they had seen god or beholden his Angels, were very sore afraid, yea & so astonished, that they feared present death to come upon them. And no marvel, for they were not ignorant, what God answered Moses, when he desired to see his face: Man shall not see me and live. john Baptist also (as we read in the first of john) saith: No man hath seen God at any time. And Paul to Timothy hath confirmed the same writing. No man hath sen God, neither can he see him: for he is invisible, because he dwelleth in the light that no man can come unto. And that also which now Gideon speaketh, Mannah the father of Samson (as we shall afterward hear) shall speak. jacob likewise, after he had wrestled all night, thinking that he had striven with a man, when he understood that he was an Angel, marveled how he escaped a live and safe. Have I seen the Lord (saith he) face to face, and is my life saved? As though that that was in a manner impossible. Yea, and the hebrews, when the Lord descended to mount Sina to give the law, were so stricken with fear and dread, that they said unto Moses: Have thou (we pray thee) to do with God, lest, if he go forward so to speak before us, we die. To this serveth that also which is written in the same book of Exodus, when the covenant was then made between God and the people, and Moses recited the conditions, and sprinkled the people with the blood of the sacrifices which were offered, he brought forth the Elders unto the mountain, where they saw God sitting in his throne with chief glory and majesty. But after the recital of that vision, it is said: Neither did God extend his hand unto them: which declareth that it was a new and unaccustomed sight, that men should see god, & have their life still whole & sound. Wherefore that altogether is mentioned as a thing given by a singular prerogative. 
Jerome.  Jerome also testifieth, that Esay was under this pretence killed of the jews, because he said that he had seen God sitting upon his throne, as it appeareth in the vi chap. of his book. They caveled that he lied, forasmuch as God cannot be seen of men, which yet remain still alive. Wherefore they condemned him for a liar, as though in prophesying he had taught the people not the things which the Lord had showed him, but his own inventions. This they feigned against the innocent prophet, when as besides it they had no other cause against him.  
And there are the like examples in the new testament: when our Lord manifested in mount Thabor to his Apostles a certain show of his majesty & glory, he was altogether changed before them, & he shined with an incredible brightness & light, with whom were Moses & Elias straightway present, & the voice of the father sounded from heaven. These things because they many ways overpassed the faculty of man's sight, the eyes of the Apostles were not able to bear them: wherefore they fell down to the earth, & were as it were dead. Peter also, when in fishing at the commandment of Christ he caught an incredible number of fishes: for before his word he had long laboured in vain, marveling at the strange sight, and understanding that God was in Christ, he was so afeard of himself, that he said unto him: Lord, I pray thee departed from me, because I am a sinful man, and cannot without danger suffer the presence of God. Paul also declaring his ravishing unto the third heaven, where he understood things divine, which in word he might not express unto men, writeth: whither it were in the body, or without the body, I cannot tell. Verily he durst not affirm that those things happened unto him, whilst he had the use of the body, & senses of this life. Wherefore it manifestly appeareth, that Gideon was not without a cause astonished.  
But why the beholding of God or of the Angels seemeth to bring present destruction unto men, 
Plato's sect.  we must now show the reason. Peradventure that happeneth by reason of the grossness of the body, which (as the sect of Plato's affirm) is to us as it were an obscure & dark prison. Wherefore forasmuch as by it we are letted, so that we cannot see things divine, if peradventure at any time we behold them, by & by we remember that the joining together of the body & mind is now dissolved, & that we shall straightway die, & that therefore divine things are set before us to behold, because now is at hand the separation of the soul from the body. For Aristotle in his Metaphisicis testifieth, 
Aristotle.  that the powers of our understanding are in such sort unable to understand things divine, which of their own nature are most evident, that justly they may be compared unto the eyes of the Owls or Bats, which cannot look upon the brightness of the Sun, and light of the day. They which thus think, do in deed say somewhat, but not so much as is sufficient, to expound the thing manifestly.  

The body removeth us not from the beholding of God.  The body from the first creation was not therefore given unto men, that it should be a let unto them to know God, neither that it should restrain our souls as in a certain blind & dark prison: for so the goodness of God, which created the bodily nature of man, should be accused. And that the thing is thus, the history of Genesis proveth, which testifieth that God was very familiar with our first Parents, though they had bodies: for he led them into Paradise which he had planted, he showed them the trees whereof they might eat, and for certain trees he gave them a law that they should not touch them, he set all creatures before Adam, to call them by what name he listed. Wherefore the body was not a let, whereby the first man could not be familiar with God. 
Sin separateth us from god  Sin undoubtedly removeth us from the sight of god. Thereof cometh our dimness, darkness, blindness & ignorance as touching things divine. For this cause we are turned into Moles, Bats & Owls. But God of his own nature may be seen, yea he is the light itself, but that the blot of sin is put between. Peradventure thou wilt say, that is now sufficiently declared, 
Because of sin men fly from the sight of God.  that sin is the original cause of our blindness but we have not yet showed, why men are so afeard at the sight of god. Yea by cause of sin happeneth all this also unto us: for men, beside that by reason of their darkness they are oppressed with the divine light, being of sin accused by their conscience, do fly from the judge who is no less mighty than just. For they understand that God himself is such a one, that by reason of his pureness and justice he will suffer no unclean or filthy thing before him. Wherefore to have God present they think nothing else, then that their punishment prepared for them and the pains which they have deserved are at hand. For this cause our first parents when they had sinned strait way hid themselves, and at the voice of God were so afeard, that they determined to hide themselves among the trees of Paradise: which undoubtedly came of a troubled conscience for as much as God of his own nature is both quickening and also the author of all consolation. Wherefore it is manifest that these terrors and discommodities, came not by his default, but thorough our own wickedness.   

¶ Of Visions, or in what sort and how much God may be known of men.  
NOw the matter giveth us occasion, somewhat to speak of visions of things divine, and in what sort and how much God may be seen of men. But lest our disputation should want either method or else an order, I will first set forth certain distinctions which I perceive are needful.  
First, the knowledge of God is supposed to be offered unto the senses, 
Distinctions which serve to the question put forth.  or understanding. Or else we think that it cometh of nature, either else by a prerogative, and revelation which passeth nature. Father the knowledge of the substance, nature, and (as if I should say) of the very essence, is separated from that knowledge which consisteth of tokens, testimonies, arguments and signs of the divine presence. Lastly we must speak, either of that knowledge, which agreeth with this our life, or of that only which is looked for after this world. 
The nature of GOD is not known by our senses.  I will begin therefore at the senses: and of the knowledge of them this I suppose, that the nature, substance, and essence of God can not be comprehended by the senses. For those things have no affinity with God which are understand by senses, but are from him most far distant. And to say the truth the qualities, which long to any certain general word, and are reckoned for accidences, do stir up the knowledge of the senses. And for as much as God, which is most simple, is not subject to those, he can not therefore be known by the senses. And this to be true is by certain experience perceived which every man taketh of his own judgement. For it is most certain, that no man hath by his senses perceived him. 
The error of Anthropomorphites.  Howbeit the Anthropomorphites persuaded themselves that God might be known by the senses, as men which did attribute unto god a human body: but their opinion is utterly rejected. For the holy scripture testifieth that God is a spirit, and it also putteth a manifest difference between a spirit and a body, when our saviour saith: Feel and see, because a spirit hath neither flesh nor bones. And there is none which understandeth not, that a human body and his members, can not consist without flesh & bones. Farther their foolishness hereby appeareth, because there is not a body found, which is every way pure and simple: for let it be as equal as thou wilt, at the lest way it hath parts, whereof it is composed. And that all composition is against the nature of God, even the Ethnic Philosophers perceived.  
But leaving the Anthropomorphites, we must speak of certain other, whom Augustine in his Epistle ad Paulinam, de videndo Deo, maketh mention of. 
Augustine.  They as the Scriptures testify and the right faith confess, do believe that God is altogether most simple, and that he wanteth a body. But they deny that he can not be seen with the eyes of the blessed, in that blessedness which we wait for. And therefore they say we are deceived, because we measure the state of the life to come by those things, which we see here to be done and to happen. Wherefore say they, although the dull eyes of our body are not able here to see God, the angels or spirits, yet when they are confirmed in felicity, they shall see them, but not in deed by their own nature & power, and the sharpness of their sight shallbe so illustrated, 
Our bodily eyes do not behold the essence of God neither here, neither in the life to come.  that they shall see even the very essence of God. These men peradventure err less than the Anthropomorphites: but yet they err. For how soever our eyes shallbe confirmed when we shallbe in the blessed state, they shall for all that remain eyes, and shallbe bodily eyes: wherefore they shall not exceed the nature and latitude of their objects. In deed they shall then easily abide a vehementer and larger light, than now they can in seeing suffer, neither shall they be hurt by those colours wherewith they are now offended, but yet they shall not attain unto the essence of god. For there are no bodies which in the blessed resurrection shallbe so nobled, that they shall either be made spirits, or else cease to be bodies. Wherefore neither to the body of Christ is this given, that after his resurrection it was turned into a spirit. For this were not to have the body rise again, but to be abolished. Wherefore they, which think that our eyes shallbe made so perfect, that they shall behold the substance of God, do not beawtifye them, but in very deed destroy them. The Anthropomorphites do sin against the nature of God, in that they clothe it with a body: but these men do injury unto the nature of man, which persuade themselves that it shall not abide in the blessed resurrection. Our sentence therefore abideth and is true, as well of this life wherein we presently live, as of the life which we wait for to come.  

What the patriarchs and Prophets saw.  But thou wilt ask, what then saw the patriarchs and Prophets, to whom we read in the holy Scriptures that God many times appeared? I answer, that as touching the outward senses, they saw only certain images, similitudes and forms, which were offered sometimes unto them by god and by his angels, whereby it was showed both that he was present with those fathers, & also spoke unto them, heard them and admonished them of things healthful. But these things, namely the presence of god or of the angels, also the words and significations, the sense itself understand not, but by reason, and in mind they were gathered by those things, which the judgement of the senses received. Wherefore the Chaldey Paraphrast, when in Exodus it is written, that god came to mount Syna, affirmeth, that god himself came not simply, but translateth it, that the glory of god came: as though he should have said, certain noble and wonderful signs were there seen, by which god testified that he himself was there present: which self-same thing he doth in Esay the 6. chap: where he writeth. 
In what things God show himself to be present  I saw the Lord sitting upon his throne which was high and lifted up. But what manner of similitudes and images they were, which offered themselves as tokens of the presence either of an angel or of god, it is easy to be gathered out of the holy Scriptures. The burning bush appeared unto Moses, the cloud, the pillar of fire, the smokes, voices, thunderings lamps, lightnings, the propitiatory, the ark of the covenant, urim and Themim, and sundry forms even of men, which either did, or spoke, or in some manner of sort showed themselves either to Prophets or to other men. All these things I say, were signs and tokens of the presence both of God and of the angels. And the same things were seen of the fathers, either when they were sleeping or else when they were waking: & sometimes by the spirit of god or industry of the angels at the commandment of god, 
Prophet's sometimes see things printed in imagination and sometimes outwardly.  the fantasy or imagination of men received form by such similitudes and figures. Whereby those things which god would show, were no less expressed in the minds of the understanders, than if they had been perceived by the outward senses.  
Wherefore in expounding the Prophets it is true, that very oftentimes we stand in great doubt, whether the thing were so done outwardly, or rather so appeared to the Prophet to be done in mind. And in certain of them by reason of the circumstances of the matter, we are compelled to grant that it was only a vision, as Jerome testifieth of the breeches or hosen of jeremy, 
Jerome.  which at the commandment of the Lord he put in a rock by the river Euphrates: and he suffered them to remain there so long, till they were rotten: and then he was commanded to take them, and to put them on again. And this vision happened whilst the city of jerusalem was grievously besieged by the Chaldeyans, when the Prophet could not go and come to the river Euphrates. For at the same time, when he would once have gone to Anathoth, where he was borne, he was taken even as he was going out of the gates, and accused of treason. In like manner the same Jerome affirmeth, that that was only done by a vision, which is written in ezechiel, of the bread baked in the dung of an ox, and how it lay many days upon one and the self same side. To these may be added the eating of the book, and such like, which either human nature, or circumstances of the matters and times, suffered not so to be done, as it is written. And as touching the preaching & expressing unto the people, that things which the Prophets had in their minds, a thing seen by fantasy or imagination, was all one, and had as much efficacy, as if it had outwardly been seen. But yet they fled not unto the visions of the mind, when the thing itself might outwardly be done. For seeing God can use both ways, he hath sometimes taken this way, and other sometimes that way, as it hath pleased him, and as he hath judged meet and profitable for us. But in all these things, me thinketh the sentence of Ambrose is to be holden, 
Ambrose. The visions of Prophets were not natural.  which entreating of these images, sayeth: That they were such as will did chose, and not such as nature hath form: which undoubtedly maketh against those, which will have prophesying to be natural, as though by the power of the heavens, or some certain instinct of nature, or temperature of humours such images & sights offered themselves to be seen, of the outward senses of the Prophets, or to be known inwardly by imagination & fantasy. The will (saith Ambrose) namely of god or of an angel, would those things, and above other things chose them, and not the power of nature formed them.  
But there is an other doubt which in deed is not to be left unspoken of, 
Whether God at any time showed himself or whether they were always angels that appeared.  namely whether god himself at any time showed himself under these images or forms: Or whether only angels always appeared, which wrought & spoke with the Prophets, sometimes in their own name, & other sometime in the name of god? There have been some which said the god himself never appeared, but by angels in the name of god all those things were accomplished which are written to be either spoken or done in those visions. And they contend that they have certain testimonies in the Scriptures which make with them: among which one is found in the Acts of the Apostles, where Stephen expressedly calleth him an angel, which called to Moses out of the bush, when as for all that he is in Exodus named God. Farther Paul to the Galathians testifieth that the law was given in the hand of a Mediator, be the disposition of Angels. And no man doubteth, but that in Exodus it is written, that the law was given by god. Wherefore they conclude that we must understand that God appeared not by himself, but by Angels. Howbeit forasmuch as the essence or divine nature, can not be taken away either from the holy ghost, 
The holy ghost showed himself in a Dove.  or from the son (for either of them by nature is God) how will they defend their opinion, when as it is expressedly written in the gospel, that the holy ghost descended upon Christ in the form of a Dove? If they say that an angel came and not the holy ghost, they accuse the Scripture as a liar: but if they confess, that together with that Dove the holy ghost appeared, what shall let but that god himself also appeared unto the fathers under other figures and images? They can from this by no means escape, except (which I think they will not do: otherwise they should bring in a manifest heresy) they will deny the holy ghost to be God. And that which I have answered of the holy ghost, we may object the like of the son, out of the words of Paul to Timothe the 3. 
The son of God appeared in human flesh  chap, where he writeth: Without controversy it is a great mystery, god is made manifest in the flesh, justified in the spirit, etc. For the whole Church and right faith confesseth that the word was the true god which appeared under the flesh of man. Which if he did, as undoubtedly without conterfayting he did, why may he not be said to have done the same in the old Testament under sundry forms and manifold figures? Without doubt that was much greater which he gave unto us in the latter tyme. But he which hath given the greater thing we doubt not but that he also can give that which is less.  
Peradventure they will say, that that which was given in the latter time, the holy Scriptures do set forth to the end we should believe it: but that which ye require to have been done in the old time is no where read. 
It is the word or son of god by whom God spoke unto the fathers & Prophets.  Yea but if we diligently mark, the Scriptures teach, that also. For the son of god is named by the Evangelist the word or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we must believe was not by him done rashly, but because it might be understand that by him god spoke, when the scriptures testify that he spoke. Wherefore as often as we read, that the word of the Lord came unto this man or to that man, I judge that the same is so often to be attributed unto the son of god Christ our Lord, namely that god by him spoke unto the fathers and Prophets. Which lest I should seem to speak in vain, I will for this sentence bring forth two testimonies. 
john. 1.  The first is read in the first chap: of john: No man hath seen god at any time, & strait way by the figure Occupatio is added. The son which is in the bosom of the father he hath revealed him. For a man might ask, If no man have seen god at any time, who appeared then to the fathers when things divine were showed unto them? who talked with them, when sundry forms and images appeared unto them in the name of god, 
john. 12.  and wrought with them? Strait way it is answered: The son which is in the bosom of the father he hath revealed him: he was to man, the most true interpreter of the father. another place, is in the gospel the 12. chap: where it is thus word for word written. Therefore they could not believe, because again said Esay: He hath blinded their eyes, & hardened their heart, that they should not see with their eyes, nor understand with their heart, and should be converted, and I should heal them. These things said Esay, when he saw his glory, and spoke of him. Undoubtedly these two pronouns His, and of Him, do without controversy signify Christ, for a little before the Evangelist had said, Though he, namely Christ, had done so many signs before them, yet believed they not in him, that the saying of Esay the Prophet might be fulfilled that he said, etc. And to this sentence, which in very deed is natural, do agree chrysostom, Jerome, Cirillus, & Augustine. furthermore the words of Hosea the Prophet which he hath in the 12. 
Hose. 12  chap: are diligently to be weighed, And thus speaketh the Lord there: I have spoken unto the Prophets, and I have multiplied visions, and used similitudes by the hand of the Prophets, etc. Hereby we understand, that similitudes were not given unto the Prophets from the beginning, but god himself spoke unto them.  

By examples it is declared both that God himself, & also that angels sometimes appeared  But now must we by examples and such as are most evident, confirm, that the appearynges of god are utterly distinct from the visions of angels. First it is declared unto us in the book of Genesis, that jacob saw a ladder which reached from earth even to heaven, and by it the angels both ascended and descended. And at the top of the ladder, namely in heaven, stood the Lord from whom jacob heard noble and large promises. Hereby is gathered, unless we will still be blind, that angels showed themselves in one kind of images and god himself appeared in an other form. This self same thing may we see in Esay, when he saw the Lord sitting in his throne, and with him two Seraphins, which cried mutually the one to the other, Holy, holy, holy. And with so great reverence they worshipped God which was in the midst, that with their two upper wings, they covered their face, and with the two neither wings their feet. Who seeth, not here a great difference between god and the angels which appeared? I will not speak of ezechiel, which saw angels in the forms of creatures, namely of an Ox, an Eagle, and a Lion, by whom wheels were turned, but God himself sat in the highest part in the form of the son of man. Of Daniel also was seen the ancient of days, unto whom came the son of man. And he addeth that thrones were there put, books opened, and a certain form of a judgement appointed: then he maketh mention of angels, of which he saith were present ten thousand and ten hundredth thousand, which ministered unto him.  
And here we hear, what great difference there is between God and the angels which ministered. Farther there is a place most manifest in Exodus, when God, being angry with the people, denied that he would go any farther with them through the desert, least being provoked with their sins, he should at once utterly destroy them. But he promised to send his angel, with which promise Moses was not content, and said that he would by no means go with the people, except god himself would go together with them. And undoubtedly by prayer and constantly abiding in his sentence, at the length he overcame, and (as he desired) had god for the guide of their journey. How can these men therefore say, that god himself was not present under those forms, but only angels were seen in such images? Moreover let us remember, that Moses (as it is written in the same book of Exodus) desired of God to see his face: which his request god (for that he loved him exceedingly,) would not utterly deny, but yet he would not grant him all that he required. Wherefore he answered: My face thou shalt by no means see, because man shall not see me & live, but thou shalt look upon my hinder parts, namely my back. What is more manifest than this testimony? Surely god by certain words here promiseth, to appear unto Moses in the shape of a man, of whose form or image Moses should see not the face but the back. And the same he faithfully performed unto Moses: for as god passed by, Moses saw the back of his image by the rock, and heard the wonderful and noble names of god rehearsed with a most loud voice. Which when he saw, he fell prostrate to the earth and worshipped: and it is not to be doubted, but that he gave unto him that adoration, which is only due unto the only god. For forasmuch as he believed that he was there present according unto his promise it is not to be had in controversy, but that he worshipped him as being present in very deed. And undoubtedly god, except he had showed himself present in very deed at the ark & mercy seat, should have thrown the Israelites headlong into idolatry, if he would have had only angels to answer such as came to ask counsel, for that he commanded them to call upon him and to worship him there. To these may be added that history which is written in the book of kings of Micheas the Prophet, which prophesied before Achab king of Israel and said, that he saw god, with whom was present an host of angels, & he heard him ask, who shall deceive Achab, and that one offered himself to be a lying spirit in the mouth of the Prophets of the king Achab. By this vision also we understand, that there was an assured and notable difference, between god and the angels, which appeared all together unto the Prophet. Wherefore the gift of god which he gave unto the fathers, is not to be diminished or to be extenuated: & we must confess, that he was in very deed present, when he appeared, forasmuch as we read that it was so done, and there is nothing that letteth, as far as can be gathered out of the holy scriptures, neither is the very nature of god any thing against, it that it could not be done. It were not sound to attribute unto angels all those things which in the scripture are read of such visions. For so might we easily slip so far, that at the last we should believe that the word was not immediately created by god, but by angels at his commandment. Wherefore let us confess that god was present in very deed, 
God was present in very deed, when it is said that he appeared under divers forms.  & showed himself under divers forms, as often as we hear that the scripture testifieth or speaketh the same.  
Now resteth to answer unto the places before brought. As touching the Epistle to the Galathians, I grant that the disposition of the angels was in the giving of the law: for they stood by God when he spoke, they made ready the mist, 
Angels ministered unto god when he gave the law.  thunderings, lightnings, & lamps, they prepared the tables of stone, & many ways ministered unto God being present & speaking. Neither do the words of the Apostle deny, but that God himself spoke, & gave the law, as the scriptures testify. Yea & there have been some, which by the hand of a Mediator, do not expound it to be Moses, 
The angel which spoke unto Moses in the bush, was the son of God  but the son of god: but whether they do it rightly or wrongfully, I have no leisure at this present to discuss. But we need not in many words to answer unto the which blessed Stephen saith (as it is written in the Acts of the Apostles) namely that an angel appeared unto Moses in the bush, & talked with him. For if by the angel we understand the son of God (as I have often admonished) there will then remain no doubt.  
But that the things which I have now alleged, as touching this matter, may the plain & more certainly be understand, I think it good to confirm them by some testimonies of the fathers. 
chrysostom.  chrysostom in his 14. Homely upon john saith. The things which the fathers saw, were all of them by permission, but yet they saw not the pure & simple substance of god. And he addeth: If they had seen it, than should they not have seen it in any part differing, for that it is pure, simple, & can not be described: Wherefore it standeth not, it lieth not, neither sitteth, as sometime it was to those Prophets showed. He saith moreover: God, before the son came into flesh, exercised the father with those visions & images. He there also writeth thee, which a little before we alleged, namely the with bodily eyes we can not see created spirits, as are our souls & angels. Wherefore much less must we believe, that we can see god with the senses. And lest a man think, that it only agreeth with god the father to be invisible, & not with the son, he bringeth this sentence of Paul, that he is the image of the invisible God. And without doubt he could not be his image, 
Augustine.  if he were not invisible, as he is whose image he representeth. Augustine also in his 3. treatise upon john, saith of Moses: Although it be said that he talked with god face to face, yet when he desired to see the face of god, that is his very substance, he could not obtain it. And in the same place he addeth: He saw the cloud, & the fire, which were figures. And within a little after: If they say that the son was visible before he was incarnate, they dote. Augustine besides these hath in his Epistle to Fortunatianus, gathered many more things to this purpose out of Nazianzenus, Jerome, & other fathers, which were to long here to rehearse.  
Howbeit I will bring two arguments, which are wont to be objected against this sentence. In the beginning we said that the nature of God can not therefore be comprehended with the senses, because his nature is not bodily. But all the old fathers seem not to have believed so. 
Tertullian.  For Tertullian against Praxea writeth that God is a body, and in other places he oftentimes testifieth the same. Yea in his little book de Anima he teacheth that our souls are bodies. And which seemeth more strange, he laboureth by many reasons to confirm it. Yea and in his book de Dogmat. Eccles. the 11. chap: he writeth that all creatures are bodies, and even the angels by name: because there is nothing, which filleth all things as doth God: but all things are limited with certain places, as it appeareth of the soul, 
Augustine excuseth Tertulian.  which is closed in with the body. Augustine in his Epistle ad Quod vult deum excuseth Tertullian in this manner, that by a body he understood the substance, & that which is in very deed, as though he therefore wrote that god is a body, lest he should seem to deny that he is, forasmuch as the vulgar people do think that that is utterly nothing, 
The nature of god is without a body.  which is not a body. Howbeit the same Augustine in his book de Genesi ad litteran, in this manner reproveth him, that at sometime being overcome by the truth, he said, That every body is passable: wherefore, lest he should make god passable, he ought to have denied him to be a body. Neither needed he so to bend himself to the capacity of the common people, the therefore he should pronounce false things of god. For Christians are not so to be instructed, the like rude persons (whom Aristotle also confuteth) they should think that that is nothing, which is not a body, but rather they ought so to be taught, that in thinking of god they affirm nothing without rules of the holy scriptures. And as for the book de dogmate Ecclesiastico, we must attribute no more unto it than is mete. For it is ascribed unto Augustine, but the learned believe not that it is his.  
The other thing, which is sometimes objected, is an argument of the Anthropomorphites. For they contend, that for this cause we ought not to believe the god is without a body, because the Scriptures testify, the man was made to the image of God, which could not be true, except he have a body as we have. For the image should want the similitude of the whereunto it is referred. They think also the the Scripture maketh with them, when as it oftentimes attributeth unto god the members of men. 
Jerome.  But Jerome (as Augustine to Fortunatianus citeth him) wittily & sharply derideth their argument. If we should lean unto this reason (saith he) we shall easily prove that a man hath wings, because the scripture sometimes ascribeth them to god, to whose image it is manifest the man was created. These men ought rather diligently to have weighed that the image of God, consisteth in holiness, righteousness & truth, as Paul hath taught. Which thing if they had seen, they had not only removed a body from god, but they should also have led away their minds from grosser cogitations. Why do they not affirm that God is in very deed a bear, a Lion or fire, because so do Amos, and Moses, and also the Epistle to the hebrews call him? In the 95. Psalm it is written: He that made the eye, shall he not see? he that made the ear, shall he not hear? Jerome saith that there should have been said: he that made the ear, hath he not an ear? & he that made the eye, hath he not an eye? But so it is not said, least in thinking of him, 
Why the scripture attributeth members unto God.  thou shouldest be deceived, & suppose that he hath those members. But the holy scripture, if some time it attribute members unto god, undoubtedly this is the only cause, to help our infirmity, whereby although we can not comprehend the essence of God as it is, yet in very deed it provideth that by some certain symbols and shadows we may understand somewhat. Wherefore members are by a most profitable Metaphor attributed unto God, that we diligently remembering his proprietyes, might godlily and faithfully exercise our minds. 
Why the Anthropomorphites are condemned.  And the Anthropomorphites: if for that cause they had ascribed members unto God, as the Scriptures setteth them forth, to be a help unto the weak understanding of men: they might be excused, neither should they have been condemned. But they contended that the nature of God had so in very deed: wherefore justly and worthily are they accused. But what shall we answer to Paul, which of the seeing the nature of God in heaven, saith: We shall see him face to face, and by that means he seemeth to grant unto our eyes and face the beholding of god, and after a sort to ascribe unto god himself a face? 
There is a face of the body and a face of the mind.  Augustine answereth that there is a face also of the mind, when as Paul saith, that we now with a face uncovered do behold things divine, and not with a veil put between, as the jews used when they talked with Moses.  
But these things being thus finished and concluded, 
In the eternal life the blessed shall know the essence of God.  let us in few words speak of other kinds of the knowledge of God. In the everlasting life the blessed shall know the essence of God, not in deed by the senses, but by the soul or mind, for as much as john sayeth: When he appeareth, we shall see him as he is. Paul testifieth the same, now we see him thorough a glass and in a shadow, but than shall we see him face to face. The same thing is gathered by the words of Christ: Their angels always behold the face of the father, for in an other place he hath taught, that in the blessed resurrection the just shallbe like the angels of god. Whereof it followeth, that we shall see god in like sort as the angels do: wherefore if they see his face, than shall we also behold it. There is an other testimony also written by Paul to the Corinth. Than shall I know, even as I am known. 
The nature of GOD is not wholly and by all means comprehended. chrysostom.  And the god seeth us thoroughly & essentially, no man doubteth. Howbeit let us not thus persuade ourselves, that the blessed shall wholly & every way know the nature & substance of God, but so much only as we shallbe able to receaue● for things finite can not fully receive that which is infinite: neither is the which is created, able fully & perfectly to comprehend his creator. Wherefore chrysostom in his .14. Homely upon john, Ambrose in his first book upon Luke the .1. chap, also Jerome (as Augustine in the place before alleged declareth) all these I say deny that the angels see god. But that can not simply & absolutely be understand, when as otherwise Christ saith, that they see the face of the father which is in heaven. Wherefore it remaineth, that the same is to be understand of the whole & perfect knowledge of his nature & substance. Wherefore in john the 6. chap: it is written: No man hath seen god, but he which is of god, he hath seen the father. Also: As the father knoweth me, so know I the father. Wherefore this is only given to Christ which is god, perfectly & fully to know the essence of god. Other also shall see it, but yet so much as their capacity can comprehend. If thou ask, whether it shallbe equally or no? I will not answer to that, at this present. For in an other place, we shall have occasion given us to speak of the diversity or equality of rewards in the blessed life.  
But what shall we affirm of the state of this life? Shall our mind whilst we live here in knowing of god attain to his essence? 
Whether in this life we may in soul or mind know the essence of God, or no.  No verily, because it is written: Man shall not see me & live. No man hath seen God at any tyme. And Paul addeth: He can not be seen, because he dwelleth in the light that no man can come unto. Howbeit these things are not to be understand as touching all manner of knowledge: for also whilst we live here, it is given unto us after a sort to know god. Wherefore these sayings are to be understand (to speak as the stoolemen do) of the substantial & essential knowledge of God. Neither is this against it, in the it is written that Moses saw god face to face, which also before him jacob spoke, neither the which in an other place is written of the same Moses, the god talked with him as a friend with his friend. For these things are not spoken simply, but by comparison with other, because those excellent men above other knew those things, which at that time were opened unto men as touching god. For unto them god would after an exquisite & unaccustomed manner show himself, which he did not to others. And this to be the sense of these words. Augustine & chrysostom hereby do gather, because afterward when Moses desired to see the face of god, it was denied him.  

The natural knowledge as touching God, is slender and obscure. Simonides.  There remaineth, to entreat of the knowledge of god, which whilst we live here we may obtain. First the same is natural, & that very slender & obscure. Which thing Simonides knew right well, who (as Cicero writeth in his book de Natura deorum) being demanded of Hierone a tyrant of Sicilia, what God was, he always deferred to answer, because the more he thought as touching the thing, the more obscure always it seemed unto him. Wherefore Clemens Alexandrinus in his 5. 
Clemens Alexandrinus.  book of Stromata, bringing a reason, why the knowledge of God is so hard, saith: It is not Genus, it is not Differencia, it is not Accidens, nor the subject of Accidences, & therefore it can not be understand of us, which comprehend only such things in our mind & reason. The effects, which the Philosophers used by their understanding to know god, are not equal with his dignity, power, & faculties. Wherefore they declared only certain common & light things. But we give unto him Attributa or proprieties, that is, good, just, fair, wise, & other such like: because we have no excellenter things, nor nobler names, which can better be applied, or agree with him. Neither yet are these things so in him, as we speak: for, for that he is most simple, 
The knowledge of God by faith.  he is far otherwise good, just, & wise, than men either are, or are called.  
But besides this natural knowledge of god, this knowledge also offereth itself unto us, which consisteth of faith, & is by the word of god revealed unto us. But faith is not of us (as to the Ephesians it is said) but it is the gift of God: for Christ also saith: No man can come unto me except my father draw him. Faith therefore abundantly gathereth out of the holy scriptures the knowledge of god, as much as sufficeth to salvation, or as much as this our life is able to receive. Howbeit as Paul testifieth this knowledge also is imperfect. For now we know him by a glass in a shadow & but partly: & although in this knowledge we profit, whilst we live here, yet can we not attain to the knowledge of the essence of god. I know that Augustine thought as touching Paul & Moses, the sometime, 
The opinion of Augustine, of Paul and Moses.  in mind whilst they were here, they saw the substance of God: but I can not easily agree unto it, forasmuch as I judge that those places of john, of the law, & of Paul, which I before alleged, are most evident. Unto which this may also be added, which is written in the 6. chap. of john. Not that any man hath seen the father: he which is of god, he seeth the father. And this is not to be passed over, the that which is here spoken of the father, is true also of the son, as touching his divine nature. Because, as I have above declared, both out of chrysostom and out of Augustine, the nature as well of the Son, as of the Father is invisible. And it skilleth not if thou say, as Augustine saith, that they saw the nature and substance of God, not using the outward senses but in a certain trance or ravishing, or being alienated from the use of this life. These things are not gathered out of the Scriptures, yea contrarily we have heard that Moses was denied the sight of the face of God. Wherefore by the knowledge of faith we both know God and his good will toward us, as much as is sufficient to our true and perfect salvation.  
But among all those things, whereby out of the holy scriptures we know god, 
In Christ god is said to be made visible.  there is none more excellent than Christ himself. Wherefore Paul hath justly said: without controversy it is a great mystery, God is made manifest in the flesh, etc. The Lord also saith: Philip, he which seeth me, seeth also the father. Paul also said that he knew nothing else, but jesus Christ, and him crucified. And undoubtedly in Christ God may be said to be made visible: because he was joined together with man in the same self person. Wherefore they which saw Christ, might say that they had seen God. And he which by faith beholdeth and acknowledgeth him, doth see far much more, than if he should behold the burning bush of Moses. Wherefore to the  it is written, that in him are put all the treasures of the wisdom & knowledge of god. And john doth healthfully admonish us in his Epistle the 3. chap. as he which hath a hope to see God as he is, let him prepare himself thereunto, by purging himself, as he is pure & clean. Thus much of the Question, now let us return unto the history.   

23 And the Lord said unto him: Peace be unto thee, be not afeard, thou shalt not die.  
24 And Gideon built there an altar unto the Lord, and called it jehovah Shalum, even unto this day. It is yet in Ophrath the pertaineth to the Abiezerite.  
When these things were spoken unto Gideon, by the history it appeareth not, but I think it was the next night after the things already rehearsed, wherefore he was commanded to build there an altar, where the meats which was setforth were consumed with fire, namely upon the rock, whereof is mention made a little before. 
Why God appeared unto Gideon the second tyme.  Gideon was vexed with fear, supposing the because he had sen god, he should die. Wherefore god comforted him, that he being void of the fear, might the chearefullier prepare himself, unto those things which were commanded him. That fear wonderfully letted his faith. For how could he believe, that he should set the Israelites at liberty, which every hour suspected death to be at hand. Wherefore god in comforting him, removed away the fear, that he might persecute the work, which longed especially unto faith. Thou shalt not die, saith he Peace be unto the. In the hebrew phrase, peace signifieth tranquillity, good success, & as the common people say, prosperous fortune. This word Shalun is derived of the verb Shalan, which is to perform, to finish, & to accomplish. The latin word Pax also which is peace, agreeth with the hebrew signification. For if we may believe Augustine, Pax that is peace, is a tranquillity of order. And then we reckon all things to be peaceable, when they are right & quietly disposed.  
And Gideon built there an altar. These words are spoken by the figure Prolepsis: for he was in the night admonished of the Lord to build this altar, for the holy scripture useth to set forth a thing summarily: & then to declare the thing as it was done. Wherefore god came unto Gideon in his shape, comforted him, that he should not fear lest he should die, commanded him to build an altar, to take a bulloke, to do sacrifice, to cut down the profane grove, and to overthrow the altar of Baal, 
Why the Elders used altars.  which was had in estimation. The elders used altars not only to sasacrifice upon, but that they might be monuments of some notable benefit given by god. We read that Moses did so, when the Israelites under the Lord obtained the victory against Amalek. After the example of Gideon, every one that is justified by faith & having peace toward god by Christ, & being assured of eternal life, aught in his heart to grave such a little, 
Christ is our peace.  Christ is my Peace which thing Paul also hath taught when he wrote to the Ephes. He is our Peace, which made both one.   

25 And the same night, The Lord said unto him, Take thy father's young bullok, & the other bullok of seven. years old, & destroy the altar of Baal, that thy father hath, & cut down the grove, that is by it.  
26 And build an altar unto the Lord thy god upon the top of this rock in a plain place, & take the second bulloke, & offer a  offering with the wood of the grove, which thou shalt cut down.  
That which before was in a sum spoken, is now particularly expressed. Some think the two bullokes are here mentioned, of which the one is called the second other by order of nativity, or as they stood in order at the rack & mangor. And that second, is specified, to be seven. year old, in at which time being made fat, at the length to be offered to Baal: this bulloke god would have offered unto himself for aburnt offering. And because there is no farther mention made of the first bulloke, neither did god command what he would have done with it, therefore I think we must understand but one & the self same bullok which before is put absolutely, & then by exposition repeated that he might be by some certain tokens known from other bulloks, whereof peradventure his father had many, so that it was seven. years fatted, & stood in the second stalle. And as touching the seven. years fatting there is no cause why we should marvel at it, 
Apis the ox was long fatted  forasmuch as the ox called Apis or Serapis which was wont to be sacrificed, was fatted certain years before. And it is not hard to believe, 
The hebrews used the superstitions of the Egyptians.  but that this custom of the Egyptians was superstitiously kept among the idolatrous hebrews, for that they were not only neighbours unto Egypt, but also they came out of it into the land of Palestine.  
God would have an alter erected unto him upon a hard and strong rock, namely upon that, whereout fire was stricken, to burn those things which Gideon brought, as though God by the miracle had appointed it for himself. He commandeth an altar to be raised up in a place apt, for the stone or rock, as it is to be supposed, was great. Wherefore he willeth Gideon to choose one certain even part of it above the rest, which was most fit to build an alter upon. And this is chief to be noted, the god when he would deliver the Israelites from the Madianites commanded above all things, the idolatry should be overthrown. For until as long as religion is not restored, 
Nothing goeth forward well in a plub. wealth except religion be first restored  nothing goeth forward well & luckily in the pub. wealth. furthermore faith is the groundsel & foundation of actions to come. And that can not be had, where the worshipping of god is turned into superstition & impiety. Which thing if god in a manner in all expeditions doth observe, let Magistrates thereby gather, what they ought above all things to do among the people whom they govern. Private men also by this example are admonished, chief to frame piety in their minds. It is not sufficient to build an altar unto the Lord, unless the sacrilegious altar be cut down: neither is it enough to overthrow that, unless unto the true god be his altar built. There are which fall from the Pope, but they so fall, that they will not follow the Gospel. And some there are which do in such sort receive the true doctrine, that for all that they will not departed from the pernicious masses, and other papistical impietyes. God hath not so, not so (I say) commanded which soever of these thou neglectest, thou breakest his commandment.  
That there were groves by the temples of the idols, none, 
About idols were groves.  which hath red poets or histories, doubteth. That was a certain mutation of the patriarchs, which offered sacrifices under oaks, or in hills, which they called high places. They delighted (as I think) in close places, whereby their mind, when they sacrificed, was more void of worldly cares and affairs. And for the most part experience teacheth us, that in dark places, & where high trees grow, a certain admiration cometh unto the minds, by which admiration they apply themselves the more to the meditation of things divine. God commandeth the grove to be cut down, because it was together with the altar dedicated unto the god Baal. Yet he commandeth his wood, and the ox appointed for him, to be transferred to his own sacrifice, lest any man should think that the true god is not lord of all things. For there is nothing so under the power of the devil, but that it may be turned to the glory and honour of god. Yet the godly ought not by this example to eat things offered unto idols, when they know that they are such in deed. Not undoubtedly, because the nature of that flesh is changed, or ceaseth to belong unto god, but because of the conscience of the weak ones, and least it should seem that we would be made partakers of the table of the devils. But such laws God hath prescribed unto us, not unto himself. Wherefore he may use things dedicated unto idols for his own  offerings.  
The grove, the altar, and the bullock are mentioned to belong unto joas the father of Gideon: because he had the office of a Magistrate in Ophrath: & whatsoever was the cause, it is to be thought that he maintained idolatry there. And forasmuch as sacred places & sacrifices are appointed to the possession of private men, therefore magistrates are wont to have the rule & disposition of them. Gideon is chief commanded, to do these things that every man might understand, that in purging of religion, or amending any other sin, we must first begin at our own family, and at such as are niest of kin, lest any man should seem to correct other, and in the mean time leave his own neglected and unamended.   

27 Then Gideon took ten men of his servants, and did as the Lord bad him. But because he feared to do it by day for his his father's household, and the men of the City, he did it by night,  
The fear of Gideon resisteth nothing against his faith. God will have every man to fulfil his vocation, but yet he forbiddeth not to add prudence. We must take place, time, and occasion, unless God appoint these things also Howbeit we must beware, that in adding these cautions we go about nothing that is against the precepts of God: for that prudence is praised which with things well done neglecteth no sin. 
Superstitions are more set by o● men, ●h●n pure religion  Hereby also we gather that Gidion was not o● to● basest sort, forasmuch as out of his family he could take out ten servants. He feared, and so feared that in the day time he durst not do that which the Lord ha● commanded. For the worshipping of Baal was now confirmed: and superstitions once established by taking deep roots, are wont to have more authority, than perfect, pure and sincere worshipping of god can ever obtain. Such ungodliness is there grafted in the hearts of men, that at this day, if a man in the papacy detest the mass, or deride a piece of bread, which the wicked sacrificers both worship and carry about, he shallbe much more cruelly punished and tormented, than if he should with horrible blasphemies defame the true God and our Lord jesus Christ. So at that time he was counted as a most detestable heretic worthy to be killed, which had done any contumely unto the holy services of Baal.  

Whereunto the fear of Gideon tended  But whereunto tended this policy of Gideon? That must needs be cut of which was done, neither could the author of so great an enterprise be hidden. This is true: but he judged that in the mean time this danger was to be avoided, lest in the day time in the act doing he should be taken. For he should have been letted both by his father's household, and also by the men of the city, from executing the commandments of God. and peradventure in accomplishing the work should have been slain. 
The name Baal agreeth very well with the true God.  This Baal (as in an other I have declared) had his beginning of Bel the father of Minus. But as touching the name, we must know, that by it an excellent propriety of God is expressed. For Baal in hebrew signifieth a Lord, a master & a husbdan, all which things in very deed agree with God. For he is Lord of all things, and the teacher of all true wisdom, & the only husband of the church. Wherefore these men erred not in judging the proprieties of God. Neither erred the Grecians when they called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For by that title they declared that God is the author of life. The Romans also called God jubiter, as though they should say jubiter father. Wherefore these words are for god most worthy: and it may be, that the old men which so spoke, had a respect unto the true god the chief of all. But that was utterly ungodly and detestable, which afterward was committed, namely to ascribe these proprieties as well to stars as to men, and also to brute beasts and idols, whereby all things were filled with idolatry. furthermore the Hebrews, although God had taught them his name, by which he would have them call upon him, and pray unto him, yet they forsook it, & used the names & holy services invented by the ethnics, & neglecting the rites commended unto the both by the law and also by their elders, they received profane ceremonies. Wherefore they had an altar dedicated unto an idol, a grove about it, and certain years they fed and fatted some certain bullocks for the sacrifice. And at the length they became not the worshippers of the true god, but the true worshippers of Baal in all things.  
Gideon in the night overthroweth the altar, cutteth down the grove, buildeth an altar unto the Lord, & (as he was commanded) offered a  offering. All these things were testimonies of his faith, whereby he confessed, and that from the heart that he detested idolatry, and perfectly believed in the only lord the god of the Hebrews and sacrificed unto him. Some things are here mentioned, which were not done by an universal law but by a certain prerogative and privilege. Gideon being of the tribe of Manasses sacrificeth, when as sacrificing belonged only unto the Levites. This if he had done of his own brain, he should not have wanted blame. Secondly a private man overthroweth the aultare, and cutteth down the grove: in which thing he took upon him the office of a magistrate. But in these things we must have a regard to the word of god, by which he was peculiarly stirred up to do these things. Wherefore they which to these works are not in like manner called, aught to keep themselves under the common law. But as I have in an other place admonished, idolatry is of all men to be taken away but yet of every man, according to his state & condition. Let magistrates by outward violence, ministers by the word, and private men, by abstaining and gainsaying, take away ungodliness.   

28 And when the men of city rose rose early in the morning, they saw the altar of Baal destroyed, & the grove, that was by it was cut down, and the second bullock offered upon the altar that was made.  
29 And they said one to an other, who hath done this thing? & when they inquired and asked, they said Gideon the son of joas hath done this thing.  
30 Then said the men of the city unto joas, Bring out thy son that he may die: because he hath destroyed the altar of Baal, and hath also cut down the grove that was by it.  
31 joas answered unto all those that stood by: will ye plead Baal's cause? Or will ye save him? He that will plead for him let him die ere the morning. If he be god, let him plead for himself against him that hath cast down his altar.  
32 And he called him in that day jerubbaal: saying: Let Baal plead with him, because he hath broken down his altar.  
They most grievously prosecute the matter against him which had inviolated the sacred things of Baal, and yet they suffered the worshipping of the true god to lie neglected and despised. It is the manner of human wisdom, with earnest labour to defend their own inventions: and obstinately to resist those things which god hath commanded. They will kill Gideon, as a sacrileger and most pernicious heretic, they behave themselves seditiously against the Magistrate, they show forth no laws, but in a certain blind fury they judge the crime committed to be utterly worthy of death, when as they themselves rather should have been condemned worthy of death, because they had violated the worshipping not of an idol, but of the true God. What he was the showed that Gideon did these things, the history expresseth not. God suffereth not such things to be hidden therefore he had means and ways in a manner infinite, whereby he would make them open. But to know what were the tokens of the things done, it is no skill to us, but let us diligently mark the impotency of idolaters. 
Idolaters can not abide to have ungodly worshippings taken away.  They cannot by any means abide to have wicked worshippings taken away. The Hebrews said unto jeremy that they would utterly worship the queen of heaven, that is the moon and other stars. The Ephesians being as it were in a rage, cried without mean or reason, Great is Diana of the Ephesians. The Romans whilst Italy was wasted by the Goths, Vandals, and lombards, neither cried nor desired any other thing, but that the altars and temples of idols might be restored. That said they was the head of evils, because the holy services of country were abolished. The like example do we no see in these men, they neither will nor can not abide, that Gideon should escape whom they saw had cut down their idolatry. Now is Gideon counted a seditious fellow, which hath committed such things as we at this day of the greatest part of christendom are accused of sedition, which have disturbed false worshippings now being received. And we grant indeed that seditions are to be avoided as much as may be, because civil peace is a good thing which wise and quiet minds ought to desire. 
Obedience to the word of god is to be preferred before evils peace.  But contraryly the truth is not to be suppressed, neither must we sin against the worshipping of God, and it is much better to defend the word of god than civil peace. Every godly man so roweth when tranquillity of the public wealth cannot be coupled with the obedience of the word of God. Wherefore for as much as the one or the other is to be chosen, the whole and uncorrupted worshipping of God ought rather to be wished for, than the commodity of outward peace. For the end of cities and public wealths is, to obey God, and rightly to worship god, that is by his word and prescribed rule. For to have a city or public wealth quiet and peaceable, is not by itself necessary, but to obey God, to believe his word, and to worship him as he hath prescribed, is the sum and end of all human things, and therefore it is to be preferred above all good things. Neither is it any new or unaccustomed thing, that by true piety seditions are stirred up. Christ of that thing hath admonished us: I came not (saith he) to send peace on the earth, but a sword. I came to kindle fire: what will I, but that it should burn? The time shall come saith he, that for the Gospel's sake, the father from the child, the children from the parents, brethren from brethren, shall not only be alienated, but which is more cruel, 
The godly are not guilty of the troubles which happen for religions sake.  they shall deliver one an other to the death. And yet these seditions & troubles are not to be ascribed unto the godly: forasmuch as they whenthey obey god, do not departed from their office, they do that which they should do: the fault consisteth in the ungodly and idolaters, they are to be accused, and condemned as guilty of those evils, because they can not abide the truth, neither will they obey the word of god. Wherefore preachers of the gospel are to be absolved of this crime: for seditions spring not through their default which obey god, but through the perverseness of the world, which straight rageth against the word of god.  
joas, like a wise and stout Magistrate, at the beginning assuageth the people being in an uproar, showing them how unworthy a thing they do, when they being private men, dare avenge the cause of Baal. Will ye plead his cause? As though he should have said. It is not your office, it pertaineth to me and the other magistrates. And then he maketh a proclamation against the seditious persons. He that will so stand in Baal's cause, shall die, and that this day, or the morning. He shall not live till morning, for he shallbe executed out of hand. If Baal be god, let him plead his own cause against him, which hath cast down his altar, and hath cut down h●s grove. If the matter be to be discussed without judgement and ordinary action, Baal hath no need of this your help: for seeing he is god, he can right well revenge himself. The last part of this sentence is somewhat dark. He that will plead. Lo, for him or against him, let him die this day before morning. Some expound this word Lo, to signify, for him namely for Baal, as though the ●retor had put forth his decree after this manner: Whosoever goeth about to move sedition, as though he would plead for Baal, him will I strayghtewaye punish, as a troublesome citizen, which dareth to take upon him more than his state may suffer. The other sense is to expound this word Lo, against him, as though he should have said: do not rage's in this sort, because he shall utterly die, and that this day before morning, which against Baal hath pleaded and contended. By the power of this god he shall not so escape. And this sentence seemeth to be confirmed by the words which follow: If he be god, let him plead his own cause against him, which hath done him injury. But I rather allow the first sentence: because the holy scripture rather useth this word Lo in that sense.  
Gideon by his father's answer was named jerubbaal. He shall plead (saith joas or let Baal plead against him. These are words either of them that prayeth, which would so speak in earnest or feignedly, or else of one that affirmeth as though he should affirm, that it should utterly so come to pass. The men which herd these word●s, either because they marveled that the father wished these things unto his son, or else because they believed that the earth would straightway swallow him up, or the lightning would destroy him, or that god would by some exquisite punishment punish him, they waited (I say) to see what would happen. And therefore they called him jerubbaal. And his surname was then of far more estimation, when they saw that he escaped safe and sound, and contrary to the hope of all men delivered the Israelites from the power of their enemies.  
By this example Magistrates may know what they should do, 
The office of a stout Magistrate against tumults because of religion  when Papists stir up sedition or tumult in their dominion, because Masses are abrogated, Idolatry taken away, and the Pope thrown down. They must valiantly stand by it, and must declare, that this charge pertaineth not unto these, by violence to defend rites and superstitions: forasmuch as they have not the sword: their care should be this, to see that godliness be rightly and orderly appointed. If so be that they desire any thing against laws or right, and think that they have the better cause, let them from God wait for the success. He is of himself by nature both mighty and wife, and therefore if he allow the Mass, the Pope and superstitions, he will then take those things in hand himself. In the mean time they ought to compel their subjects to obey just and healthful decrees. By these things it appeareth as I suppose, that joas was not a Baalite from the heart, for he could not have said: If h●●e God, let him plead his own cause. Unless thou will feign that he said, in time to come Baal shall plead his own cause: but what he before judged of Baal, now he declareth, when he seeth the danger of death that his son is in for his sake.   

33 Then all the Madianites, and the Amalekites, and the children of Kedem were gathered together, and pitched their tents in the valley of Iszreel.  
34 And the spirit of the Lord did put on Gideon, and he blew a trumpet, and Abiezer was gathered together after him.  
35 And he sent messengers through out all Manasseh, and he also was joined with him. And he sent messengers unto Aser and Zebulon, and to Nephthali, and they came up to meet him.  
When the uproar & seditions were pacified, which were stirred up for a thing godlily done of Gideon, God provided that occasion should be given, whereby he might by Gideon give unto the Israelites the victory against their enemies. That thereby at the last they might understand with how much godliness and profit, the worshipping of Baal was taken away. In the coming of the enemies the spirit of the Lord did put on Gideon, the spirit I say of strength, as the Chaldey Paraphrast interpreteth. God had before appointed Gideon for a saviour of the hebrews, now when he should go forth unto the battle, he suffereth him not to go unarmed, but endueth him with his spirit. The Metaphor of putting on is derived of garments, which are put upon the body. The spirit of the Lord therefore is inwardly hidden in the outward man, and so worketh by him, as though he had put him on. And this is a phrase of speech very much used in the scripture, and especially in this book. This did the Angel signify should come to pass, when he said unto Gideon: Go in this strength, and deliver the jews from the Madianites. Now is it brought to pass that Gideon is endued with the spirit of strength. For this was that power and might of God, wherewith in the old time he delivered the fathers. He blew a trumpet, and Abiezer followed him, which in deed was marvelous, forasmuch as they were so angry for the overthrowing of Baal. But their minds were by the inspiration of God changed. For when they saw that the Idol did to him no hurt, they began to have a good opinion of him. The whole tribe of Manasses followed him, also Zebulon, Aser, Naphthali. Gideon alone was called, but yet he would not fight with his enemies alone. For faith refuseth not human help which justly may be had: for godly men are not by faith stirred up to tempt God.   

36 And Gideon said unto God: If thou wilt save Israel by my hand as thou haste said:  
37 Behold I will put a fleece of wool in the threshing place, if the dew come upon the fleece only, & it be dry upon all the earth, them shall I be sure, that by my hand thou wilt save Israel, as thou hast said.  
38 And it was so: for he rose up early on the morrow, and thrust the fleece together, and wrynged the dew out of the fleece, and filled the viol with the water.  
39 Again Gideon said unto God: Be not angry with me, and I will speak only once more: Let me prove only once, I pray thee with the fleece. Let it, I pray thee, he dry upon the fleece only, and let the dew be upon all the ground.  
40 And God did so the same night: for it was dry upon the fleece only, and there was dew on all the ground.  
Man's imbecility is divers and manifold, whereby it cometh to pass, that in the promises of God we waver and doubt. Gideon was called by so plain and manifest words, that there was no occasion of doubting left. He had no common sign when the sacrifice was consumed with fire: he is now furnished with an host, & yet he now also wavereth, & needeth a new confirmation. We use not so to do when we believe men: for if there be but a bare promise, or a hand writing made, we are content. But God must continually beat in into us those things which he promiseth, and seal them with miracles and Sacraments, and yet even then also we give little credit unto them. And though we should endanger ourselves for accomplishing of our own lusts, or prosecuting our own affairs, there are we stout, there are we bold, and nothing afeard, when as otherwise few there are found which in God his cause, or for his words sake will put themselves in danger. In which thing nevertheless we ought to be most stout: for God will not leave us destitute of his aid. He addeth the spurs of promises, the confirmation of miracles, and to those which cease of, he threateneth very grievous punishments. 
Whence our distrust cometh  And this pestilence springeth of no other thing, but because we trust to our own sense and reason, more than is convenient. And against this evil there is no remedy so present, as from them to provoke ourselves to faith and constancy in God.  

Whither Gideon in requiring these signs, be to be condemned.  R. Levi been Gerson thinketh that Gideon, when he required these signs, did partly distrust, and partly believe: whose opinion if it be received, than Gideon is guilty of infidelity. And I judge that we must not labour much, utterly to acquit him of all faults. To the hebrews his faith in deed is commended: but me thinketh that we must not deny but that it was wavering, before it was by divers means confirmed. And undoubtedly it is a great matter, to confirm the heart of man in the word of God. Although I am not ignorant, that they which defend Gideon, do say that he doubted not, but that he was called of god to set at liberty the Israelites. But in requiring these signs, he only asked counsel of God: whither he should then obtain the victory against the Madianites, when now he had collected and host. And that in the old time with the captains of the Israelites was a common custom. For Saul and David, although they were by God chosen kings, namely to save the people, neither did they thereof any thing doubt, yet did they often times ask counsel of God, whither they should ascend to any place, whither their enemies should be delivered into their hands: or contrary, whither they should fall before their enemies, or be delivered into their hands. So peradventure it might be said, that this captain, for that he had not with him the Ark of the Lord, or a Prophet whom he might ask counsel of, as touching the success of the battle, by those signs did ask counsel of the Lord. Augustine in his .63. 
Augustine. Ambrose.  question upon Genesis in this manner excuseth Gideon, and affirmeth that he by these petitions tempted not God, but asked counsel as touching the success. And as concerning this thing, as he is wont, he agreeth with Ambrose, who in his first book de spiritu sancto, and i chap. affirmeth that Gideon doubted not. And the Rabbins of the hebrews think that these signs were given unto Gideon by the ministry of some prophet: but what he was, neither the scripture declareth, neither can they tell. And there are some of them which suppose that all this thing was done in a vision. But of these things what need we any more to argue? Forasmuch as there is nothing which letteth, but that Gideon might in very deed both demand, and have experience of these things. Howbeit, the thing teacheth that all these things happened in the summer time, for that there is mention made of dew.  
I easily assent unto Augustine, which saith that Gideon tempted not God, 
Augustine. We may require a sign to strengthen our faith.  because I am persuaded, that by such signs he would have his faith confirmed, which otherwise was wavering. It is sin in deed to doubt in faith, but to strengthen the same, it is lawful in time to require a sign. For in the Gospel the man cried: Lord, I believe, but help thou my incredulity. Yea and Gideon also in the self same thing had before trial of consolation: wherefore it is no marvel if he again desired the remedy, which he had had experience of. 
Why Gideon required contrary signs.  He requireth contrary signs, because the first seemed not to be so great a wonder, that the rest of the earth should be dry, & the fleece moist. Because such is the nature of wool, that by a certain proper power it draweth moistness unto itself, as the magnet stone draweth iron, and Naphtha, fire. 
Naphtha a kind of chalk.  Wherefore the wool might easily drink in the dew, and that abundantly, although the earth were not yet moist. But that about the fleece the earth should be moist, and the wool dry, it was utterly against nature.  
What is the allegory of these signs, Augustine upon the .71. 
Augustine. Ambrose. The allegory of these signs.  Psalm writeth, and also Ambrose in his first book de spiriru sancto, in the Proheme. The fleece they understand to be the people of the hebrews, who in the old time were watered with the word of God, when as the whole earth, that is, all other nations, wanted the preaching of the word of God. Christ also was the minister of the circumcision, & in the first embassadge he sent his Apostles only to the jews. But afterward the thing was so altered, that the whole world, after the coming of the holy ghost upon the Apostles, was watered with the word of God, and the jews utterly wanted it, and as barren bows were cut of from the fertile and fat olive tree.   

¶ Of Miracles.  
IN the end of the chapter two things are to be inquired of. The first is of miracles: the other is, how much or in what sort it is lawful to require them. 
The Etymology of the words.   
As touching the first, the Hebrew verb is Pala, or Niphla, which is, it was hard, or marvelous: whereof are derived these nouns Niphlaoth or Miphlaoth. By which words are noted things severed from other, for their dignity or excellency, separated I say, and wonderful. The Grecians call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of this verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is to marvel. The Latins call them Miracula, that is miracles, because they are worthy of admiration. They call them also Prodigia monstra, and Portanta, that is wonders, monsters, and things seldom seen, that we should understand that God by these things will show that some certain thing shall come to pass or be done, contrary to the common order of things above hope or expectation. 
Miracles very much renowned.  Wherefore seeing mircales are done above the natural course of things, they bring with them admiration. And undoubtedly there are very many miracles, which by writers are made famous, as the temple of Diana in Ephesus. the Tomb of Artemisia Queen of Caria, the horrible great image of the sun at Rhodes, the walls of Babylon, & very many other of the sort. Wherefore Augustine against the Epistle of the Manichees, the xvi 
Augustine. A general description of miracles.  chap. prudently writeth, I call a miracle whatsoever appeareth hard or unaccustomed, above the hope or faculty of the wonderer. By which words, a certain large description of miracles may be had. 
Transubstantiation is ill feigned to be a miracle.  And forasmuch as it said, that a miracle appeareth, they are worthily reproved which do feign Transubstantiation, and will have it to be a miracle, which can neither be confirmed by the holy scriptures, and seeing that it appeareth not, neither can it be seen, it cannot be called a miracle.  
After this very common and large description, there is to be added, that of miracles certain are true, 
False miracles  and certain are false. For those are called false miracles, which either are not that which they seem to be, or else if they be, they are not done by any power, which passeth nature, but by the powers of nature, although it be secret. For Angels either good or bad may do them, and that three manner of ways. For sometime they apply unto matter the strengths of nature, which they perfectly know, of which conjunction of the matter with efficient causes, do follow effects, & are in deed in a manner upon the sudden, at the which the beholders cannot but marvel. The devils know that of things putrefied are engendered Frogs, worms, or some certain Serpents, so that heat in certain degrees be added. Wherefore seeing to them it is not hard to couple these things together, they do it sometimes to deceive men with al. And by this means Augustine thinketh (as he writeth in his .3. 
Augustine.  book de Trinitate) that the sorcerers of Pharaoh did sometimes the same things which Moses did. Farther, the movings of the spirits, of the blood and humours, do very much trouble the bodies of men: whereby figures, images, and shapes of things, which in them are kept, are in the same motion brought before the fantasy or imagination, & by that manner and order, that the troubler of the spirit knitteth them. Whereof do spring sundry and manifold sights, which we see do sometimes happen in such as are in frenzy. And the thing may come so far, that the forms and images which are inwardly kept, may be called back even unto the outwards senses. Whereby, he which suffereth such things, weeneth that he verily seeth and feeleth those things which are in his imagination or phansye, and in his sense, when as in very deed there is no such thing outwardly done. And this kind of miracles ought rather to be referred to illusions, then to miracles.  
It also cometh to pass, that sometimes these spirits by their own power, either of the air, or else other elements do form certain bodies, that they appear utterly like men's bodies, and under them they appear to whom soever they lust. So came they sometimes to Abraham, Lot, and other fathers. These things (if we speak properly and simply) are not true miracles, but in our reason & judgement there is nothing letteth, but that they may so be called. Yea and commonly jugglers are said to do miracles, when as for all that they deceive by the nimbleness of the hands, or by the powers of certain things natural, do represent things wonderful to the beholders.  

What true miracles are.  But this is the definition of true miracles. A miracle is a work hard and unaccustomed, by the power of God, which passeth all faculty of nature created, to this end wrought, to cause the beholders to wonder, and to confirm faith towards the word of God. 
Causes of miracles.  Wherefore the matter of miracles are works: and the form is, that they be hard and unaccustomed. The efficient cause, is the power of God, which overcometh nature created. And the end of them is both admiration and also confirmation of faith.  
And that we should not doubt of the efficient cause, this I think good to be added: That that power of God which utterly is above the faculties of nature, is to be understand, sometimes to work by itself, and other sometimes either by Angels or by men, and that in such manner as we shall afterward declare. 
Augustine.  Farther, I will add, that Augustine writeth in the place before alleged against the Epistle of the Manichees, the xxvi chap. Miracles would not move except they were wonderful, and they would not be wonderful, if they should be accustomed things. As therefore they say that by admiration sprang Philosophy, which Plato thought to be the rainbow, and for that cause calleth the daughter of Thaumans, so may we believe that faith, 
Faith cometh not of miracles but is by them confirmed.  which cometh of the word of God, although it do not utterly spring of miracles, yet by them it may be confirmed. And therefore Augustine in his xii book of Confessions the xxi chap. saith: Ignorance is the mother of wondering at signs: this is an entrance unto faith to the sons of Adam, which have forgotten thee. By this sentence he teacheth that men which have forget God, have by the admiration of miracles an entrance or coming unto faith. And without doubt it is so. The will of God is hidden from us: but he, as he is good, openeth the same to holy Prophets & Apostles: which that they may profitably declare unto men, he giveth unto them the gift of his holy word. But because he knoweth that mortal men are contrary & against his word, he hath granted the power of working of miracles, that those things might the easilier be believed, which he would have his messenger profitably to speak. That confirmation of faith cometh by miracles, Mark testifieth, who toward the end of his Gospel saith: And they went forth, preaching every where, the Lord working with them, & confirming the word with signs which followed. And how apt this kind of confirmation is, hereby it is manifest. The promises of God do of no other thing depend, then of his will & power. And the signs which we now entreat of, do testify the power of God, forasmuch as they by all means overcome nature, and set forth the truth of his will: for by the invocation of his name, & by his grace & spirit they are wrought. 
Augustine.  Wherefore Augustine in the place now alleged against the Epistle of Manicheus writeth, that miracles do bring authority unto the word of God. For he, when he did these miracles, seemed to have given an earnest penny of his promises. Neither are these words to be passed over, which the same Augustine hath upon john, in the .24. 
Miracles consist not in the greatness of works.  treatise. That miracles consist not in the greatness of works: for otherwise it is a greater work to govern this universal composition of the world, then unto a blind man to restore light, which he is destitute of.  
These things declared, there remaineth that by apt distinctions we distribute miracles into his parts. Some of them are to be wondered at, 
another distinction of miracles.  by reason of the thing itself which is done, for that it is so unaccustomed and great, that in the nature of things, we cannot find the like of it. Such was the staying of the Sun in the time of josua, and the turning of that shadow in the time of Ezechias, the conception and birth of the Virgin, the food of Manna in the desert, and such like. But there are some which are miracles, not for the nature and greatness of the thing, but because of the manner and way which was used in bringing them to pass, as was the cloud and rain of Helias, the budding of flowers and fruits in the rod of Aaron, the thunder's of Samuel, the turning of water into wine, and such like: For such things are done by nature, but they were then miracles, because of the manner whereby they were wrought, that is, not by natural causes, but at the commandment and will of Saints.  
There is an other division of miracles, 
another division of miracles  because some of them do only move admiration, as lightenings and thundrynges in mount Sina, the turning of the shadow of the Sun in the time of Ezechias, the transfiguration of the Lord in the Mount. There are other, which besides the admiration, do bring a present commodity unto men, as when by the rod, drink was given out of the Rock, Manna from heaven, and when by the Lord and the Apostles sick folks were healed. And sometimes they bring punishment and hurt unto the guilty. For by the words of Peter perished Ananias and Saphira. Elimas' the Sorcerer was made blind by Paul: and some were by him delivered unto Satan to be vexed.  
By this also are miracles divided, 
another partition of miracles.  because some of them are obtained by prayers. For so did Elias and Elizeus, namely by praying, restore their dead to life. Moses also praying for Pharaoh, drove away Frogs and other plagues. And other some are wrought by commandment and authority. josua commanded the Sun to stay his course. The Lord jesus commanded the winds, and Peter said unto the lame man: In the name of jesus Christ rise & walk. There are also other which are done neither by prayers, nor by commandment, but of their own will and accord, the saints themselves doing some other thing. Even as when the shadow of Peter as he walked, healed those that were sick, and the napkin of Paul healed also folks diseased.  

Augustine. another division of miracles.  Lastly, Augustine (as it is written in his .83. book of questions, question 79.) divideth miracles, that some are done by public justice, that is, by the stable and firm will of God, which in the world is counted as a public law. By it, God would that his ministers, that is, Apostles and Prophets, should in preaching work miracles. And there are other some which by the signs of this justice are wrought, as when the ungodly in the name of God or of jesus Christ do work any miracle, which is not given but by the honour and reverence which they use towards the name of God: not that God, or nature, or any things created desire to gratefy them. As, when a man stealeth away a public seal or handwriting, he may wrest many things, either from the men of the country, or from the Citizens which are not given unto him, but unto the seal which they know doth belong to the Magistrate and Prince: So he, which followed not Christ, did yet in his name cast out devils. Thirdly, are those miracles reckoned, which by some certain private bargain are wrought, whereby the Sorcerers do bind themselves unto the devil, and the devil likewise to them. But those at done neither by public justice, nor yet by the signs thereof, but come only of a certain private convention. Howbeit we must know, that miracles of the second and third sort are not firm, neither do they assuredly happen. For as much as we read in the xix chap. of the Acts of the Apostles, that the sons of Sceva would have driven out Devils in the name of jesus, whom Paul preached, to whom the Devil said: jesus in deed & Paul I know, but not you. Which when he had spoken, 
Cyprian.  he invaded them. And the same thing doth the act of Cyprian testify of the third kind, before he was converted unto Christ. For by magical arts he assayed to persuade a godly virgin to his filthy pleasure: which thing at the last the Devil confessed that he could not perform unto him.  
Howbeit we must mark, that these miracles which are by a private contract done, 
They be not miracles in deed which the Devil worketh.  are not in very deed miracles, but pertain only to those which we made mention of before the definition: for although sometimes they be that in very deed which they seem for, yet are they not true miracles. For who doubteth, but that it was true fire, wherewith the cattle of job were burnt? and a true blast of wind, wherewith his house being thrown down, his children were slain? Yea and Augustine contendeth that the Serpents which the Sorcerers brought forth were not illusions, 
Augustine.  but true Serpents in deed. For the history saith, that when they came unto the third sign, the Sorcerers said: This is the finger of God, and they testified that now their cunning failed them, & that they could no more do those things which Moses by the power of God did. And that is a token that they wrought not before by illusions, & that the Sorcerers even till that time contended with Moses in things in deed, & not in illusions. But some will say: 
Which signs say: of Antichrist are called lies.  If the matter be thus, that the things which are done by the devil & Sorcecers, be in very deed that which they seem for: why is it unto the Thessalonians of Antichrist written, that by him very many should be deceived by false signs & wonders? We must say, that the lie ought not to be referred to that which is to be done, but unto the miracle. For although the things which are done, shall sometimes be the same things in deed which they seem to be, yet shall they not be miracles, although they seem so. But Augustine answereth. Signs & wonders are called lies, either because they appear, & are not in deed, or else because they lead men to lies. For Antichrist by those signs shall seek nothing else, but to deceive and allure men to believe false things. That is no new or unaccustomed thing, that the cause should by his effect obtain his name or propriety. But in that they appear and are not, it may be two manner ways understand: either because among true things some illusions are mingled: or else because they are set forth for miracles, when as they are no miracles in deed.  
There is an other doubt to be dissolved, how that power of God, which passeth nature, useth either Angels or men, as well good as evil, to work miracles. He useth them as certain instruments, & sometimes he doth miracles at their desire, prayers, and commandment, without any of their outward work. And sometimes he will have them, to add some work or mastery of theirs. For Moses smote the sea, and the rock with his rod. Christ touched the leprous, and anointed the eyes of the blind. But we must understand that there is two kinds of instruments. Some are so ordained, that although they are not the principal causes efficient, yet do they very much profit, for the bringing forth of the effect, as is pron to cut hard things, and medicines to heal, when as for all that they are instruments of the workmen. 
What strength instruments of God have in doing his miracles.  But God in working miracles useth an other kind of instrument, namely, which of their own nature have no strength to bring forth the effect. For what good could the rod do to open the sea? What could the shadow of Peter help to heal the sick? Undoubtedly nothing, if thou look upon nature itself. The instruments therefore which god useth in these miracles, do of their own nature either nothing help unto them, or rather sometimes let them, as the beholding of the brazen Serpent, the salt of Helizeus, the water of Elias, which he poured on the  offering, and the clay which Christ put to the eyes of the blind. Wherefore, when miracles are done by instruments of this kind which nothing help, yea rather do let the might and power of God, is much more apparently illustrated.  
Christ also to teach that natural strength seemeth nothing hereunto, at the marriage said unto his mother: What have I to do with thee O woman? Not that he would in that thing derogate the authority of his mother, but that it might manifestly appear, that the nature which he took of her, was by his own power, nothing able to work miracles. Wherefore, 
God useth both good and evil, aswell men as angels, to work miracles.  forasmuch as God for the working of miracles useth men and Angels, and those as well good as evil, and sometimes those miracles are benefits, and sometimes punishments, wherewith men are either punished or helped, we must not doubt whether God do sometimes punish by good Angels. For it is very manifest that Sodom was overthrown by Angels, the host of Senacherib slain by an Angel, and David saw the Angel which was the minister of the pestilence of the Israelites.  
But Augustine upon the .78. 
Whither God doth by angels directly help.  Psalm doubteth whither God by evil Angels hath wrought miracles, whereby men were immediately endued with some benefit. And he faith, that he hath not red it in the holy scriptures: neither undoubtedly have I red it. Unless we will say, that at the length it profited Paul, that he was vexed by the angel of Satan. And that for that cause some were by him delivered unto Satan, that their spirit in the day of the Lord might be saved. But the question of Augustine tendeth not to this, but whither perfect and manifest benefits, as restoringes to health, prophecies, gifts of tongues, food, delivery, and such like, are of God sometimes by the Devil given unto holy men by some certain miracle: I think herein as Augustine thinketh, that the same is no where testified in the holy scriptures. But that by evil Angels, as well the godly as the ungodly are tempted, punished & vexed, it is evident. But after a divers sort, 
Augustine.  because (as Augustine in the same place affirmeth) there are after a sort two flocks of men, namely one of the wicked, and an other of the good. The good are the flock of God: even as the wicked are the flock of the devil: wherefore towards them he worketh more freely as toward his own, he vexeth, mocketh, and handleth them ill, as by his own right. And yet towards them can he not do any thing beyond the measure prescribed of God. But against the flock of God he dareth do thing, but so much as God himself will sometime permit him, as we read was done of job. God sometime suffereth the saints to be grievously afflicted of Satan, to the end his grace towards them may most manifestly be declared.  

Wither the plagues of the Egyptians were done by good Angels or by evil.  But when Augustine expoundeth these words of the Psalm: namely, the sending out of evil Angels, he doubteth whither the plagues of the Egyptians were done by a good Angel or by the devil. And at the length he showeth, that the plague and destruction of the first begotten may be ascribed unto the ministry of the devil: but the other plagues are to be attributed unto good angels, that the sentence both of the book of Exodus and of the Psalm may stand fast. Howbeit, as touching that plague of the first begotten, in Exodus it is written under the name of God: I will this night pass through Egypt, and will smite. etc. By these words that destruction seemeth to be ascribed, either unto god, or to a good Angel, and not unto the Devil. But that moveth me not much, because although it were done by the ministry of the Devil, yet may it be ascribed unto the Lord. For job, when by the work of the Devil he was bereft both of goods and children, said nevertheless: The Lord hath given, and the Lord hath taken away, and that (said he) was done by the Lord, which was done by the Devil. But some object: If we assign these things unto the Devil, then shall he seem to have fought against himself. For the Sorcerers, by the help of devils, withstood Moses, when they did the same things that he did. And if plagues were by evil Angels sent against the Egyptians, and the Sorcerers went about to withstand them, than Satan seemed to resist Satan. Neither could the Sorcerers have truly said that they failed, and testified that it was the finger of God which wrought. But these reasons in my judgement are not strong, because the things done by the Sorcerers, were done by the power of Satan, which is unto him natural. For by it he is able to apply the seeds of things and working causes to his matter prepared, and to work wonders as touching the sight of man. But those things, wherewith God afflicted the Egyptians, were by his most mighty power wrought by the instrument of the devil. Wherefore it is no marvel if the Sorcerers failed, and felt the most excellent power of the finger of God.  

The place of Exodus and of the Psalm is conciliated.  Howbeit the book of wisdom the xviii chap. seemeth utterly to ascribe these plagues unto God, where he saith: while all things were still, and when the night was in the midst of her course, thy almighty word. etc. And in the xvii chap. it is written, that the Egyptians being among those plagues, especially when they were oppressed with darkness, were with horrible vexations of mind, and sights very terrible so vexed, as though most doleful spirits had perpetually been before their eyes, and about their fantasy: which undoubtedly might be done by the sending of evil Angels, as the Psalm doth mention. Their heart also was hardened, and their minds were daily made much more obstinate against the Israelites. And that seemeth to have pertained to the sending down of evil angels. Wherefore these two places may easily be made to agree, in ascribing the plagues which are mentioned in Exodus to good Angels, and the terrible sights and hardening of the hearts to the sending of evil Angels upon them, of which the Psalm now alleged maketh mention.  

The power to work miracles maketh not men better or worser.  But forasmuch as God (as it is declared) for the working of miracles, useth both evil & good, angels & men, the godly men ought not therefore to be grieved, because oftentimes he giveth not unto them this faculty. For they are not for the cause of any worse condition, then are they to whom God granteth to work miracles. For the Lord said unto his Disciples, when they returned from their embassadge: Rejoice not in this, because spirits are subject unto you: rejoice ye rather for this, because your names are written in heaven. There are some which are so desirous of such things, that to obtain signs, they are not afraid to use even the help of the devil: and under this pretence they excuse themselves, 
To work signs we must not use the help of the devil.  because god himself to work signs useth Satan, in following of whom they do well, so far are they of that they can be condemned guilty of any crime. They say also that Paul delivered some to the devil to be vexed: and therefore they also may use his ministry. But what manner of men are they, which will affirm that it is lawful for them to do asmuch as is lawful unto god? God is the author of all creatures, wherefore it is no marvel if he use them all. But unto us it is by the law of god prescribed that we should not do it. 
It is not lawful to imitate God in all things.  And the imitation of god is so farforth commended unto us, as by his law it is commanded us and no otherwise. For he revengeth his own injuries. And who will say, that private men may do the same? God adjoined unto his own  offering the bullock appointed for Baal (as we have have now hard) with the wood also dedicated unto the same idol: Shall every one of us therefore eat things dedicated unto idols? The rule of our actions, is the word of God. Wherefore we ought not to be drawn to imitate him, but so much as the law suffereth. That law hath he made, not for himself, but for men, that they should frame their life after it. Wherefore it was to him lawful to require of Abraham the immolation of his son, which thing none of us can require of our friend. Paul and other Apostles had evil spirits subject unto them, and by them it was sometimes lawful unto them, to punish the guilty for their salvation: Wherefore those to whom such a gift is not granted aught to abstain from excercising the same.  
Wherefore the use of the power of evil spirits is of two sorts, whereof one is with authority, and that belongeth chiefly unto god, also to the Apostles, and to the saints of the primitive church. The other by compact & obedience which is utterly forbidden men. For what participation can there be of the light with darkness, & of god with Belial? And for that cause the sorcerers which believe them, can not be excused, yet they are by the law condemned guilty of superstition & idolatry. And it is not to be thought, but that god upon very just causes, and to us most profitable hath forbidden these things to be done. 
Why God forbade men to use the help of the devil to work miracles.  For he provideth that we should not be deceived, and that by those means we should not be thrown headlong into destruction. For thereto at the length cometh the fellowships with Satan. For the devil is a liar, & the father of lies, and he is also a murderer, even from the beginning, as Christ hath taught. Wherefore let this be a firm sentence, which the schoolmen also in the 2. book of Sentences. Disti. 8: & among them Thomas especially, so that not only the old fathers have ratified, that if there be any thing to be desired, which is above the faculty of man, the same aught to be desired only of God, which thing they which do not, they fall into Apostasy from faith, 
The inconstancy of certain fathers and especially of schoolmen.  worshipping creatures instead of god. I would to god both the old fathers and the school men, would have abidden constant in it, who afterward (forgetting themselves I cannot tell how) consented to the invocations of saints, being now dead, and have instituted exorcists or cuniurers to the bodies & relics of saints, which being adorned with no peculiar gift of miracles, do with most severe threatenings, and very imperiously adjure devils: desiring of the saints, which are now dead, to drive out evil spirits out of those that be possessed.  
But those spirits if sometimes they go out, as they are bidden they do not that against etheyr will, but they dissemble obedience, therewith to establish idolatry. And it is no less pleasant to them to possess souls, then to vere bodies. Augustine in his x. book de civitate dei, the xi 
Augustine.  chapped. telleth that Porphyrius wrote unto Anebuntes, that certain sorcerers were so accustomed with threatenings to fear devils, that they said: That if they would not do those things which they were commanded to do, they would break down heaven & earth, and so press and punish them. Who seeth not here the subtleties of the devil, which feigneth that he feareth such foolish and ridiculous cuniurations, as they call them. But of this we have spoken very largely  
I think it good now to return to examine the last part of our definition, wherein it was said, that miracles are therefore done to establish faith. And that seemeth to be very much against this particle, that we ought not lightly to give credit unto miracles, forasmuch as they may show occasion of erring. And there hence is derived no sure kind of argument, but an argument very dangerous. And that is proved by many places. First the Lord saith in the .24. chapter of Math. that the false prophets in the latter time shall by signs so deceive men, that if it were possible even the very elect should be deceived, which self same sentence Paul to the Thessaly. more amply prosecuted. By the book of Exodus also we learn that we may not believe signs. For the sorcerers of Pharaoh did for a little space work the same signs which Moses did. In Deutr. also it is commanded that we must not believe a prophet, although he work signs, if he move us to idolatry. Wherefore seeing miracles may be wrought, aswell for the defending of false doctrine, 
Augustine.  as for true, they ought not to be counted meet to confirm faith. Yea and Augustine in his 10. book de civitate dei the .16. chapped. writeth: If angels require sacrifices to be offered unto them, and work signs: and contrariwise, if other shall testify that we must sacrifice only unto God, and yet working no miracles: we must believe them and not the other. The same Augustine contra Faustum de Manichaeis saith: 
Miracles are not sufficient to confirm faith.  Signs ye work none, whereby we should believe you, yea and although ye should work them, yet should we not believe you. Wherefore we must know that miracles in very deed are not sufficient to confirm faith: for it is before all things needful to judge of that doctrine, which is brought: and that by the testimony of the holy scriptures, wherewith if it do agree, we must believe it even without signs. But if miracles be added, the believers are still the more established: and they which yet have not believed, are made at the least more attentive, and the way to believe is opened unto them  

Miracles and sacraments are after a sort like  Miracles also are after a sort like unto sacraments: for both of them are added as certain seals unto promises. And even as miracles profit not, unless first there be a respect had unto the doctrine: so also the Sacraments bring no commodity but much hurt, unless they be received with a pure faith. Both of them serve to confirm faith, but neither of them are sufficient by themselves. For they are blessed, and to be praised in deed, which believe without the help of miracles. Our Lord saith: Blessed are they which have not seen, and have believed. And yet for all that the confirmation of signs is not to be contemned. 
Why the lord sometimes forbade that his miracles should be published.  Peradventure thou wilt say:  they are so profitable to confirm faith, why did the Lord in Math. the .9. and .11. and in many other places forbid that they should be published? There were many causes thereof, he would first have his doctrine preached, and afterward miracles should follow. But if he had permitted certain whom he healed, straightway to have published abroad that which he had done, then should not doctrine have been joined with that spreading abroad of the miracle, forasmuch as they were not yet instructed in godliness. He did it also, lest he should seem to be infected with-vayne desire of worldly glory. Therefore he would by his own example withdraw us from the same. Farther none knew better than himself, what they were whom he healed. And he would not suffer every one to publish and preach his miracles. Wherefore he prohibited divers, that they should not do it. Moreover he saw that by the vain and naked preaching of miracles, it would come to pass, that the light and fickle vulgar people should not be led unto the sincere faith, but rather to appoint unto him worldly honours, which he coveted not. And this to be true the .6. chap. of john declareth, where it is written, that the people because they received bread of him, would have made him a king. Lastly, he would not stir up against himself the envy and woodness of the high Priests, Scribes, and Pharisees more than opportunity of time would suffer. Wherefore in Luke the .9. chap. when in his transfiguration he had showed unto his Apostles a show of his glory, he commanded them, that they should not at that time publish abroad that which they had seen. The same thing also he commanded, when demanding what men said of himself, he had wrong from Peter the true confession, wherein he affirmed that he was the son of God, he commanded I say that they should not tell unto other that jesus was the Messiah. For they were not then so confirmed, that if they had spread such things abroad, they could in disputing have confirmed the same by apt testimonies. Wherefore he thought meet that they should tarry till they were more fully instructed. He would not have the truth utterly to be unspoken of, but yet to the opening of the same, he chose a time convenient. Wherefore it is not thereby rightly gathered that miracles are of no force to confirm faith, because Christ sometimes forbade that they should be published, forasmuch as that commandment of the Lord belonged only for the taking of better occasions, and not perpetually to keep silence. lastly there is an other thing, 
Whi●●● 〈◊〉 goeth b●●●● rac●s or 〈◊〉 me●h after.  which seemeth to be against that article of the definition: For it seemeth that faith cannot be confirmed by miracles, when as they require it, and will have it to go before them. For in Math. the 13. chapter it is written, that Christ, because of the incredulity of his own citizens, wrought in a manner no miracles. And Mark addeth, that he could not. Wherefore it should seem that it is rather to be said, that miracles are constituted and established by faith, when as if it be not present (as the Evangelists say) miracles can not be done. I answer, that they which by prayers will obtain miracles, must after an accustomed & just manner be endued with faith: for vain are those prayers counted which lean not unto faith. But if a miracle be given, there is nothing letteth, but that faith which is begun, may by it be stirred up & confirmed. Farther this is for assured, that god is not letted, but that he can also give miracles unto the unbelievers, 
God sometime giveth miracles unto the unbelievers.  yea he hath oftentimes given miracles unto them. Undoubtedly Pharaoh and the Egyptians were infidels. And who knoweth not but that there were unto them very many miracles wrought by Moses? Christ likewise did then show the miracle of his resurrection, when all men in a manner despaired of his doctrine and truth. Wherefore nothing letteth but that faith may by miracles be confirmed. And for that cause as we have said, they which contend by prayers to obtain signs, do labour in vain, except they believe. Because prayers without faith are of no value with God, which Christ hath manifestly taught in Math. the .17. For when his disciples could not heal the lunatic child, when the cause thereof was demanded, he said, that it came of their incredulity: whose answer openly declareth, 
Against the conjurations which are made all the sepulchres or graves of the dead.  what we must judge of those cuniurers, which at the sepulchres of saints and at relics, go about to expel devils. All things are there feignedly done. Dead men are without faith called upon, and the devil playeth together with idolaters, and feigneth that he believeth, to the end that pernicious worshippings may be retained: which is hereby manifest, because those Exorcists are both men most unpure, and also they do all things there without faith.  
Origene upon the .17. 
Origene  chapped. of Matthew hath very well written against this abuse. If at any time (saith he) we must be by these holpen, we must not speak with the spirit, either in adjuring him, or commanding him, as though he heard us, but only let us persevere in giving ourselves to prayers and fastings. These words spoke he, even then when the invocation of the dead, and worshipping of relics were not used in the church. What would he at this day say if he should see the madness of our times? But to return unto the head of the doubt, I judge that faith goeth before miracles, as touching those which by prayers obtain them, but not as concerning those which stand by, and have not yet believed the preaching which they have heard.  

With what faith evil men are endued, by whom god worketh miracles.  But let us see by what means miracles may sometimes be done by wicked men. For some shall say in the latter time: Lord, have not we cast out devils in thy name, have not we prophesied & c? Unto whom shallbe answered: Verily I say unto you, I know you not. They undoubtedly in working miracles, as it seemeth credible, added prayers, when as for all that they wanted faith, neither were they justified, neither pertained they to the kingdom of God. Wherefore that seemeth not to be firm, that prayers poured out without faith are not herd. But we must note the ill men which by prayers obtained miracles, were not utterly without faith. 
Three kinds of faith.  For there are three kinds of faith found. For there is a faith which consisteth of human opinion and persuasion, whereby those things which are written in the holy scriptures are believed to be no less true than the histories of Livi, Suetonius, & those things which are now written of the new Islands. This kind of faith, as touching many things, is common to the Turks & the jews. There is an other faith, whereby we being stirred up by the heavenly inspiration, do lively & with efficacy cleave to the promise of the mercy of God. By this faith certainly is attained justification. lastly the third faith is called the faith of miracles, whereby we are neither changed, nor made the better, even by a hear: forasmuch as it is the moving of the spirit of God, wherewith men are stirred up to desire miracles, 
Miracles are not always wrought at the prayers of wicked men.  utterly believing that it is the will of God, that they should be done, and that which is required, should have success. Wherefore whilst they lean unto this faith, sometimes they obtain, that which they desire: which I therefore speak because not always they do so, neither are they always illustrate with that inspiration.  

chrysostom.  If so be that thou wilt demand, how this kind of faith can be proved, let chrysostom answer, which upon the .17. chapter of Matthew maketh mention of it. There Christ said: If you have faith as much as is a grain of mustard seed, you shall say unto this mountain: throw thyself into the sea, and it shall do it. In expounding these words, this father saith: because at this day these things are not done in the church, shall we therefore say that Christians are destitute of faith? God forbidden, that we should judge so evil of the people of God. The faith which justifieth, is present, but that which is called the faith of miracles, hath now ceased. This kind of faith also is showed by the words of the apostle in the i epistle to the Corrinthians, where he saith: Although I have all faith, so that I can remove mountains, and have not charity, I am nothing. Neither let that trouble us, in that he saith Al. For that distribution is to be drawn unto the faith of miracles. But that is more manifestly perceived by the same epistle, where the Apostle maketh mention of free gracious gifts, saying: to some is given the word of wisdom, to other the word of knowledge, to some the power to heal, and to other some faith in the same spirit etc. That faith can not in this place be understand, whereby we are justified. For it is not reckoned among gifts, which are privately distributed to some, but is common to all true Christians. Now as I think it appeareth, by what means they which are not justified by their prayers, do sometimes obtain miracles, namely because they are not destitute of every kind of faith. But now we have sufficiently spoken of this first question.  

Wither it be lawful for godly men to desire miracles.  Now must we see, whither it be lawful for godly men to desire miracles. These reasons they use to allege which seem to be against it. First because god in that thing should be tempted: and that doth the law of god utterly forbid. Yea & our saviour with this answer reproved the devil: Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God. And the Hebrews are reprehended for this by name, because they tempted god in the wilderness. The son of god also, when the Pharisees said, master, we will see a sign of thee, said: This froward and adulterous nation seeketh a sign and a sign shall not be given them etc. And Achab otherwise a wicked king, pretended a show of righteousness, saying that he would not tempt God, and therefore he detracted to desire a sign.  
Unto the question I answer: That after a sort it is lawful to desire signs, and the same also after a sort is unlawful. The first part of the sentence is thus proved: When holy men desire, as touching any unaccustomed vocation to be made more assured of the will of God, & are afraid, lest peradventure they should be deceived (for as concerning it they have nothing for certain in the holy scriptures and we must not lightly believe men and angels in those things: for evil angels use sometimes to be transformed into angels of light) when I say they are troubled with such doubt, & the will is ready, yea desirous to obey the commandment of the Lord, if than they desire to be confirmed by some sign, these godly men can not be accused of tempting of god, or of rashness. For who soever in those cases desireth those things, which god useth to offer, he departeth not from the right way. No man is ignorant, but that to Achab was offered a sign, that he might be confirmed of the promises offered him by Esay. Wherefore to desire those things which god sometimes giveth and freely offereth, ought not to be prohibited as unlawful. The thing wanteth no examples. Moses when he had need of the help of god, oftentimes in the desert obtained miracles for the people of god. And to confirm the doctrine of truth, both Helias and Helizeus, desired of god that life might be restored unto the children of their hosts. And to the same end Christ said: But that ye should know that the son of man hath power to forgive sins, he turned to the man sick of the palsy and said: 
For what causes godly men may desire miracles.  Take up thy bed, rise and walk. Wherefore miracles are desired of holy men, and that justly, either that they may be made the more assured of their vocation, or to help a great and urgent necessity, or else to bear witness unto sound doctrine. And always, when they desire miracles to these ends, 
Cautions in desiring of miracles.  let them desire the same not of any creatures, but of god only, and in ask them let them use a mean: for they declare that they will or desire nothing, but that which is agreeable unto the will of god.  
Now on the contrary part let us consider after what manner miracles are unworthily and unjustly desired. First there are some, 
When it is not lawful to desire miracles.  which therefore desire miracles, because they are not well persuaded of the power, goodness and providence of god, neither seek they any thing else, but to have a trial of those things. Neither are they content with the doctrine of the holy scriptures, which manifestly and amply teach all these things. Wherefore justly are they to be reproved, for as much as they be ready rather to believe miracles, than the word of god. Wherefore Abraham answered unto that rich man which was tormented in flames of fire, when he desired that Lazarus might be sent unto his brethren, that they also should not be thrust down into the same punishments: They have Moses and the Prophets. By which words is manifestly declared, that we must rather believe the holy scriptures, than miracles. There are other also, which for this cause desire miracles, that they may live more pleasantly as touching the flesh, and to satisfy their wicked lusts. Of which fault the hebrews are accused, because in the desert, when very great abundance of Manna was ministered unto them, they desired flesh, that they might live the more pleasantly in that wilderness. Lastly, some desire miracles for this intent, to satisfy their vain curiosity. For (as Plinius hath said) the nature of man is most greedy of new things. 
Plinius.  Wherefore they seem to desire miracles as plays and passetymes to sport themselves withal. In that manner looked Herode for miracles of Christ: for when he was brought unto him, he desired to feed and delight his curiosity with miracles. Now I suppose it is manifest, how it is forbidden to desire signs, and how it is lawful sometimes to desire them.  
Now must we dissolve these things, 
An answer to objections. What it is to tempt god.  which seemed to be against those things that we have spoken. They which by the way and manner already described do desire miracles, do not without doubt tempt God: forasmuch as that is nothing else, than of an unbelieving mind, and of rashness, to desire a trial of his will and power, which vice certainly is in the holy Scriptures justly and worthily reproved. Wherefore, the Lord jesus Christ, did not without just cause reprove the devil, when he would have led him to have thrown himself headlong from the temple, whereby he might be made the more assured of the benevolence of God towards him, when that by art there was a plain way to descend by. The same son of god also did not unworthily reprehend the jews as a froward and adulterous generation, unto whom he therefore denied a sign, because they had already seen very many, yet they spoke evil of them all, and mocked Christ, in such sort that they desired not every kind of miracle, but one from heaven, as though they would not also deride signs from heaven: undoubtedly their purpose tended to no other end, but to alienate the people from the Lord, although he had wrought wonderful miracles. And as touching Achaz the wicked king, I shall not need to stand long about him: for he feigned that when he was called of the Prophet, he did very faithfully believe, as though he needed no miracle, when as for all that he was altogether unbelieving, which the 2. book of kings manifestly declareth: for he sent unto Tiglathphalasar the king of the Assyrians, to deliver him from the siege, so far was he of from putting confidence in the Lord. And when God was not ignorant of his disease, he offered unto him the remedy of a miracle, and gave him his choice, which for all that he of hypocrisy refused. 
Obedience is the principal fruit of faith.  If Achaz had in very deed believe god, he would not have refused to obey, for as much as obedience is reckoned among the principal fruits of faith.  
Let us (I pray you) with this wicked king confer his most holy son Ezechias. For he did not so, but to the end he might be made the more assured of recovering health, he very modestly required a sign: unto whom when Esay the Prophet granted his desire, willing him to choose whether he would have the shadow of the sun to be removed forward, or turned backward, he took his choice, neither did he frowardly like his father withstand the miracle offered him by god. But wicked Achaz added hypocrisy unto infidelity. For he considering that miracles are for two causes refused, either for that a man believeth fully in god, neither hath need of the aid of miracles, or else for that he utterly contemneth god, and passeth no thing at all of his aid, he would hide the latter disease whereof he was sick, namely the contempt of god: & he dissembled virtue, whereof he was clean void, namely a singular faith, as though he durst not tempt God. But for as much as God most perfectly knoweth the heart and the reins, he reproved him by the Prophet according to his desert. What other thing is it to refuse a miracle offered of God, than to repel the succour of the spiritual infirmity? As he that is hunger starven is to be accused if the refuse bread: so was he to be reproved, which rejected a medicine offered him by god, when as he knoweth, what every one of us needeth, far better than we ourselves can see. This is now sufficient as touching these things, which at the beginning of the question seemed altogether to forbid the asking of miracles.  
I know in deed there are some which think that miracles are utterly not to be desired: 
Augustine.  but only not to be refused when God offereth them. And they think that Augustine maketh with them, whom (in his 4. book de Consensu Evangelist. and in his questions super Genesin. Question 63) seemeth to affirm this thing. But if thou wilt object, that very many godly & holy men did it, and especially our Gideon: they answer, that they were moved by the spirit of God to desire miracles: and therefore it was all one, as if God had freely offered signs unto them, and they of obedience should have received the miracles which were offered. But these things ought nothing to trouble us, because Augustine in the places alleged, doth not absolutely and simply prohibet to desire miracles, except they be desired to tempt god withal, or upon some naughty occasion. Yea in the 63. question upon Genesis he saith: When this is not rightly done, it pertaineth to the tempting of god. Let us hear him rather in his 10. book of Confessions the 35. chap. where he sayeth: In religion also is tempting of god, when signs and miracles are desired, to take a trial: Which thing I also a little before have willed to be taken heed of. And I will easily grant that the Saints required not miracles by the instinct of the flesh, or provoking of human reason: other wise their prayers had been void and of none effect, for that (as Paul testifieth) it behoveth, that the spirit do with unspeakable groaning prey for us. But I think I have now sufficiently spoken of the questions proposed.    

¶ The seven. Chapter.  

1 THen jerubbal (who is Gideon) rose up early, and all the people that were with him, and pitched beside the well of Harod, so that the host of the Madianites was on the north side of them in the valley by the hill of Moreh.  
2 And the Lord said unto Gideon: The people that are with thee, are to many for me to give the Madianites into their hands, lest Israel make their vaunt against me, and say: mine own hand hath saved me.  
3 Now therefore proclaim in the ears of the people, and say: Who is timorous and fearful? Let him return, and depart early from mount Gilead. And there returned of the people 22000. & so 10000 remained.  
4 And the Lord said unto Gideon: The people are yet too many: Bring them unto the water, and I will try them for thee there. For of whom I say unto thee: This man shall go with thee, the same shall go with thee: and of whomsoever I say unto thee: This man shall not go with thee, the same shall not go.  
5 So he brought the people to the water. And the Lord said unto Gideon, As many as lap the water with their tongue, as a dog lappeth them put by themselves: & every one that shall bow down his knees to drink, put a part.  
6 And the number of them that lapped by putting their hands to their mouth were 300. men: but all the rest of the people kneeled down upon their knees to drink water.  
7 And the Lord said unto Gideon, By these 300. men that lapped, will I save you, and deliver the Madianites into thine hand: and let all the other people go every man to his place.  
8 So the people took victuals in their hands, and their trumpets, and he sent all the rest of the Israelites every man unto his tent, and retained the 300. men. And the host of Madian was beneath him in the valley.  
As much as we can gather by the history, the host of Gideon consisted of 32000. soldiers: which number although it may seem great, yet in comparison of the enemies it was but small. For they had 13500. men in camp, but of the 32000. soldiers of gideon's, god chose only 300, by whom he would give the victory unto the Israelites. This is a very small number, that of every thousand he took only ten But so god wrought. For there are few good, said he. If in Sodom there had been only x. men just, the whole City had been saved. The number of good men, though it be small, yet it is of such force, that God for their sakes spareth the rest. Wherefore most true are the oracles, wherein it is said: Many are called, but few are chosen, and the remnauntes only shallbe saved. But although God allowed not so great a number, yet the act of Gideon is not to be condemned, which gathered it unto himself: for he used that prudence, which was not contrary to the word of god: yea if he had not collected an host, he might have seemed to tempt god, as he which had refused helps prepared, and those just helps. Let us remember that in human actions there are two notable dangers: One is of rashness, 
Two very great dangers in human actions.  when we will not use means and helps set before us. With which evil the Anabaptists are grievously infected: for they will use no weapons, and they abhor from the offices of Magistrates. The other danger is, lest we attribute to much unto human and natural aids, which they do that trust to much in their works. Of these two dangers the one Gideon by himself avoideth in collecting a sufficient great army: for in his enterprise he would not neglect an ordinary aid of soldiers. And God provideth that he should not fall into the other danger: for from the multitude of those soldiers he withdrew the greatest part. 
Why God removed so many from the host of Gideon.  And why he did it, this reason he bringeth, because men do gladly usurp glory unto themselves, neither will they grant any of it even unto God, as it is meet they should. Therefore he saith that his will is, that even as the victory should be given by him, so also it should evidently appear, to be granted by him.  

Even then also when by many soldiers we overcome, god giveth the victory.  Even then also when many soldiers get the upper hand, God giveth the victory: but that is not so manifest, as when with a little host we overcome our enemies. God also feedeth us, even then when all things are abundant and good cheap: but that is not so well perceived, as when a great multitude is refreshed with four or five loaves. And undoubtedly it is the power of God, when the gospel is defended and spread abroad by men very well learned and princes most stout. But it is not then so evident as when it is sowed by idiots & power men, and that with great fruit, & incredible felicity. Wherefore Paul said: Brethren see to your vocation: not many noble men, not many mighty men, not many wise men are called, but god hath chosen the foolish, weak, and contemned things of the world, because he would not have the Cross of Christ and the power thereof abrogated, but manifestly to appear, that even as jeremy commanded, the strong man should not glory in his strength, nor the rich man in his riches, neither the wise man in his wisdom. God doth very well agree with the Prophet, where he saith to Gideon, Lest Israel boast against me. Who soever is proud because of the prosperity which he hath obtained, the same man boasteth against god, and his doing is all one, as if he should choose unto himself an other god. God commandeth a decree to be proclaimed, that they which were fearful, should return home. No new thing is commanded, for as much as that precept is found in Deut. the 20. 
That which is here commanded it is also commanded in Deut.  chap: where precepts of warlike affairs are very well set forth. First, the Israelites are commanded, not to be afeard, when they see the weapons, horses, chariotes and multitude of their enemies, because the Lord standeth on their side. Then it is ordained, that the Priest should come forth amongst them, with a sermon, confirming the hearts of the soldiers, that they are the people of god, and therefore ought not they to fear their enemies. Farther it is commanded, that they should be dismissed, which in that year had built an house, which had planted a vineyard, and which had married a wife. First, lest if they should fall in the battle, they should die without tasting the fruit of their own labours. Secondly (as I suppose) because such men have a great affection unto those things which they have lately obtained, and therefore they do little good in the camps, 
The cause of their fear which were dismissed.  when as their mind is at home. Lastly, that is also ordained which the Lord now commandeth, that as many as are not of a valiant courage, but fearful, should return home, lest by their fear they should daunt the courages of others. For oftentimes it happeneth, that by the fear of a few, which begin to give place unto their enemies, the rest of the camp, which otherwise are strong and valiant, do turn themselves to flight. Great is the number of those which God refused, when as 22000. departed: But yet because God will have men to acknowledge those things to be just which he doth: therefore he maketh it evident, that all they which departed, were justly dismissed, namely because they were fearful. 
R. Levi ben● Gerischon.  And R. Levi Gerischon affirmeth that they were also evil men, for as much as their fear proceeded not of a sound and perfect conscience. They feared peradventure, that the vengeance and wrath of God towards them was now at hand.  
The profession also of Christian religion requireth strength, 
In profession of Christian religion we have need of great strength.  and that no common strength. And therefore the Lord said, that we must imitate him, which would build a tower. For first he counteth with himself the charges, lest afterward not being able to finish the work which he began, he be compelled to leave it unfinished. Also we must follow a king going on warfarre, which diligently weigheth with himself, with how many thousand soldiers he may meet his enemies. Neither is he meet for the kingdom of heaven, which straight way pluketh his hand from the plough. And how great a strength we have need in professing of Christ, the words of Paul do manifestly declare, wherein he saith: All they which will live godlily in Christ jesus, must suffer persecution. The same thing also testifieth he, saying: Our battle is not against flesh and blood, but against wicked spirits which dwell in the air. Wherefore we are not called unto idleness, but to a most sharp battle, and therefore we have need of stout and valiant courages. 
What the bowing of the knees signifieth.  Neither is it sufficient for good soldiers to cast away fear out of their minds, unless also they be prompt and industrious. Wherefore the second time they are brought unto the water, where yet the sluggish are separated, which will not drink, but bowing themselves on their knees. Those are they which pamper themselves, they can abide no sorrow, and they are quickly overcome. There were only 300. which drank with reaching their hand unto their mouth, & they alone were joined unto Gideon. Here may we see, how god with drew from Gideon his captain humans aids, not undoubtedly to betray him, but thereby to give him a more noble victory. Wherefore when helps of nature are taken away, then must strength of faith remain, wherewith we must no less follow our vocation, then if they were present. Which thing very many do not, which straight way as soon as they see themselves destitute of human helps, they bid all pure doctrine farewell: when as for all that they ought to remember, that the power of God, whereby the blind are made to see, the dead made a live, and the poor, blessed, nothing dependeth of worldly helps.  
Concerning the words of the history two things are to be noted. The first is, that the fearful are commanded to return unto Gilead, which seemeth not to be agreeable unto the place where they were. For they were not on this side jordane, where mount Gilead lay in the tribe of Manasses, in the family I say of Machir, but they were come into the land of Chanaan beyond jordane. Wherefore we must say, that either there were two mounts so called: or that that which is written of mount Gilead, is to be referred unto the beginning of those which departed away: as though it should have been said, that they were sent away, which were borne in mount Gilead. These things do certain interpreters write, which whether they be true or false, it is not certain. For we are ignorant whether Gideon with his host passed over jordane or no. Farther we must note that this word Tserath signifieth to purge: whereby the History showeth, that the host should be purged of the Soldiers that were dismissed, because (as I above mentioned) there were none removed from that multitude of Soldiers, but such as were unworthy. Wherefore they could not justly complain of the justice of God. 
josephus.  I very much marvel of josephus, which affirmeth that God would have none to go forth with Gideon, but such as were fearful, that thereby the victory might be the more noble, and referred to be received only of God. And he saith, that they which bowed their knees and drank, were valiant men, and trusted to much in their own strength. And for that they nothing passed upon their enemies, they kneeled down without any fear and drank: but they which stood and reached their hands to their mouth and lapped water out of them, those saith he were of a cowardish mind, as they which for fear of their enemies durst not freely even drink. But this feigned thing very much disagreeth with the history, because God commanded to be proclaimed by express words, that the fearful should departed, and he would have his precept observed which he gave in Deut. Wherefore it seemeth not that he would adjoin timetous folks unto Gideon. But josephus in his narration omitteth the commandment that the fearful should be dismissed, either because it was out of his memory, or else for what other cause I can not tell.  

An Allegory.  Here might be annexed divers Allegories concerning the drinking of the waters. For by those some understand pleasures, and some afflictions. And undoubtedly they are not apt for the kingdom of God, which study to fill themselves with pleasures and delights of this world. Neither are they commended, which suffer themselves altogether to be troubled with adversities. For as they are praised which use this world, as though they used it not: so also are they commended, which in their mind do not so grievously take sorrows and adversities as the ethnics do which have no hope, and are destitute of a perfect consolation of faith.  
The history mentioneth that the men which Gideon took unto him, namely the 300. had trumpets, which ought not to be marvelous. For the sum of the soldiers at the beginning was 32000. Wherefore there might be among every thousand soldiers ten trumpeters. And therefore it was easy to find .300. trumpets there. 
Augustine.  Augustine upon this place writeth, that Abraham (as it is read in the book of Genesis) armed 318. of his bondmen, against the three kings which had led Lot away prisoner, and thereby, he gathereth that he had yet more aid than Gideon. Which is so much the truer, because besides servants and bondmen, Abraham had Abner, Mambre, and Escholl to help him.   

9 And the same night the Lord said unto him: Arise, get the down into the host: for I have delivered it into thine hand.  
10 But if thou fear to go down, then go thou and Purah thy lad down to the host.  
11 And thou shalt hearken what they say, and afterward shall thine hands be strong, and thou shalt go down to the host. Then went he down, and Purah his lad unto the out side of the soldiers, that were in the host.  
12 And Madian, & Amalek, and all the children of Kedem, lay in the valley, like grasshoppers in multitude, & their camels were without number: as the sand which is by the sea side for multitude.  
13 Gideon I say came, and behold, a man told a dream unto his neighbour, and said: Behold I dreamt a dream. And lo a cake of barley bread tumbled from above into the host of Madian, & came even to a tent, and smote it, that it fell: it overturned it, I say, and the tent fell down.  
14 And his neighbour answered and said: This is nothing else save the sword of Gideon the son of joas a man of Iscaell: God hath given into his hands Madian and all the host.  
15 When Gideon heard the dream told, and the interpretation of the same, he worshipped. And he returned unto the host of Israel and said: Up, for the Lord hath delivered into your hands the host of Madian.  
Gideon is also confirmed by the words of his adversaries: he had withdrawn from him human aids, and therefore lest he should be smitten with fear, he prepared a confirmation for him after a certain wonderful sort. God, which made us knoweth right well the nature of man's flesh and reason. We oftentime brag that we put no confidence in prosperous things, when they are present: but when we are destitute of them, we wonderfully wax cold, and there we feel how we deceived ourselves and other. We deserve assuredly for our inconstancy (I will not say infidelity) utterly to be abjected: but the heavenly father, as he is good, breaketh not a bruised read, and quencheth not smoking flax, which we now see in Gideon. He sendeth him to the host of his enemies to be confirmed, and he useth the Madianites, the enemies of the Israelites for an oracle. And it is not marvelous: for if in the old time he used wood & gold in the tabernacle, at the ark, I say, & mercy seat, to give answers, what should let but that he may use men also unto that office? And without doubt the beginning of the victory was, 
The beginning of a victory, is to know the fear of the enemies.  to manifest unto Gideon the fear of his enemies. For in warfare nothing more profiteth, then to know the fear of the enemies: and to know the same at the length for assured, very much pertaineth to warlike policies.  
And in manifesting of it, God observeth his old accustomed manner. Long before that by Rahab of jericho he showed unto josuah, that the hearts of the enemies were exceedingly smitten with fear, & now even by the Madianites themselves he teacheth Gideon how fearful they were. Neither among other testimonies (as the Rhetoricians say) are there any of more strength, 
A notable example of obedience.  than the testimonies of the enemies. Wherefore when Gideon heard even of his enemies how they were affected, he doubted not of the success of the battle. Here is set forth a notable example of obedience. For Gideon was deadly hated of the Madianites, because he had now collected an host against them, and yet being commanded to go to their tents he obeyed. And if he had been afraid, there was no other companion granted him, than Purah his lad. Wherefore seeing he durst take upon him so great a thing, it is to be thought that he was illustrate with no small faith. Neither can he justly be reproved of vanity, as though he took hold of dreams, for as much as he obeyed the word of God.  
Hereby also may we learn, 
Unto the wicked sometimes are given true dreams and the interpretations of them.  that dreams of prophesying are by God given unto enemies of godliness, and to that nation, which afflicted the holy people & the Church: and this is not the first tyme. For unto an Ethnic king, namely unto Pharaoh were fat and lean kine, full and empty ears of corn, showed by God in dreams. Unto the baker also and butler, were showed things that should come to pass, & afterward, Nebuchad-nezar, which led away the Israelites captives, saw twice dreams that had significations. But this is more marvelous, the dream which is here declared, needeth no joseph or Daniel for an interpreter. For that which the soldier by the inspiration of god dreamt, his fellow soldier expounded. Wherefore god gave unto ungodly men, both a true dream & also a faithful interpretation thereof. And the confirmeth, the free gifts of grace are common both to the godly & to the ungodly, wherefore it is not meet that any should boast of them. For they testify not the holiness of men, but only the liberal bountifulness of God.  
By it also is declared the wisdom of god, & his incomprehensible power, 
God can use the most vilest things to the salvation of his children.  that he can to the salvation of his use not only the enemies, but also all manner of thing, yea the vilest. For what is vain & of less reputation than dreams? & yet for the salvation of the elect, they serve the will of god. Nothing seemed unto the ethnics more ridiculous than circumcision: wherefore the jews were every where called of them Apellites & Recubites, & yet nevertheless by it God confirmed his covenant with the fathers. These elements also, bread, wine, & water, are very common things if they be considered by themselves, in which things for all that Christ hath commended unto us Sacraments of most great value. Let us rejoice therefore that we have such a God, that can convert all kind of things to the salvation of his children. And again let us count the ungodly (as they are in very deed) for most unhappy, when as of their own they receive damage, so that not only of their enemies, and they are wonderfully hurt even of every thing most vile.  
As touching the Hebrew words, they translate Tsallil for noise, and sound: for it is derived of this verb Tsalal which is to sound, to make a noise, or to ring, as metal doth. Farther Tsalath signifieth to roast. For the barley loaf, which is now entreated of, seemed to be baked upon the coals, out of which came a wonderful noise: & therefore this word Tsallil is transfered hither. But I marvel, 
Augustine.  wherefore Augustine, writing upon this place, maketh mention that there was a table: I think it was false in the translation which he used. But the Allegory josephus manifestly expoundeth. 
josephus. In allegory.  In general (sayeth he) barley bread is vile and despised. And in all Asia no people are of less estimation than the hebrews, which now begin to sound & to make a noise, because they had now raised an host against them, and made Gideon their captain. In that this loaf by his tumbling seemed with great violence to overthrow their tents, it manifestly foreshowed that the host of the Madianites and Amalekites should be delivered unto Gideon and to the hebrews. This is the Allegory of the dream, and a most true interpretation thereof. 
Why Gideon was more confirmed by the dream then by by miracles.  Gideon being thus confirmed, departed. But in that he was more confirmed by this dream, than he was by the former miracles, it is not to be counted for absurd, because neither miracles, nor dreams by themselves can confirm doubtful minds, but they do it only then, when God by his spirit maketh them of efficacy, which he bestoweth sometimes to these, & sometimes to other, according to his will. Wherefore it cometh to pass, that they which sometimes by miracles are not persuaded, may by dreams be drawn: and again they which by dreams believe not, may with miracles be converted. For God can freely give power and efficacy unto those outward things, according to his will.   

¶ Of Dreams.  


Ethnic authors.  
The opinion of the Peripatetikes.   But now must we entreat of dreams: and first we will see what may be affirmed of them by natural reason: and afterward how much we must attribute unto them by the word of God. As touching the first, Aristotle, Hypocrates, and Galene, also other famous Philosophers have written many things, and amongst them Aristotle in his little book de Divinatione per Somnium (if so it be his book, although we can not doubt but that it is witty and learned) sayeth first, that this kind of divination seemeth not utterly to be abjected, because of the common sort very much is attributed unto it: and those things which are commonly received of all men, can not universally be false. Hereunto he addeth, that there are very many dreams, of which an apt and meet reason may be given: which (as experience teacheth) deceive not men, but have their success. Therefore it is not meet that we should despise all manner of divination by dreams. Howbeit we must receive it warily, for that it is very heard to give causes thereof, because nature in this part worketh very obscurely. 
Aristotle thinketh not that dreams are sent of God.  And Aristotle thinketh not that dreams are sent of God. For if (sayeth he) they should be sent of him, he would give them to good and wise men. But it is not so. For foolish and evil men for the most part obtain this faculty: beasts also do dream: And who will contend that God giveth divination unto them? Neither dreams which are occupied about the fantasy of such as sleep are to this end given, that thereby they should foretell things to come. Farther if god should give dreams, he would give them rather in the day time, that men might the diligentlier behold them. Neither can we easily see why he should choose the night unto him for that purpose. And lastly forasmuch as god is not envious, he would not so obscurely admonish them, whom he would instruct of things to come, but he would show them manifestly and openly. But dreams are so obscure, that for the interpretation of them we must go unto prophets, and soothsayers. These things are in a manner gathered all out of Aristotle, whereby he utterly transferreth the thing from god unto nature, as though the reasons of dreams should from thence be sought for. But I will in treat of that afterward when I come to the doctrine of the scripture. Now will I declare his opinion as touching this thing.  
Dreams saith he are either signs or causes, 
The Peripatetikes exposition of dreams.  or else compared unto those things which are signified rashly or by chance. Every one of these three members is thus expounded, dreams he saith are signs sometimes of the affections of the body or mind. For by those very often are declared, 
Forms are moved according to the diversity of the humours.  which humours do bear rule in the body, abound, and offend. For according to the quality of nature, and tempering of humours prevailing in the body, are forms & images moved. Where choler aboundeth, are seen flames, fires, burning coals, lightnings, brawlings, and other of that sort. If melancholy get the upper hand, smokes, deep darkness, all things almost black, filthy things, dead bodies, & such like do offer themselves. But phlegm stirreth up images of showers, rains, rivers, waters, hail, ise, and such things as have abundant moistness joined with coldness. By blood are moved sights that are fair, bright, white, pleasant, and are like unto the common pureness and usual form or face of things. Neither do the physicians contemn these things, yea rather (as Galene and Hipocrates teach) they inquire very diligently of the sick, of them: because thereby they may understand the temperance of those humours which lie inwardly hidden. 
Why forms are more seen sleeping then waking.  But the cause why they which are on sleep, & not they which are waking, do by sight feel the nature of these motions, is this: because at the beginning they are little, & when we are waking, the sense of them flieth from us. For by stronger motions of outward things, which appear before our eyes, we are drawn an other way, but being on sleep we cease from outward labours, & are void from the course of gross sensible things. Wherefore the sights and images, which are by the humours continually moved, are better comprehended of the fancy when we are on sleep, then when we are waking. And that when we sleep we far better feel smalthings, than we do being waking: hereby it appeareth, because we think that noises, be they never so small, are great thunders. And if any sweet phlegm stick peradventure unto the tongue or roof of the mouth, it seemeth to us that we taste honey, sugar, sweet wines, and pleasant meats, yea sometimes we think that we largely eat, and abundantly drink. Wherefore those motions of humours which are small, are in sleep showed to be as it were wonderful great: for which cause Physicians do hereby know very many beginnings of diseases.  
Dreams also are certain signs of the affections of the mind, 
Dreams are also signs of the affections of the mind.  as of covetousness, hope, joy, and mirth, and also of qualities. Wherefore fearful persons do see other manner of things than they do, which are bold: so do they which are covetous see other things, than they which are in hope: also the learned are wont to have far contrary dreams, to the dreams of the rude people or artificers. For the mind also when we sleep, is occupied about those things, wherein when we are waking, we are either daily, or else very often busied. There is an other thing also diligently to be observed (as Galene doth very well admonish) that there are certain kinds of meats, 
Galene.  which being naturally choleric, melancholic, or fleumatik, do by their quality, or about the fantasy of the sleepers move images and forms, which are agreeable with those humours, although the temperature of bodies of them which sleep do not of themselves offend in these humours. Which thing also the physician ought to observe concerning dreams, namely to see what meat the sick man did use. Wine also (as Aristotle teacheth) being immoderately drunk, doth in dreams engender misformed Images.  
When a dream is a sign it is referred unto a cause, namely unto the humours abounding, which humours it signifieth. It may also be called a sign of some event to come, because from the same cause, that is, from the humours which are signified, may be caused either sickness or health. Wherefore a dream, as it is a sign of an humour, so also is it a token of an effect, which is produced of it. For from the self same cause, namely from the humour, springeth both a dream, and also a disease. Howbeit they are not converted, for sickness or health are not signs of dreams. 
Dreams are sometimes causes of the things which we do.   
But now let us see, how dreams may sometimes be called the causes. That is then, when any man by his dream is persuaded, either to do, or to try any thing, as if a man be made whole of the sickness of the splen, for that that he was let blood in the outward side of his hand, for so was he taught to do in his dream. And now and then it happeneth unto the learned, that they find those things whereof they are in doubt in the same books, where in their dream they thought they had found or read them. 
Dreams sometime by chanse resemble those things which happen.   
But now let us consider the third member of the distinction which we brought, namely when dreams do rashly or by chance signify those things which afterward do hap. That taketh place in those things, whose cause is not in us, but rather distant, and far of, as if a man should see a victory, or a murder to hap in hosts far distant from him, or any man that is absent exalted to very great dignity. These things say the Peripatitikes are joined together by chance: neither can they be conferred together, either as causes, or as signs. Even as if when we are talking of any body, the same man paradueuture come in the mean while, we say Lupus est in fabula, when as yet the same mention making of him, was neither the cause, nor sign of his coming. So therefore these things are said to be joined together rashly, because both they come by chance, and also they seldom have success: for this is the nature of things coming by chance, to happen seldom.  

Who they be which naturally oftentimes see true dreams  Farther, Aristotle hath taught, who they be, which above other foretell many things in dreams. And the same be chief attributeth unto idle persons & such as are ever prattling, & then to such as are melancholic & phrantike, which are deprived both of senses and mind. He seemeth also to ascribe somewhat unto kinsfolks and friends. For these kind of men have very many dreams when they sleep. For prattlers and idle persons are wholly void of cogitations, wherefore they at inwardly filled with images and forms. The melancholic also by reason of the power and nature of melancholy, do dream very many things. Farther, they are very much given unto cogitations. The phrantike also, because their mind is void both of the knowledge of the outward senses, and also of the use of reason: therefore they are utterly given to imaginations. Lastly, friends do for that cause see many things of their friends in their dreams, because they are very much careful and pensive for them. All these men now rehearsed, are wont by dreams to foretell many things, because in diverse dreams and in a manner infinite, it is not possible, but that some true things happen sometimes. They which the whole day excercise themselves in shooting, do much oftener bitten the mark, than they which do very seldom shoot. And they which play all the day at dice or tables, do much oftener throw good casts, than they which little or seldom use that kind of play.  
Howbeit we must understand that those signs, which are attributed to dreams, as touching the first kind already declared, are not necessary, 
Of dreams which are signs there is no necessity of the effects to be gathered.  for as much as they may be letted. And yet this hindereth not but that they may be signs. For this is so also in the clouds, which undoubtedly are signs of rain, when as for all that sometimes they are discipated by the wind before it rain. And urine hath tokens either of sickness or health, when yet the effect may be letted by vehementer causes, & the same also happeneth of the pulses. Yea and those counsels, which we have appointed, and which with great deliberation decree to do, very oftentimes are not accomplished, because some other things happen between, whereby we can go no farther: which self same thing if it happen in dreams, it is no marvel, forasmuch as they are signs of things not perfect, but rather of the beginnings of things, and those weak and feeble movings of humours may yet be easily letted of many other causes.  
Democritus thus expoundeth those dreams, 
Democritus.  which resemble things coming by chance, and far distant: There are always (saith he) defluctions from things themselves, which are carried to the bodies of those that sleep, and do affect them with the quality and similitude which they bring with them. And the same he affirmeth to be for two causes more felt sleeping then waking. First, because the air by night is easilier moved, as we see done, when the water is smitten with a little stone, very many circles are with that stroke multiplied and driven a great way, unless some other contrary motion resist it. But in the night the air is more quiet, then in the day time, because it is not driven into sundry parts by the course of creatures which move themselves. another cause is, because they which sleep do easilier receive light movings. And lastly the same author also referreth not the causes of dreams to god. 
Galene.   
Galene also in his little book which he wrote de presagiis in somniorum, above other things maketh mention of this, when in dreams we see those things, which when we were waking, we neither did nor thought, they ought not to be referred neither to arts, neither to qualities, or custom of those things, which happened when we were waking, but unto humours. This rule seemeth to tend to this end, that we might understand of what things dreams are to be counted signs. And he granteth that these things are better known in the night, then in the day, because than the soul withdraweth itself into the inward parts where it easilier feeleth those things which are ther. 
An history of a certain dream.  And he maketh mention of one who thought in his dream he had a thigh of stone, which many thought to pertain to his servants, but within a few days after that, his leg fell into a palsy. another thought that he was up to the throat in a cistern full of blood, out of which he could by no means escape. And that declared that much blood abounded in him, and that he had very great need to be let blood. He maketh mention also of an other, which in his dream thought that on his critical or judicial day he was washed in a bath with great abundance of water, who afterward fell into a great sweat. Farther saith he they which sleep do think sometimes that they are grievously laden, so that they are not able to bear the weight: & sometimes so light and nimble, that they run, & in a manner fly. All these things saith he, are ●okens of excess or defecton of humours.  
Hypocrates also of these things in a manner writeth the same namely that the mind in the day time, destributeth his powers into the senses & other faculties: 
Hypocrates.  And in the night it draweth them to the inward parts, & therefore it doth the better know them. Howbeit he maketh mention that there are certain dreams which come by god, whereby calamities are foreshowed to come unto cities, people, and other certain great men, for the expounding of which dreams, some do profess certain arts. Unto which nevertheless he seemeth to give but very small credit. When by dreams it is noted that the humours do offend, he saith that they which are in danger, must be helped by diet, exorcist, and medicine. And whither the dreams be good or evil, he will have prayers added. When health is by dreams signified, we must pray saith he unto the Sun, unto jupiter celestial, jupiter possessor, to Minerva, rich Mercury, and to Apollo. But if the dreams be unlucky, we must pray unto the goddess saith he which turn away ill, namely unto the gods of the earth, and to the Heroical men, etc. Wherefore either Hypocrates was superstitious, or else he would seem so. But to me, as touching sincere godliness, that I mislike not: Yea it is very much commended, that if at any time we be vexed with troublesome and terrible dreams, we must pray unto god, that it would please him to turn away those evils, if there be any which hang over our heads.  

What is the outward cause of dreams.  There is an other kind of dreams, which proceedeth of an outward cause, namely from the power of heaven, or (as it is commonly called) the influence, which altereth the air. For this air touching our bodies, affecteth them with a new quality: Whereby sundry images and dreams are stirred up unto those which are on sleep. Wherefore there are many effects wrought of heaven, of which it bringeth forth some in the fantasy, and power or faculty of imagination: and other some in deed. And that may easily be showed by an example. In deed in the air or clouds there are rain: and in the imagination of the Crow there is such an alteration before the rain, that he beginneth to croak. Wherefore the effects in the fantasy of those which are on sleep, and also in deed, come undoubtedly of the self same cause: Yet have they great diversity by reason of the subjects in which they are made. And it is not to be doubted, but that there is a certain slender and hidden similitude between these effects. But it is very hard to understand the reason of this proportion or analogy. And if we say, that the stars are the cause of such effects or affections, who can refer these signs unto his own proper cause, 
Why divination by dreams is hard and uncertain.  that is, to some certain stars more than to other, Assuredly I suppose that there are very few (I will not say none) which can do it. Farther if they should also be referred unto proper stars, what can we judge to come to pass by them, especially as touching things coming by hap, when as judicial Astrology is evermore counted moste uncertain? In fine, images & & similitudes which are said to portend things to come, are so doubtful, uncertain & ambiguous, that we can affyrm nothing for certain of them. Wherefore this is to be added, that forasmuch as dreams cannot be brought to pass of one only cause, but of many (as we have declared) we shall easily fall into an error, if we of those many causes choose only one certain cause. Therefore let us hold this, that is, not easily to foretell any thing by dreams, for that they may easilier de judged by the events, than the events can by them be foretold. Wherefore there remaineth of dreams but only a certain suspicion, which also of necessity is very slender.  

A gate of horn & a gate of puerye.  The two most noble poets, Homer (I say) and Virgil, made two gates of dreams, the one of horn, the other of ivory. That of horn (as they say) pertaineth unto the true dreams, and that of ivory, to false: and they say that the greatest part passeth through the gate of ivory, and not through that of horn. Wherefore in judging natural dreams, let us not pass the measure of suspicion, nor stick to much in dreams: forasmuch as it is not the duty of a christian man to cleave more than is convenient unto perilous and uncertain conjectures, because whilst they so busily apply themselves to those things, 

Of dreams sent either of god or of the devil.  
To foreshow any thing by visions or dreams two things are required.   they neglect other things which are of greater weight. And the devil very often times mingleth himself with those things to this intent, either to call us back from good actions, or else to drive us to actions that are evil.  
Now let us see, what we ought to affirm of dreams sent of God, or moved by the devil. When any thing by the work of god or of angels is in dreams foreseen, two things are required. The first is that certain notes or images of things which are showed, do inform or imprint the fantasy or imagination. Secondly must be adjoined judgement, to understand what those things at the last do portend. As touching the first, we must know, that these notes and images are sometimes offered unto the senses, because of those things which God maketh outwardly to appear, as when Balthasar the successor of Nebuchad-Naezar saw in the wall the fingers of a hand which wrote, as it appeareth in Daniel. And sometimes without any outward sight are images and forms described in the imagination or fantasy: which happeneth two manner of ways. For either the forms or images which are kept in the mind, are called back to such use as God hath intended, as when to jeremy was showed a seething pot turned to the North: Or else new forms are showed, which by the senses were never seen, as if forms of colours and images should be showed unto one blind from his birth.  
And in this kind or prophesying, images or forms are in steed of letters. 
Forms or images are like letters.  For as they are ordered and disposed, so sundry oracles are showed. Even as in the divers changing of letters, orations and sentences are made divers. Teachers which instruct their scholars, may by their study and industry of teaching fashion manifold images in the minds of the hearers: although they be not able to give the judgement and right understanding. But God ministereth both, 

God sometimes giveth not unto one & to the self same man forms, and the understanding of them.  
They which have only images, are not simply prophecies.   not in deed always together: for to some sometimes he showeth only the forms, as to Pharaoh, and to his Butler and Baker, & also to the king of Babylon, all which men needed an Interpreter (namely joseph & Daniel) to expound their dreams. And undoubtedly those, unto whom are showed only the images of things to come, are not truly and plainly counted Prophets, forasmuch as they have but only a certain degree, beginning, and in a manner a step of prophecy: even as Caiphas also the high Priest is not to be counted a Prophet, when as he spoke those things which he knew not.  
But why God would sometimes by dreams manifest unto Kings & Princes things to come, as now he doth, there are two causes: The one is, because he had a regard unto the people and Nations whom they governed. For if the penury which was at hand, had not been showed unto Pharaoh, Egypt had utterly been destroyed by famine. Secondly, it was the counsel of the Lord, by these expositions of dreams, to manifest unto the world his Prophets and holy men, which before were hidden, which thing the holy scriptures testify happened in joseph and Daniel. The Ethnic Historiographers also do write very many things of dreams, which Princes sometimes saw. Yea, 
Tertulian.  and Tertulian in his book de Anima, maketh mention of certain of those dreams, as the dream of Astyages of his daughter Mandane, also of Philip of Macedonia, and of julius Octavius, whom M. Cicero being yet a boy, thought he saw him in his dream, and being awake as soon as he met him, he straightway knew him. And the same man telleth of certain other also of this kind.  
But omitting these, let us by testimonies of the holy scriptures (which shall easily be done) confirm, that certain dreams are sent by God. Matthew testifieth that joseph the husband of Mary, was in dreams thrice admonished by the Angel. The wife also of Pilate had knowledge by a dream, and sent word to her husband, that he should not condemn Christ being an innocent. Peter in the Acts of the Apostles the x. chap. saw a sheet let down from heaven. And in the xvi chap. a man of Macedonia appeared unto Paul, and moved him to go into Macedonia. And the Lord commanded the same Paul in a dream, that he should not departed from Corinthe, because he had a wonderful great number of people in that City. I might rehearse a great many other places, both out of the old Testament, and out of the new, but that I will not be tedious. 
Philo a jewe.  Philo a jew (as Jerome in his book de viris illustribus saith) wrote five books of Dreams, which are sent by God. Cyprian also telleth, 
Cyprian.  that in his time were certain things seen by dreams, which served for the edification of the Church: & he doth give not a little, 
Augustine. Three kinds of dreams.  but very much authority unto them. And Augustine in his xii book de Genisi ad litteram, the .3. chap. saith: That there are three kinds of dreams. The first (saith he) pertain unto the outward senses, which he calleth corporal. Again, other some he calleth Spiritual, which consist of images, & have place about the fantasy, or power of imagination. The last he nameth Intellectual, because they are comprehended only by reason and judgement of the mind. And those which consist by imagination, namely those that are put in the second place (as we have a little before taught) saith he, make not Prophets, & affirmeth that joseph was much more truly a Prophet, than Pharaoh. And because we will not go from our history, we may affirm the same thing of the soldier, which in the hearing of Gideon expounded the dream of his fellow soldier, namely, that he rather was a Prophet, than he which had the vision. But in this order or degree of Prophets, Daniel excelleth the rest. For he did not only interpret the dreams of the king: but when he had forgotten those things which he saw in his sleep, he could revoke them into his memory again. Farther, he did not only interpret the dreams of other men, but also he was by God instructed of his own visions.  
By the Devil also are dreams sometimes moved, for Augustine in the place already alleged de Genisi ad literam writeth, that one possessed with a Devil, by dreams declared in what hour a priest would come unto him, & through what places he would pass. 
Oracles answered sometimes by dreams and visions.  And we are not ignorant that the ethnics had oracles, where men were all night to obtain visions and dreams. Such a one was the oracle of Amphiarus, Amphilochus, Trophonius, and of Esculapius. In those places, the Devil showed unto those which slept, remedies and medicines to heal such as were sick: and therewithal also he gave answer of other matters. And to obtain such visions and dreams, there were commanded unto those which came to inquire of any thing, I cannot tell what choice of meats, and separate lodgings, 
Pithagorians.  and certain pure and chaste days. It is said also that the Scholars of Pythagoras eschewed beans, because they make troublesome dreams. But our God, to declare that he is not bound to those things, showed unto Daniel the kings dream, when he and his fellows by prayers had vehemently desired it of him. And it is not to be doubted but that the devil can mingle himself with dreams, 
Augustine.  when as through his diligence there have been and also are now many false Prophets, wherefore Augustine in his book before alleged the xix chap. If an evil spirit (saith he) possess men, he maketh them either devilish, or mad, or else false prophets. And contrariwise a good spirit maketh faithful prophets, speaking mysteries to the edification of other.  
He also demandeth in the same book, the xi chap. by what means the revelations of evil and good spirits may be discerned one from an other. 
Augustine. How dreams are to be known which are of a good sp●●●●, and which are of an evil.  And he answereth: That that can not be done, except a man have the gift of discerning of spirits. But he addeth that an evil spirit doth always at the last lead men to wicked opinions and perverse manners: although at the beginning the difference can not be known with out the gift of the holy ghost. In his Epistle to Euodius, which is the .100. epistle, enquiring of the same matter, he saith: I would to God I could discern between dreams, which are given to error, and those which are to salvation, nevertheless we ought to be of good courage, because God suffereth his children sometimes to be tempted, but not to perish.  

Aristotle.  But what shall we answer unto Aristotle, who denieth that dreams are sent of God, and that for this cause in special, because God would give this faculty of divination to wise and good men, and not to the foolish and wicked? We answer, that for the most part it is true, that true Prophets, which are by God illustrate with dreams and visions, 
Why God sometimes useth evil Prophets and unwise.  are both good and godly. Howbeit, least it should be thought that the power of God is bound unto the wisdom or manners of men, God will sometimes use the work of evil men in those things: to declare and show forth the great and wonderful power of his providence, 
Tertulian.  as one which can use all kind of instruments. Farther, as Tertulian writeth in his book de Anima, seeing that he distributeth his Sun and rain both to the just and to the unjust, it ought not to be marvelous, if he bestow also these gifts, which serve especially to the instruction of men, both to the good and to the evil. And that we should not be ignorant of his doing, the holy history declareth that the ethnics were by God very oftentimes admonished and corrected in their sleep. So Pharaoh king of Egypt was commanded to restore unto Abraham his wife, and Abimelech king of Gerar was in like manner admonished. And Tertulian saith moreover, that even as God, when he instructed the wicked in their sleep, doth it that they might become good: so contrariwise the Devil invadeth the godly when they are a sleep, by dreams to seduce them out of the right way. Aristotle thought the God in distributing his gifts, aught to have a regard to wise men, and especially to Philosophers: 
God revealeth mysteries rather unto the little ones, then to the wise.  when as Christ hath taught altogether otherwise. I thank thee (saith he) O heavenly father, that thou hiding these things from the learned and wise, hast revealed them to little ones. etc. Paul also saith, that the vocation of God chief pertaineth to the unnoble, unlearned, and weak.  
another argument was, that beasts also when they sleep do dream, when yet no man will say that God ministereth and disposeth their dreams. That Philosopher is deceived, because he supposeth that if God do send some dreams unto men, he ought therefore to be made author of all dreams, which undoubtedly to far from our meaning. For we refer not unto God himself, all those things which are natural, as certain peculiar effects, by which immediately (as to speak with Schoolmen) men should be instructed of things to come. We have sufficiently before declared of what causes dreams come in creatures. 
God, though he sometime sendeth dreams, yet sendeth he not all.  And to entreat Logs●like: There is no firm connexion from a private or peculiar proposition to an universal. Wherefore, though God do minister some dreams, we may not thereby gather, that all dreams, whether they be in beasts or men, are sent by him. Beasts otherwise have the power to hear, neither want they ears: and yet, because God sendeth not sometimes Prophets unto them to speak and show them things to come, we cannot conclude that God doth not sometimes send holy men unto men, by whom they may be both admonished, and instructed.  
He saith moreover, that if God were the author of dreams, he would cause them to be done as well in the day time, as in the night. But I affirm, 
God useth both times, as well the day as the night.  that it is free for God to use either time as he will, forasmuch as he is Lord as well of the day as of the night, and as well of sleeping as of waking. And that he sometimes did in very deed show visions unto prophets in their sleep, & sometimes when they were waking, as it seemed best unto him, the holy scriptures do restlfy.  
Farther, what absurdity is it, if he oftentimes use the commodity of the night and sleep, when as the Philosophers and Physicians themselves do confess, that men are at such time more apt to receive motions very light? Shall this commodity serve the Physicians turn to know the humours of the body, & can it not serve God, for the salvation of souls? In the book of job the .33. chap. there is a godly and apt place written after this manner: when sleep falleth upon men, and they sleep upon their beds, than God openeth the ear, and sealeth corrections.  
Lastly was objected, that God if he would admonish men, he would do it openly and manifestly, & not obscurely, or by riddles. I answer, that the true prophets and such as were inspired by God, did very well understand the things which God told them in such dreams: wherefore they needed no expositors. And if he sometimes sent dreams unto Ethnic Princes (as he did unto Pharaoh and Nebuchad-Nezar) he therefore did it, to make his Prophets that were hidden (namely joseph and Daniel) to be notable. Otherwise he gave unto his prophets judgement, & a clear understanding of such visions which he ministered unto them.  

Why Aristotle erred.  But Aristotle is herein deceived, because he had a respect only to deceivers, which prophessed such kinds of prophecies, and bewitched men, as though they could expound all sorts of dreams, and show whet they portended. But we understand not those things which we have now alleged, of all kind of dreams, neither of all manner of prophets. For they pertain only to those, which God indeed sendeth: wherefore the conjectures of deceivers and Soothsayers have nothing here to do. But the authority of so great a Philosopher doth not much move us: 
Epicurus.  because although that Epicurus favoureth that sentence which he doth, who to disburden his Gods from the labour of regarding of dreams, teacheth that they as all other things, 
Plato. The stoics.  do come rashly and by chance. Yet contrariwise Plato giveth much to dreams sent of God: and the stoics pronounced that dreams in the night, are as it were a familiar and domestical oracle, by which God doth provide for humans kind. 
Augustine. Whither the Soul of itself have power to foreknow things to come.  This will I not overpass, that Augustine in the place before alleged upon Genesis ad literam, the xii book, and xu chap. doth demand whither the Soul of itself have power to foreknow things to come, and that by his own nature. And he denieth that it hath: because (saith he) if it had, it would use it, when as all men do so earnestly desire to know things to come. Wherefore visions and dreams of Prophets attain to their truth, not by nature, but by God.  
But now must we see, how the consideration of dreams should be prohibited, seeing they are suggested by God and his Angels: for if the matter be so, then are not dreams to be contemned, 
All regard of dreams is not forbidden.  but with diligence to be observed. I answer thereto, that all regard of dreams is not forbidden, but that only which is procured by evil and vain arts, and which is accustomed to be obtained by worshipping of Devils. Otherwise there is nothing which letteth, but that by dreams we may judge of humours, or, if they be of God, or by any means perceived to be of him, to obey them. This is also forbidden, that we extend not natural dreams farther than their nature may suffer. And that do they which apply dreams unto events coming by chance, wherein they have no respect, neither to the cause, nor to the effect.  

The Roman laws punished Interpreters of dreams.  And superstitious divination by dreams, is not condemned by Christians only, but also is extremely forbidden by the Roman laws. For in the .9. book of the Code de maleficis, & Mathematicis: In the law Et si excepta: It is ordained that such diviners should be very grievously punished, so that although they were in any place of dignity, yea and longed to Cesar himself, yet might they be punished: which otherwise was not lawful to do, to men of nobility. And by these words are they expressed: Aut narrandis somniis, occultam artem aliquam divinandi. 
A lawful observation of dreams, and an unlawful.  etc. And this difference which we here put for the lawful and unlawful observation of dreams, is very well set forth in jeremy the .23. chapter. For there god by his Prophet detesteth vain and fond dreams, but commendeth such as are true and of god. In Deut. the xviii chap. observers of dreams seem generally to be reproved. But we must know, that according to the truth of the Hebrew, there is no mention made of them. In deed other superstitions and idolatries are there condemned, but of dreams there is nothing at all spoken, although in other places the wicked observation of them is reproved. 

It is lawful to pray that we may be admonished, even by dreams.  
Monica the mother of Augustine.   Wherefore the good & lawful observation of them is not to be forbidden: yea, it is sometimes lawful for holy men to pray, that they may be admonished even in their dreams, of those things especially which they judge meet, & cannot by themselves attain unto. Monica the mother of Augustine, being desirous to have her son married, for the avoiding of fornication, desired god that he would reveal unto her somewhat of that thing, even in her sleep: and she affirmed that god granted her a certain taste, whereby she discerned those things which of herself she saw in her sleep, from those things which were showed her by the suggestion of God. And this doth Augustine write in his vi book of Confessions, the iii chap. And leaving him, we know assuredly that Daniel prayed to come to the knowledge of the dream of Nebuchad-Nezar. And this is to be holden for certain, that it is the duty of godly men, to pray unto God, that even then also when we sleep, we may be kept chaste and clean, as touching the body and spirit. For which thing Augustine prayed in his book of Confessions, 
Augustine.  the ten book and .30. chap. For visions which come by night, wherewith either the mind is troubled, or the body defiled, are punishments of sin, especially of original sin. For it should not have been so in Paradise, if Adam had abidden in that truth, wherein he was created, as Augustine writeth in his .v. book against julianus, the viii chap. Now will we return again unto the history.   

16 And he divided the .300. men into three bands, and gave every man a trumpet in his hand, with empty pitchers, and lamps within the pitchers.  
17 And he said unto them: Look on me, and do likewise. For be hold I will come to the side of the host, & then even as I do, so do ye.  
18 For I will blow with a trumpet, and all they that are with me: Then blow ye also with trumpets on every side of the host, and ye shall say: For the Lord, and for Gideon.  
19 So Gideon, and the hundredth men that were with him, came unto the outside of the host, in the beginning of the middle watch, and they raised up the watchmen, and they blew with their trumpets, and broke the pitchers, which they had in their hands.  
gideon's industry or policy is here set forth, 
Many policies of Gideon.  and the favour wherewith God prospered his successes and enterprises. He divideth his three hundredth men into three bands, that he might on sundry parts invade the Madianites, and by a sudden fear trouble their host on every side. He used also another policy concerning the time, for he set upon them in the night. For when they were in a manner in a dead sleep, they were the easilier by a great astonished with fear. Farther, he choosed the most commodious part in all the night, for such a purpose: for he assailed the Madianites about the beginning of the second watch or guard. Wherefore it is called Rosch Haticonath, that is, the head or beginning of the middle watch or guard. This word Toch signifieth within: 
Augustine. There are four watches of the night, whereof every one containeth three hours.  and thereof is derived Ticonah, which is a middle. Augustine in his Sermon De verbis domini, the .14. Oration, saith, that the Elders divided the night into .4. parts, of which every one contained .3. hours, which he confirmeth also by the testimonies of the holy scriptures. For it is said that the Lord came unto the Apostles in the .4. watch of the night, when they laboured so vehemently in the sea, that their ship was very near sunk. The same father writeth the like thing upon the .79. Psalm. The Gloze also in the Decrees .1. question, the .1. Superueniente Pascha, maketh mention of the names of those parts of the night, Conticinium, Intempestum, Gallicinium, & Antelucanum, that is, the bed time, the dead part of the night, the Cock crowing, and the dawning of the day.  
And Isidorus in his .v. book of etymologies, maketh vii parts of the night, 
Isidorus.  for he addeth these three, Vesperum, Crepusculum, and Matutinum, that is, the eventide, the twilight, & the morning. The second watch may be understand the middle watch, as touching our history. For there are .2. watches between the first and the last: wherefore howsoever it be, the second must needs occupy the middle place. 
The inventone of night watches. Plinius.  But the inventor of these guards or watches in hosts (as Plini writeth in his .7. book & .56. chap.) was Palamedes, which by this place we see cannot be so, forasmuch as the acts of the judges are of far more antiquity, than was Palamedes, unless peradventure he spoke only of the watches of the Grecians. The use of watches flourished in the old time, not only in hosts, but they were had in use also, for the safe custody of many other things. For at Rome there were watchmen, 
Watchmen for to give warning of fires.  which in the night time went up and down the City, to give warning of fires, and therefore both in the Digest, and in the Code, the title is: De officio praefecti vigilium. This industry also was translated unto shepherds, 
Watches of shepherds  which we may see even by the Gospel: For in Luke the ii chap. the Angels, when Christ was borne came unto the shepherds, which kept watch over their flock. We read also, that both ethnics and Christians used watches in holy services. 
Watches used in holy services  At Rome there were holy services unto the Goddess Bona, which were done in the night season. And in the old Testament we read, that godly women abode all night at the tabernacle, for doing injury unto whom, the children of Ely were accused.  
Philo a jew (as Eusebius Cesariensis in his first book rehearseth) affirmeth, that the Christians which were in the Apostles time, 
Philo.  amongst other their laudable institutions, did most chastely watch, in giving thanks unto God, applying themselves unto prayers, 
Tertulian.  doctrines, and praisings of God. Tertulian in his Apology writeth, that the Christians supped oftentimes and moderately together, because they knew they should worship God in the night tyme. In the Acts Paul continued his sermon and disputation till after midnight, so that Eutichus a young man being oppressed with sleep, fell down from a high fit. Yea, and Christ also, abode all night upon the mountain praying: and he reprehended the Apostles, which could not watch even one hour with him, and exhorted them to watch and pray, that they might not be oppressed with temptation. Jerome upon the .25. 
Jerome.  chap. of Matthew writeth, that the jews had a tradition, that the Messiah would come at midnight, in which hour in deed the first born of Egypt were slain. Wherefore he writeth, that he supposeth that that tradition came from the Apostles, that the Priests in the holy night of Easter should not send away the people, so that if peradventure the Lord appear, he may find them watching. But this is not at this day observed: for the watches are not kept on the night of Easter, but on the night of the Nativity.  

Consilium Carthaginense.  In the Counsel of Carthage the .4. chap. 49. it is ordained that a Priest, which without any necessity of his body, ceased from keeping night watches, should both be deprived of his degree, and also put out of his benefice. But in the Counsel of Eliberinum, 
Consilium Eliberinum.  chap. 35. watchings in Church yards are prohibited, where they were wont to watch, having wax candles lighted: which I suppose was invented, not that by that observation they might deliver the souls of the dead from purgatory, 
Watches at the Sepulchres of the dead. Jerome.  but rather in honour of them. For as every man held dear his friends which were dead, that the memory of them should not be forgotten, they watched at the place where they were buried, one day in the year, which we manifestly perceive in the life of Hilarion, written by Jerome, where he telleth that a certain Deacon said, that he should watch at the tomb of blessed Antony, within a day or two, because now a year, or certain years were passed since he died. The Elders watched also at the Sepulchres of Martyrs, thereby to show unto them honour, applying themselves to doctrine, exhortations, giving of thanks, & prayers, especially in these perilous times, when they might not easily in the day time assemble together. Farther, peradventure piety was by the means the better observed. For in the day time men were occupied with sundry labours & works. Wherefore, that the worshipping of God might not lie utterly neglected, they appointed certain hours in the night for it.  
Jerome against Vigilantius, marvelously commendeth the institution of the church for watching, & he thinketh that we should not cease from this observation, although by occasion of these watches, some filthy things were committed. For (saith he) the errors of young men, and light women, which can sin also in an other place, and play filthy parts at home, ought not to revoke us from so holy a custom. But we see that at this day contrary to the sentence of Jerome, watches are abolished, not only of Martyrs, but also those which were done in the honour of the Lord, as it manifestly appeareth in the Counsel of Antisiodorensis, chap. the .v. 
Consilium Antisiodorense.  although in some places there remain some remnants of watches, as at Mantua upon the feast of Bartholomew, and at Versellis on the night of Saint Eusebius. But all men know, how unreasonably and immoderately men behave themselves in those watches. 
Watches turned unto fastings.  Wherefore they have converted the observation of watchings into fastings. But what manner of fastings I pray you? Such which they use now adays in abstaining from eating of flesh. But whatsoever it be, the sentence of the Apostle is firm and constant, that the exercises of the body have no great utility, but piety is of force to all things. We must in deed fast and watch, as much as reason requireth, and strength of the body will bear. And I do not think that in this thing we ought with to much zeal to imitate Basilius, Nazianzenus and such like, which with outward observations so broke their bodies, that at the length they became unprofitable, both to themselves, and also to other. The golden mediocritye is to be kept, wherein we must keep the laudable measure of frugality and temperance. And thus much by the way of watches.   

20 And the three bands blue with trumpets, when they had broken their pitchers, and they took their lamps in their left hand: and the trumpets in their right hand, to blow withal, and they cried: the sword of the Lord, and of Gideon.  
21 And they stood every man in his place, round about the host, and all the host broke their array, and cried, and fled.  
The blowing of the trumpets, with the wonderful great cry of men, on every side, and the sudden light, which the burning firebrands gave, when the pitchers were broken, did not only astonish the Madianites, but they being yet oppressed with sleep, were so troubled, that they could not tell what to do. Wherefore they supposed that there were many and sundry hosts there, and had now invaded their host, and God filled them with such a certain disines & madness, that they counted their fellowsoldiours in stead of enemies, and miserably slew one another. 
The holy ghost suggested this warlike policy  This warlike policy was not found out and invented by Gideon himself only, but, as it is to be believed, he did it by the suggestion of the holy ghost. And how God favoured his enterprises, the holy history declareth, whereby we might learn, that God must prosper our enterprises, otherwise they are easily made vain and of no force. For trumpets, firebrands, and empty pitchers, of their own disposition and nature, have small force to obtain a victory, especially if every one of them be taken a part, & although being joined together, they seem that they can do somewhat, yet if God had not added his power, they would have been but laughed at. And they cried: The sword of God, and of Gideon. God is mentioned as the true & principal efficient cause, & Gideon is added unto him, 
The victory must not be parted between God & Gideon  as a fellow worker and instrument appointed to this work. And it is not therefore so written, because the victory should after a sort be parted, and the one half given unto God, & the other part to Gideon, which thing also we must observe as touching eternal salvation. For we must count the obtaining of it, to be wholly received of God, and not by free will, as the Pelagians do. Not undoubtedly to the end we should live idly, or cease from good works, when as Paul to the Philip expressedly commandeth, that we should work our own salvation: but that we might understand that all that we do, is of him, even as in the same place it is added: For it is he which worketh in us, both to will & to perform, according to his good pleasure. Of this victory the .83. Psalm maketh mention: Do unto them as thou didst unto Madian, as unto Horeb, & Zeb, & Zebah, & Zalmona. Which showeth unto us that the order of this history is diligently to be kept in remembrance of us, that we may hope for the like, by prayers desire them of God, and have a confidence to obtain them. And not only David maketh mention of this narration, but also Esay in his ten chap. where he entreateth of Senacherib. God (saith he) will raise up a whip, like the destruction of Madian. And in very deed it so happened, as the Prophet prophesied: for the whole host of that king was by God destroyed, as was this host of the Madianites.  

The names of the Captains of the Madianites do express the nature of tyrants'.  And as touching the names of these Captains, they do very well signify their tyranny. Aareb is a waster, Zaab is a wolf, Sabchah is killing, and Salmona is prohibiting shadow and refreshing. So do tyrants' behave themselves, they wast and raven all things, they kill like wolves, and take away all refreshing and commodity from their subjects: when as yet if they were Princes in deed, they should do far otherwise. But God so punisheth them, that he will have their wicked affections of their minds, manifested not only in deeds, but also in their names. Yea, and they themselves, as though they were not sufficiently described and expressed in the holy scriptures, have framed unto themselves certain arms, tending very much to this purpose. None of them in a manner do in their arms carry virtues, but Lions, wolves, Tigers, Bears, Eagles and such like, whereby they rather set forth their cruelty, than virtue and goodness.   

22 And when the .300. men blue with trumpets, the Lord set every man's sword upon his neighbour, and upon all the host. So the host fled unto Beth-Hasittah in Zererath, and to the border of Abel meolah unto Tabath.  
23 Then the men of Israel were gathered together out of Naphthali, and out of Aser, and out of all the tribe of Manasses, and pursued after Madian.  
This counsel or act of God is no new or unaccustomed thing. For so did he when jonathas with his armour bearer came unto the host of the Philistians, as we read in the first book of Samuel. And that is not unlike which in the second book of Paralip. the .xx, chap. is written, of the battle, which in the time of jehosaphat the king, was fought with the Moabites and Ammonites. For in those battles also the enemies of the Israelites wounded one another. And Goliath was by David slain with his own sword. And we also in these days have many times experience of the like benefits. For when our adversaries have decreed by violence and force utterly to oppress us, by a wonderful providence they have turned their force against themselves, and being letted by many slaughters and wars, they have ceased from their enterprises most cruel.   

24 And Gideon sent messengers unto all mount Ephraim, saying: Come down against the Madianites, and take before them the waters, even unto Bethbara, and jordan. Then all the men of Ephraim gathered together, and took the waters unto Beth Bara and Iorden.  
25 And they took two Princes of Madian, Horeb, and Zeb, and slew Horeb upon the rock of Horeb, and slew Zeb at the winepress of Zeeb. And they pursued the Madianites. And they brought the heads of Horeb and Zeeb unto Gideon beyond Iorden.  
Now were other of the Israelites gathered together, as Aser, Naphthali, and Manasses, Gideon also sent unto the Ephraites, that the victory which he had gotten might on every side have a lucky end. He envieth not to have a companion of his glory, when as yet he with a few put himself in great danger. I would to God we were so conjoined in the Church, that when we have begun any good and profitable institution, we would for the performance of the same, desire other to help us: but, which is to be lamented, as our sins do deserve, we oftentimes let one an other.  
Come down against the Madianites, & take before them the waters. As touching these waters, the Interpreters do vary. Kimhi thinketh that it is not jordane, his reason is, because it is added, even unto jordane. R. Semoloh understandeth that of those waters which divideth Palestine, or the land of Chanaan, from Syria, and among those waters he reckoneth jordane. But the place of Bethbara is to be noted, because of the first chap. of john, 
Bethbara.  where our translation hath Bethania, which in deed lieth far distant from jordane, neither did john there baptize those that came unto him. But the Greek text hath Bethabara. Wherefore it is thought that this place, whereof we now entreat, is there meant. He commandeth that the waters should straightway be prevented from those which fled, whilst yet they were troubled with fear, before they should recover strength unto them again. 
We must not slowly follow the victory.  For he knew that it was very much hurtful for Captains, slowly and softly to pursue the victory. Wherefore he addeth all speed, lest his enemies might have space given them to understand their error, and to renew their power again. And therefore he commandeth that with speed they should meet them, that the victory begun, might at the length have a full end.  
And they took two Princes. The Ephraites accomplished that which Gideon commanded, in preventing those that fled, and they slew the Captains of the Madianites: Horeb they slew at the rock, which was afterward called by his name, and Zeb in the winepress, which Kimhi expoundeth, as though there were there a plain country. Whose form or figure was like a winepress. The Ephraites brought the heads of the two Princes unto Gideon beyond jordane. This is supposed to be now put in by the figure Prolepsis: for it is thought that it was not done till such time as Gideon had returned from the victory being finished. In the mean time let us consider the ignominy that god put those tyrants unto, bringing their most proud heads under the power of the Israelites, whom they counted for people very abject, and wonderfully oppressed them with their cruelty. It is thought that the head of Pompeius which was offered unto Cesar, did much increase the calamity of that man. It is also declared that the head of Cicero was brought unto Antonius, as a thing most miserable.  
But now in few words we must touch the Allegory of this act, 
An Allegory taken out of the holy scriptures  not undoubtedly a vain allegory, but which is drawn out of the fountains of the holy scriptures. Esay in the ix chap. entreating of the redemption by Christ, writeth in this manner: The yoke of his burden, the staff of his shoulder, and the rod of his oppressor hast thou overcome, as in the day of Madian. By which words is showed, that this victory is to be referred unto that delivery from sin, which by Christ we have obtained. Neither do these trumpets portend any other thing then the preaching of the Gospel, now spread abroad throughout the whole world. For God giveth salvation unto the world, by the ministry and doctrine of the Church, not as though this were sufficient, but the pitchers being broken, burning firebrands are showed forth, because by the death of Christ upon the cross, the light of the holy ghost shineth in the hearts of men, and the cries of prayers are adjoined, from whence salvation cometh unto the true Israelite.    

¶ The viii Chapter.  

1. THen the men of Ephraim said unto him: Why hast thou done this unto us, that thou called'st us not, when thou wentest to fight with the Madianites? And they chode with him sharply.  
2 To whom he answered: What have I now done in comparison of you? Is not the gleaning of grapes of Ephraim better, than the vintage of Abiezer?  
3 God hath delivered into your hands the Princes of Madian, Horeb, and Zeeb: and what was I able to do, in comparison of you? And when he had thus spoken, than their spirits abated toward him.  

The Ephraits nobler than they of Manasses.  THe Ephraites envied Gideon, because great glory redounded unto him by this battle. That Tribe was much more noble than the Tribe of Manasses. For jacob when he blessed the sons of joseph, stretching out his hands preferred Ephraim which was the younger, before Manasses, which otherwise was the first borne. Wherefore it is no marvel, if they now took it hainouslye, that they of Manasses carried away the victory without their conduct.  
Is not the gleaning of grapes of Ephraim. Gideon answereth very wittily, and by gentle words assuaged the spirits of the Ephraites. By the name of spirit I understand violence, which proceeded of arrogancy and hautynes of mind, as we read in the Gospel: Blessed are the poor in spirit. Hereby it appeareth that a gentle answer breaketh anger. That which sprang of envy, he so seemeth to have taken it, as though they had been stirred up by a certain honest emulation, and desired that they also might be authors of the liberty of the Israelites. They which be envious, are wont to be sorry for this, because they want some good thing, which they see other have already obtained. Gideon showeth them, that the matter is not so as they think for: when as the greater part of this victory redounded unto them. What have I done (saith he) that may be compared with your act? I began the war in deed, but ye have slain Horeb and Zeeb, which was the principallest thing in this battle. The gleaning of your grapes, are better than my winepress. For the two Princes, whom ye have both taken and killed, are of much more price than the rest of the multitude, which I have vanquished. And if a regard should be had unto the Tribe or family, the least part of the tribe of Ephraim is better, and stronger, than all the power and ability of the Abiezerites. Gideon telleth them not that he was peculiarly chosen of God unto this office: for that would more have provoked them to anger. Wherefore he thought to give place to the desire of glory, wherewith they burned, and to their enviousness. And yet in the mean time he lieth not: for as much as the tribe of Ephraim was most strong. Neither could Gideon by himself, or by his own power perform those things which they did, although by the favour and help of God he did greater things.   

¶ Of the affections of envy and emulation.  
But I think it good somewhat to speak of the affections, namely of Envy & Emulation, & such like. Affections (as it is well known) pertain unto the general word of quality, & are contained in that form, which is commonly called Passio, & passibilis qualitas. And amongst those there are two more gross & very common, 
Four principal affections which follow knowledge.  Delectation (I say) & Sorrow. Their chief place is in the sinews, which are dispersed in a manner throughout the whole body. Unto which, when either agreeable things to nature, or things contrary are applied, then either we have a delectation, or else a grief. Farther, there are other affections which follow knowledge, by which as their nature is, the heart altereth his motion by moving the pulse either upward or downward, according as knowledge doth received good or evil, & that either present or else nigh at hand. For when we feel that good is present, the heart therewith is jocund, and is affected pleasantly. 
Laetici●.  And this affection is called Gladness. But if we perceive that the good is not present, but not far from us, yea at hand and very nigh to be obtained, 
Spes.  then are we stirred up by hope to attain it, and the heart is in like sort pleasantly moved. But when we see that evil is present, the heart flieth away with a heavy motion, 
Dolour vel Aegritudo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  for it is contracted, it abhorred it, and is vexed: and this affection is wont to be called both pain, and grief, in Greek it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so called as the stoics think, as though it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is consumption: for even as the body of him that is sick wasteth away by sickness, so the mind seemeth in a manner to wear away with sorrow. There is also an other knowledge of evil, not now being present, but which already is at hand. The heart flieth from that also, 
Metus. The four affections which have their beginning of Grief & pain. Misericordia. Nemesis. invidia.  and by his moving very manifestly declineth from it: and such an affection is called Fear.  
Of those four principal affections, these are now to be entreated of, which have their beginning of heaviness, or Grief. And they also are reckoned to be four. Mercy, Nemesis, Envy, and Emulation, of which Aristotle in his Rhetorics hath written many goodly things.  
But before we entreat particularly of them, one thing is to be inquired of: Whether Affections are to be counted good or evil. The stoics affirm that they are evil, and they have universally condemned affections, 

Aemulatio. Whether affections be good or evil.  
The stoics.   this reason leading them thereunto, because by them the mind, judgement, and sound Counsel is troubled. For they so distract and shake the mind or reason, that it can not at pleasure and quietly have the contemplation of things natural and divine, neither orderly and rightly determine of things to be done. Farther, because by their weight they oftentimes drive men to perpetrate filthy and unjust things: yea and they hurt the body also, when they are very vehement. These in a manner are the reasons of the stoics. The Peripatecians teach much otherwise, that is, that those things are not true, which the stoics affirm, 
The Peripatecians.  but when affections are not chastised & kept under by reason, then are they suffered immoderately to run at random. For even the affections, if they be kept in with certain bonds, are both good and profitable, as being the matter of virtues, and which are by nature appointed for their whetstones. For anger bringeth no small help unto strength, and mercy is set under the virtue of clemency. And in the same manner it may be said of many other.  
But this sentence wherein the Philosophers do so disagree, 
What the holy scriptures affirm of affections  must be decided by the judgement of the holy scriptures. They writ, the man both as touching soul and as touching body was created of God. And they add, that all things were good, what soever God created. Wherefore for as much as he planted affections in man, but not evil and corrupt, as now we have them, but right and sound, which should obey and serve reason, they must of necessity be good. Farther the law of God doth every where commend unto us mercy, and preacheth repentance, which can not consist without pain and grief of the mind. David also writeth, and Paul repeateth it, be ye angry, but sin not. Yea and which more is, affections are ascribed even unto God, as Anger, Mercy, Grief, Repentance, etc. which things although they are not properly spoken of him, yet this must we mark, that in the holy scriptures that is never attributed unto God, which in a man is of itself vice, or of his own nature sin. This so discussed, let us now entreat of mercy.   

¶ Of Mercy.  
MErcy is a grief of the mind, which we take for the adversity of other men, 
Cicero. Aristotle.  or (as Cicero saith) a grief taken for an others man's misery. Aristotle teacheth, that Mercy is stirred up, if we see any suffer grievous things which they have not deserved. For if wicked men be justly punished, Mercy is not therefore stirred up. Farther he thinketh, that those cases which we pity, should be terrible, otherwise if they be but light, we are by them little or nothing moved. Lastly that they are touched with mercy, which do think that such things may sometimes happen either unto themselves or to some of their friends. Which is the cause, that Aristotle supposeth, that they which are in prosperity, and do judge themselves happy, are not prone unto mercy, yea they are wont to scoff & mock those which are in misery, as they which think nothing can hurt them. Likewise he removeth this affection from such as are desperate and in a most miserable state, because they are not afraid that any worse thing can happen unto them, then that which they have already. Wherefore they seem in that desperate fortune to have become men without senses. But if this were true, a man might doubt, by what means mercy can be ascribed unto God, for as much as he without controversy is most blessed, and nothing can hurt him. But to this might be answered, that mercy is not properly attributed unto god, but by a metaphor taken of man, because he doth those things, 
Mercy is also to be showed unto those which justly are punished.  which merciful men are wont to do. For they help the afflicted, which self same thing god also doth. But in this thing I agree not unto Aristotle, which will not have mercy to be showed unto those which are justly punished. For Samuel mourned long time for Saul, whom God rejected not unworthily, but most justly. Christ also wept over the destruction of jerusalem which was at hand unto that City, not undoubtedly without desert, but justly. Neither think I this true, that sins, which some men commit, do not stir up mercy, but only calamities & adversities do stir up mercy. For holy men are no less grieved for other men's causes, when they fall into grievous sins, them they are when they be oppressed with evil fortune, yea they are so much the more grieved, as that evil is more pernicious, and less able to be cured. Wherefore we can not deny, but that mercy is a good affection, for as much as it obeyeth the word of God and reason, especially seeing the Lord by his own mouth hath pronounced, that the merciful are blessed, because they also shall obtain mercy.  
The other affection which hath his beginning of heaviness or Grief, is called Nemesis: 
Nemesis.  the same hath no Latin word, although of some it be called Indignatio, that is Indignation, which yet by that word do not express all that affection: for Indignation extendeth farther than Nemesis. 
Holy men oftentimes are sick of Nemesis.  But leaving the word, let us thus define the thing. Nemesis is a grief, which is taken for the prosperity of wicked men, because they seem unworthy of that fortune. Just and holy men are sick oftentimes of this affection. David when he saw the ungodly flourishing, said: My feet were almost moved. Abacuk also, was grieved that the ungodly were of such force, that they could oppress the saints, and devour the just. And job seemeth in a manner to complain unto his friends for the same thing. Farther plutarch in the life of Homer praiseth this affection, 
plutarch.  and by occasion thereof he far preferreth the Peripatecians in disputing of Affections before the stoics, & especially by the judgement of Homer, who affirmeth that God at the length will angrily punish, after that the wicked have a certain while flourished. Howbeit this is to be observed, that men are not grieved with this affection, for that they shall suffer any loss, by reason of the prosperous success of the wicked, or because that they by their power can hurt them. For if they were in this manner grieved, they should not be troubled with Nemesis, but rather with fear. But Nemesis is then, when a man for the lucky success of the wicked, is moved with astomake & hatred of the unworthiness of the person.  

How mercy & Nemesis agree and differ.  This affection in two things communicateth with Mercy: first because either of them is a heaviness: farther, because each of them is stirred up by the unworthiness of the thing. Mercy, because good men are grieved and oppressed, and Nemesis, because wicked men live happily. But in this afterward they differ, because Nemesis hath a respect unto prosperous fortune, & Mercy unto sharp fortune. Wherefore Nemesis is in a manner a mean affection between Envy & Mercy, for of either it seemeth to take somewhat: of mercy it taketh unworthiness: of Envy prosperity, which it hath a respect unto. 
Aristotle.  furthermore Aristotle teacheth that none are affected with Nemesis for other men's virtues: for if otherwise they of vicious and corrupt men, become just, moderate, strong, and temperate men, we are not then angry, because when they are adorned with virtues, they are no longer counted wicked men. But then at the last we are affected with Nemesis, when those good things come unto wicked men, with which we think the good men ought to be rewarded, as are riches, honours, power, favour, & such like. But godly men must wisely deal with this affection, that when their minds are affected with it, because of the felicity of the ungodly, let them have a regard unto God, which is the true governor and distributer of all good things. Wherefore if men should bestow these outward goods upon the unworthy, their unjustice might justly be reproved. But such a reprehension hath no place in God, because he doth all things most justly. This thing David when he did not diligently consider, said: My feet were almost moved. As though he should have said: By reason of this Nemesis I had almost grievously fallen. 
We must seldom give place to Nemesis. invidia. Inuidenciae. Cicero. How envy and enuidence differ Envy. The definition of Envy.  Wherefore we must seldom give place to this affection, lest we seem to reprehend the Providence of God.  
Now must we speak of envy. Cicero thinketh that it should rather be called Enuidence, for they among Latin men are said to be sick with Envy, which are envied. But Enuidence pertaineth to them, which consume away with this disease. And therefore he thinketh that Envy or Enuidence is therefore so called, because that they which are envious, do to much look upon other men's fortune. Envy therefore is a grief which is taken for an other man's prosperity, especially of those which are equal & like unto us. For a poor man envieth not a king, neither do beggars envy noble men. We envy those that are like & equal unto us. And the likeness is to be understand, as touching kindred, riches, beauty, age, wit, dignity, and such like. The cause of Enuidence is not, because we fear that some hurt is at hand of those whom we envy: for that should be fear. But of a certain hatred and stomach we can not abide the prosperity of other men, especially of our matches and like. And thereof Envy is the cause.  
Envy is evermore counted evil, and it is by the holy scriptures grievously reproved. For it is most manifestly against Charity. For the Apostle said unto the Corinth. the 1. chap. Charity envieth not. 
charity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  For Paul taketh not properly there the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is turned envy. But to the Galathians he more plainly forbiddeth envy, writing: Be not ye made desirous of vain glory, provoking one an other, and envying one an other: Where not only Envy is reproved, 
Desire of glory is the mother of Enuy.  but the mother of it is also showed, namely desire of glory. As also we may in this history perceive. For the Ephraites envied Gideon, because the glory of so great a victory seemed to redound unto him. And this affection is of force in all those things, wherein we desire to excel. Neither abstaineth it also from virtues: for the envious persons would not that his matches and like should excel him in any ornament of virtues. But the cause why envy is conversant among like, is this, because although the prosperous fortune of like or matches, doth take away none of our goods, neither maketh us lesser than we are, yet the Envious person so thinketh of the good things of other men, as though by them his honour & dignity, gain, 
Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and other ornaments were darkened. And this is not to be left unspoken of, that every envious person is one that rejoiceth in an other man's hurt: for he rejoiceth in the adversity of his equal. 
Every envious m●nne is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is one that reioy●eth at another mas●●●●  Yet are not these to be counted for one and the self same vice, seeing they pertain unto contrary motions of the mind. For Enuidence is a grief or sorrow, when he that rejoiceth in an other man's hurt is affected with joy. Yet are these vices, although they be diverse, otherwise so joined together, that there is no envious man which is not moved with the rejoicing in the hurt of an other. And hereby it manifestly appeareth that Enuidence plainly is contrary unto Mercy. For it lamenteth an other man's misery, but the envious man rejoiceth therein, because of the disease of rejoicing in the hurt of an other wherewith he is sick. 
Nemesis is ioned also with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  They that are affected with Nemesis want not also this motion of the mind. For he which is sorry for the prosperous success of wicked men, the same man is also affected with pleasure, when he seeth them oppressed and vexed. The Latins have no word to express this kind of joy, wherewith both the envious man, and he that hath Nemesis is affected, in beholding an others man's prosperity.  

Of emulation.  Lastly we must entreat of Emulation, which is a grief of the mind, which we conceive for good things which happen unto other, which we want, which we think should beautify us, & would gladly attain unto them. By this motion of the mind we desire not, that other men should be deprived of their ornaments, but that grieveth us, because we ourselves are destitute of them. And it is a point of a good nature, in this manner to be affected: therefore Emulation is numbered among laudable Affections. 
Emulation is counted among laudable affections.  Cicero in his Tusculan questions, defineth it to be a grief, which proceedeth of that, that an other enjoyeth that good thing which we desire. The same writer observeth also, that Emulation is sometimes so taken, that it nothing differeth from Enuidence: wherefore it is sometimes reproved. But if the definition thereof be received, as it is now alleged, it is an affection laudable, because it maketh men better: for it useth to bring forth the imitation of good things. 

We must beware that Emulation degenerate not into envy.  
Cicero.  
Rivality is the envy between two loving one woman.  
The matter wherein Emulation is occupied.  
Emulation hath hope joined with it.  
The Ephraites were sick of Envy, and not of Emulation.   But we must take heed, which undoubtedly is easily done, that it degenerate not into Envy, and Emulation proceed not so far, that we should wish that men fortunate and noble, and also wise men, might be spoiled of their ornaments & good things. Wherefore Cicero said, that that Emulation is laudable, which is not like unto rivality. For this is the nature of those that be Rivales, so to enjoy their delights, that they utterly exclude all other. But adding these cautions, Emulation is both good and holy. Wherefore Paul exhorted the Corinthians to emulate Charity, and the chiefest gifts. This affection is chief occupied about virtues, and all things which are had in honour and admiration. For that which a man contemneth and despiseth, he useth not to emulate. Emulation hath Hope continually joined with it, of obtaining that which it desireth. For if a man should despair, it is not possible that he should emulate. And thus much of these affections.  
Wherefore we gather that the Ephraites were moved with envy against Gideon, because they would have him deprived of the glory which he had gotten. Neither contended they so, because they studied to do the like, although peradventure they made that their pretence. But Gideon maketh not mention unto them of his vocation, labour, industry, love of his country, his good act, & such other things, which might have served to the amplifying of his desert toward the people, and of his dignity. For by that means he should the more have moved them to envy: but after a sort he gave place unto them, & interpreteth their affection, as though it were an honest emulation. And teacheth them, that they have now the fruit of this affection, because they had not only imitated him, but they had done more than he had accomplished. But now let us return unto the History.   

4 And Gideon came unto Iorden to pass over, he and the 300. men that were with him, weary, yet pursuing them.  
5 And he said unto the men of Succoth: give, I pray you, morsels of bread unto this people that are at my feet, for they are weary: & I will follow after Zebah and Zalmonah Kings of Madian.  
6 And one of the princes of Succoth said: Are the hands of Zebah, and Zalmonah now in thine hand, that we should give bread unto thine army?  
7 Gideon then said: Therefore, when the Lord hath delivered Zebah, & Zalmonah into mine hand, than I will beat in pieces your flesh with thorns of the wilderness and with briers.  
8 And he went up thence unto Penuel, and spoke unto them likewise, and the men of Penuel answered him: as the men of Succoth answered.  
9 And he said also unto the men of Penuel: when I come again in peace, I will break down this Tower.  
10 Now Zebah and zalmonah were in Karkor, & their hosts with them, about fourteen thousand, all that were left of all the hosts of the children of Kedem: & they which were slain, were an hundredth & twenty thousand men that drew sword.  
11 And Gideon went through them that dwelled in tabernacles, on the East side of Nobah, jogbehah, and smote the host, for the host was careless.  
12 And when zebah and zalmonah fled, he followed after them, and took the two kings of Madian, zebah and zalmonah, and discomfited all the host.  
13 So Gideon the son of joas returned from the battle, before the sun rose up.  
After a long parenthesis the history returneth unto the just order of the thing that was done, and declareth in what sort the end of the battle was. When the Madianites and they of the east had wounded themselves one an other, and a few of them which remained, fled away: Gideon pursued after them, & passed over jordane. And because he had laboured all the night, and saw that his three hundredth men were weary, he would somewhat refresh them. Therefore he required meat of the city of Succoth for his fellow soldiers. 
Two Succoths.  And Succoth lieth beyond jordane in the tribe of Gad. jacob builded it, when he departed from saluting his brother Esau. Which I therefore speak, because there is an other place which is likewise called Succoth, but it belongeth unto Egypt, and is numbered among the first mention places of the children of Israel.  
Gideon desireth that he might have given him Kichroth, that is round pieces of bread for his weary soldiers. Undoubtedly, if he had required great plenty of bread or meat generally, they of Succoth might after a sort have been excused. But by name he desired only bread. Wherefore they which would not do that, can not but be condemned of great inhumanite. 
He bringeth two causes of his request.  He bringeth two causes of his request: my fellow soldiers, saith he, are weary, namely because for the public health they have laboured all night: whereby he signified that they were not unworthy of their reward. Farther we pursue the Madianites, putting ourselves again in danger for the health of the hebrews. Either of these cause were sufficient enough to allure their benevolence.  
The princes of Succoth answer, namely one for them all, and therefore it is said in the singular number, Vaiiomer, and he said. Whereby is signified that only the princes and senators of this city were in the fault, and therefore they were at the length (as afterward shallbe declared) punished by Gideon, and he threatened them only, as it is here written. They do not only refuse to give bread, but also they scorn the man. Are, saith they, the hands of zebah and zalmonah in thy power? Thou speakest unto us with so great a stoutness, and so desirest bread, as though thou hadst already taken them. Gideon was grievously angry with these mocks for so unworthy a contempt, and he freely and plainly forespoke, what he would do against them.  
If these ungodly and rude men had been wise, they would have joined themselves unto him, to assist his endeavour in fight for the common health. But this they do not impudently deny bread which men use to give unto such as are weary and hungry, although they be strangers. A wonderful diversity undoubtedly of things: The Madianites which were strangers, were afraid and fled: but those which were Israelites, mock Gideon the conqueror. If thou wilt say they were ignorant of his vocation: we may answer, that they could not deny, but that his work was good. But grant that they doubted of the vocation and principality of Gideon, what excuse at the last can their most wanton derision have? For so did Nabal the Carmilite behave himself toward David, when he required some meat of him for his Soldiers, making mention of his faith, and the fidelity of his men, in safegarding his things. But he did not only deny unto him that humanity, but sent away the messengers laden with contumelies. The things which Gideon required, were just and honesty. 
Stipends and victuales are due unto an host which goeth on warfare.  For stipends and victuals are due unto the Magistrates, for as much as he laboureth for the public utility. Wherefore Paul sayeth: Therefore ye give unto him tribute, because he is the Minister of God, namely in defending the innocent, and punishing the guilty. Wherefore they of Succoth were bound to give those things which were desired, by the duty of justice. For the same Apostle writeth, render unto every man that which is due: to whom tribute belongeth, tribute, to whom custom is due, custom, etc. The ethnics also saw this, when as there are many civiles laws extant, which do both weyghtely and most just provide, that Soldiers should have victuals found them, when they go on warfare. And how much they sinned in mocking so great a man, we may gather by the words of Christ, who sayeth: If a man say unto an other man fool, or Racha, be shallbe guilty of judgement and Counsel: how much more shall he be condemned, which wanton scoffeth and mocketh his Magistrate? Some princes did severely punish those which with contumelyes reproached even their images: what ought this man to do with those, which so mocked him to his face? These things I therefore speak, that we should not think that Gideon did unjustly threaten them. It is not for private men to revenge their own injuries: But it is the office of the Magistrate to revenge both his own injuries and other men's, and in revenging his own, he revengeth also other men's injuries. For what sooner contumely is committed against a prince, it redoundeth unto the public wealth and all princes. Gideon at this present did only threaten, yet he stayed not there, lest by occasion of revenging of his own injury, the commodity of the victory, whereunto he was called by God, should be hindered. He differred therefore that which belonged unto himself: but with speed he prosecuteth that, which chiefly pertained to the delivery of the public wealth. But princes at this day do otherwise, who rather make war among themselves, and that for very light causes, than they will take in hand a common cause and defence against the Turk. Yea and there are some, and those of the Cardinals, which writ that they will (if they can) call back Cesar himself from that course of victory, wherewith he might obtain again even the City of Constantinople, and to punish the Germans and Englishmen, and other which fell from the Church of Rome.  
Furthermore, Gideon is for this thing to be praised, namely because, although meat wanted, and he was despised of the hebrews, yet he desisted not from that vocation, wherein he was constituted by God. But now both princes and ministers of the Church will not abide in their office, unless things necessary for their living be most abundantly ministered unto them. He threateneth thorns and briers unto the princes of Succoth. For that City which the ethnics call Trogloditis, had a desert in the circuit thereof, 
Why he threatens thorns & briers. Penuel.  wherein grew many thorns and briers. Penuel is of Strabo called the face of God: in which place jacob wrestled with the angel, and said at the last: I have seen the Lord face to face, and my soul hath escaped safe. The men of Penuel in mocking Gideon imitated them of Succoth, and because they putting their confidence in the Tower which they had, did so scoff at Gideon, therefore he threatened to overthrow it after his victory. But how this captain of GOD got meat, it is not written: and peradventure GOD so strengthened him and his host, that without meat he perfectly obtained the victory which he had begun.  
He findeth his enemies living in security: it was night when he passed over jordane: and they had but even now escaped out of the borders of the Israelites, and they thought the Gideon would be in quiet at the least for that night. These were the causes, that they so securely rested themselves. There were fifttene thousand soldiers together, as certain small remnants: for at the beginning there came one hundredth and twenty thousand fight men, which stood in the brunt, and bore weapons. Whereby we may easily gather what a great number there were of boys, scullions, and unprofitable men, which use to follow hosts. When the two kings were taken, Gideon returned, when the Sun was elevated, that is, after his rising: by which kind of speaking, we manifestly know, that this war, as it was begun in the night time, so also was it finished by night.   

14 And he took a servant of the men of Succoth: and inquired of him: and he wrote to him the princes of Succoth, and the Elders thereof even seventy and seven men.  
15 And he came unto the men of Succoth, and said: Behold Zebah and Zalmonah by whom ye upbraided me, saying: Are the hands of Zebah and zalmonah now in thy hand, that thou desirest, that we should give bread unto thy weary men?  
16 Then he took the Elders of the City, and thorns of the desert and briers and brake with them the men of Succoth.  
17 Also he broke down the Tower of Penuel, and slew the men of the City.  
Gideon required of this fellow being either a young man or a servant, to describe unto him the names of the princes or Senators of Succoth. He trusteth not his memory, but will have their names written, and studieth for this thing only, not to commit any thing by anger with a furious mind. And therefore with mature deliberation he would punish only the guilty, and not destroy the unguilty together with the guilty. He saw that only the heads of the City resisted him, wherefore he determined to punish them alone. Theodosius, 
A fall of Theodosius.  an Emperor otherwise most worthy of praise, fell grievously, because in the City of Thessalonia, for the killing of one Soldier, which bare rule under him, he commanded a great number of citizens to be slain without any choice, whereby both the guilty, and the innocent were killed. Wherefore he was corrected by the authority of Ambrose being bishop, 
The Emperor corrected of the Bishop.  and compelled to public repentance: and by the commandment of the same man of GOD he made a law, which is yet in the Code, that the sentence of death being pronounced against any man, should be stayed the space of thirty days, before he should be put to execution. But now a days it oftentimes cometh to pass, that some public wealth is most grievously oppressed, if two, three, or four citizens thereof have offended: all privileges, liberty, and other ornaments are in a moment taken away. 
Why he saved the kings of Madian on live.  Farther we must consider, that Gideon did rashly save one live Zebah and Zalmonah whom he had taken: for he would show them unto the men of Succoth and Citizens Penuel, that GOD had delivered them unto him. He vexed the princes both with thorns and briers, as he threatened, that by their evil they might learn, how much and what they had offended. 
Thorns are unlucky plants.  jodeach is in this place not only to instruct, but (as I suppose) it signifieth in Latin animaduertere which is to punish. Thorns are counted even of the ethnics among unluckily plants: and therefore it is no marvel, if they be occupied in punishments. But whether he slew them, or only chastised them, by the words of the History it appeareth not. But of Penuel it is manifest enough, both that the tower was overthrown and the citizens slain, because either they scoffed more wanton than the men of Succoth did, or else trusting to the fence of the place they resisted Gideon, wherefore when they came to the battle they were slain: or else let us grant that they of Succoth also perished with thorns and briers.   

18 Then said he unto Zebah and Zalmonah, What manner of men were they, whom ye slew at Thabor? and they answered: As thou art, so were they: every one was like the children of a king.  
19 And he said, they were my brethren even my mother's children. As the Lord liveth, if ye had saved their lives, I would not slay you.  
20 Then he said unto Jether his first borne son, Up and slay them. But the boy drew not his sword: for he feared, because he was yet a child.  
21 And Zebah and Zalmonah said, Rise thou, and fall upon us, for as the man is, so is his strength. And Gideon arose, and slew Zebah and zalmonah, and took away the ornaments, that were on the camels necks.  
Now is set forth the punishment of these two kings of Madian, which Gideon had therefore saved on live, to show them unto those Israelites, whom he had determined to punish, when he had obtained the victory. first he asketh them, what manner of men they were, whom they slew in mount Thabor. They answered that they were like him, and so comely and beautiful, that they might appear to be the children of a king. And that may also be understand of one of them, when as it is said Echad: we may also understand it of every one of them. There are some also which think that those that were slain were in semblance and beauty likened unto the children of Gideon, 
Gideon was exceeding beaufull.  whom therefore they called a king, because they saw him bear dominion in the host. Hereby is gathered that Gideon was exceeding beautiful. But when his brethren were killed, we can not find by the holy History. But it might be, that they committed this act now when they came to make this war, or else before when every year they invaded the land of the Israelites in the time of harvest. Of mount Thabor we have before spoken, when we entreated of the victory of Barak and Deborah.  

It was not lawful to save these kings on live.  As the Lord liveth, if ye had saved their lives. Gideon mought have saved these kings lives, if they had not slain his brethren: but because they had slain them it was not lawful. For in the book of Numbers there is a law, wherein it is ordained, that the next of kin must not suffer the blood of him that is dead unpunished, not that a private man should kill a murderer, but he must be brought unto the judge that there the cause being known he might be punished. And therefore Gideon being a Magistrate ought by that law to punish them. Otherwise he might have let them go, for as much as they were not Chananites, whom GOD had commanded, that they should not spare. Wherefore Gideon sweareth nothing contrary to the word of God. And he said unto Jether. He commandeth his first borne son, being then a young man, to slay them, but he feared, neither durst he draw his sword: The two kings disdain, & would not be killed with the hand of a child, even as Abimelech would be slain of his Armour bearer, lest he should seem to be killed of a woman. Farther, they easily saw, that they should be long in pain or they were dead, when as the child by reason of want of strength could not rid them out of their life quickly. 
Why Gideon willed his son to kill the kings.  And Gideon peradventure did for this cause command his son to do this thing, to inflame his heart, even from his tender years against the enemies of the peopl of GOD, as it is written of Hannibal, who from a child vowed himself against the Romans: Or else he did it to learn him from his tender age to obey the law of God, wherein was commanded that the blood of the next of kin being shed, should be revenged.  
But might not he have committed that office unto a hangman? why would he so urge his son? To this may be answered two ways. first that in the old time it was not uncomely to slay the guilty. Farther, 
The hebrews had no hangmen.  that it is not seen that the hebrews had hangmen. And undoubtedly, that this was no office among the hebrews, this testifieth, because in the law it is written, that a blasphemer being taken, was so stoned to death, that the hand of the witnesses did throw the first stone against him: neither was the putting to death of any body committed to any peculiar hangman. And there are many examples which testify that it was not ignominious to slay the guilty. Saul when he would have the Priests slain, called not hangmen to do it, but turned to the noble men which were with him, and commanded them to invade the Priests: who reverensing their ministry and dignity, durst not obey. Only Doeg the Edomite durst execute so great a wicked act, who was not of least estimation with the king. Samuel also with his own hand slew king Agag the prisoner. joab in like manner when he had caught hold of the horn of the altar, was slain of Banaia the chief captain of the host. Wherefore it seemeth that the hebrews in that ancient time had no hangmen.  
But as much as may be gathered by the histories of the ethnics, 
Lictores, were ministers appointed to execute corporal punishment. plutarch.  Lictores began at Rome under Romulus, who (as plutarch writeth in his life) were called so either of ligando, that is of binding, or because the Grecians callem them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they executed a public office. Romulus gave them Rods bound together to carry, and to them was an axe joined. They had also cords to bind the citizens withal, that being bound, they might either beat them with rods, or strike them with the axe. But the men of more ancient time wanted this office: every man executed it without any infamy, as it was by the Magistrate commanded him. And in very deed that work of punishing malefactors, hath in it no dishonesty or uncomeliness, For if it be honest, for a judge or prince to give sentence of death against evil doers, why then shall it not be just and honest to execute the same sentence? Yea and GOD himself in punishing, useth not only evil spirits, but good spirits.  
But thou wilt say, 
Why Lictores and hangmen are of the common people evil spoken of.  why are Lictores and hangmen commonly so evil spoken of? first, because the common people are afraid of them, neither would any man be punished for his wicked acts: hereby it cometh that the sight of the hangman driveth into them a certain horror. And that the people were so affected, the manner of the public wealth of Rome declareth, where when ambitious men flattered the people more than was meet, they sent away the hangman out of the market place, and judgement house of Rome, as even the Oration of Cicero for Rabirius testifieth. 
The Romans used not a hangman for their citizens.  The citizens of Rome were not beaten with rods, nor put to death. Their extremest punishment was banishment, they were carried into islands, & at the length condemned to the working of Metals. But the latter Roman laws, which are in the digests, blotted out that exemption: for in very deed it was unjust. For a fault worthy of death ought not to be winked at, although a Citezin of Rome were the author of it. And there were two principal laws whereby the back and head of the citizens were provided for, 
Portia lex & Sempronia.  the law I say Portia, and Sempronia, whose power and defence nevertheless Paul (as we read in the Acts) used, and so escaped both rods and bonds. This is one cause why Lictores and hangmen are so hated.  

The irregularity of the canonists.  another cause hereof in the Papistical opinion of irregularity, which as the canonists will have it, is contracted of every murder. These men think that a man can not so justly kill any man, that he may be promoted to the holy Ministry: when as yet the inquisitors of the herecticall pravity (as they term it) do daily cause an infinite number, and those innocentes, to be killed. The Pope's Legates also in governing of Cities, and Provinces, and making wars, although they be Cardinals and bishops, do still continually cause blood to be shed. But in the mean time, with great hypocrisy they take heed, that the sentence be given by a lay judge (as they call him) and so they wrap themselves out of that irregularity. But the holy Scriptures do not so teach. Moses said unto the Levites, which with him had killed so many, ye have consecrated your hands: so far was it of that they should be deprived of the holy Ministry. But the Pope saith, that David for shedding of blood, was in the old time prohibited to build the Temple. But in this place we must mark the mystery wherein Solomon shadowed Christ, the peaceable king. For he was by him expressed, which hath gathered together the Church, the true Temple of GOD without weapons, unto the true and everlasting peace. But blood being justly and rightly shed, 
Blood shed justly & rightly, restraineth not from the holy ministry.  restraineth not from the holy ministry. For Pinhas who was high Priest, thrust through two most unpure whoremongers. Elyas, a man of the stock of the Levites, slew with his own hand the Prophets of Baal. And Samuel, a man of the same tribe, did himself kill Agag the king, & yet neither of them both were rejected from their office. Neither do I therefore speak these things, to commend the promoting of murderers unto holy orders: but this only I oppugn, that every slaughter & every murder maketh a man so irregular (as these men say) that he can not be ordained a Minister of the Church. What if a man have been a judge or a Magistrate, or in just war hath fought for his country, can not he therefore be ordained a Minister of the Church? Peradventure he hath obtained excellent gifts of God, and is endued with singular doctrine, adorned with a pure life, instructed with dexterity of governing, and godly eloquence: can not the Church (as these men most absurdly think) use his gifts? Undoubtedly that was not observed in Ambrose, he was servant unto Cesar, and decided matters in the law being Praetor of Milan, and yet was he by violence taken to be a Bishop. I know that Paul requireth that a bishop be no striker: but no man doubteth, but that that is to be understand of an unjust murder or violence. But what should a man here do? all things are by the Papists handled superstitiously.  
Now the third cause why Lictores and hangmen are evil spoken of, is this, because very many of them live wickedly and filthy, and were before time naughty men. 
Aristotle.  Howbeit the office defileth them not: but rather by their fault they pollute an excellent office. Aristotle in his .6. book of politics the last chapter saith, that good men abhor this kind of office, namely of punishing of men, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  because it hath a hatred annexed unto it. For they do oftentimes incur the hatred of men. But in my judgement, a good and godly man ought not for that cause to abhor his administration. I remember an answer of Chrysippus, 
A saying of Chrysippus.  who being demanded why he exercised not the office of a magistrate. If I excercise it not rightly (said he) I shall displease god: but if I do rightly, I shall displease men: but I will do neither of both. He seemed to some to have answered very prudently, but me thinketh he answered foolishly. For he should rather have answered contrarily that the public wealth ought to be governed, and that rightly, to please both God and good men: but a wise and good man must not have a respect unto wicked men. By these things it is now manifestly showed, that Gidion in that he himself killed the kings of Madian, committed nothing that was not decent for him, neither that he commanded his son to do any filthy act.   

22 Then the men of Israel said unto Gideon: Reign thou over us, both thou and thy son and thy sons son, because thou hast delivered us out of the hand of Madian.  
23 And Gideon answered them: I will not reign over you, neither shall my child reign over you, the Lord shall reign over you.  
The people ●eceauinge a benefit at gideon's hand, would have made him king, that they might not be counted ingrate. But seeing gratitude is a virtue, it ought to have no unjust thing joined with it: which these men observed not. For they appointed not their kingdom by the law of god. In Deut. the .27. chap. it is written, that he should be a king whom god had chosen. 
It pertained unto god to elect a king.  Neither pertained it unto the people, to appoint a king whom they would. Wherefore that which they do now, is not freely to give any thing that is their own, but to give the which is an other man's. The right to appoint a king, belonged to god, and not unto men: which thing also Gideon wisely saw, neither was Christ ignorant thereof, when they which were filled with bread, came unto him to create him a king, 

Christ refused a kingdom offered unto him.  
What manner of men the old Roman bishops were.   he weighed the manner of his vocation, and for that his kingdom was not of this world, and understood that they usurped an other man's right, and were not moved thereunto: By just causes, he put of from himself such a burden. The same things happened in a manner unto the bishops of Rome. Which at the beginning were holy: for very many of them were notable by constancy of faith, & martyrdom. furthermore their church was kindled with ferventness of charity, & towards the poor most liberal, so that it sent alms even into the east part, to the islands and metal places, where the holy confessors of Christ lived in exile. All which things got that chair much favour and grace with the faithful. 
Gregorius.  Wherefore the supreme power and kingdom in the church was in a manner offered, some times unto those bishops: which they like Gideon refused with a great spirit & singular modesty. Of which thing also what Gregorius the b. of Rome judged, I will briefly declare. In his .4. book of Epistles. in the .32.34.36.38. & .39. Epistles he of that matter writeth at large, both unto Mauritius the emperor, and also to Constantia Augusta, likewise to the patriarchs, Alexandrinus, and Antiochenus, yea and to john the patriarch of Constantinople, and lastly to Anianus Deacon of the same church.  
In the time (saith he) of Pelagius my predecessor, joannes Constantinopolitanus when he had assembled a synod, by an other pretence, claimed unto himself the title of the universal supreme Patriarch, which thing Pelagius took in evil part, and therefore made the acts of that Synod frustrate. Farther, he commanded his Deacon which was his deputy, whom he had with the Emperor, that he should not communicate with john, being so arrogant and proud. Gregory succeeded Pelagius and decreed the same things, & writing unto the emperor, saith, Peter the chief among the Apostles, never called himself universal Apostle, and nevertheless john bishop of Constantinople now goeth about to call himself the universal Patriarch: & straightway he crieth out: O times, O manners. And this reason he addeth to these things, if the universal head be so ordained of men, by the ruin or corruption of such a head, the church also shall perish together. Of this place Nestorius was once bishop, who believed most wickedly of the son of god. Macedonius had the same dignity, who believed not that the holy ghost was god. If those patriarchs had then been universal Bishops in the church, the whole church had fallen also with them.  
Let none of the papists cry that it is no strong argument: because it is none of ours, but Gregory's their father: let them cry out against him, who afterward addeth: That he which maketh himself universal bishop, taketh away from other bishops their office, for where any man is universal bishop, he leaveth no office of a bishop unto others. This also is the collection of Gregory, and not found out by us. And undoubtedly if a man at this day look rightly and more nighly up on the thing, he shall see that the bishops of the west do govern their churches only by the order given them by the bishop of Rome. 
Gregory counteth it for an absurdity that the Pope should be preferred before the Emperor.  Gregory afterward addeth that john preferreth himself above the Emperor: which thing Gregory counted for an absurdity. But our men now a days think it necessary that Cesar should be subject to him: yea they have often times resisted emperors, many times wearied them, and sometimes moved them out of their place. And yet Gregory their father detesteth and inveigheth against it, as a thing unjust and not to be suffered. And writing unto Augusta he is yet more vehement, saying that the same belongeth unto Antichrist. Wherefore let not our men marvel, if we sometime call the bishop of Rome Antichrist, for as much as their Gregory, calleth him by the most goodly title, which willbe universal bishop.  

The synod of Chalsedonia erred.  The Synod of Calcedonia, as the same Gregory saith, gave unto the seat of Rome this prerogative, namely unto Leo the first of that name. Howbeit no man used it, because our elders being men most holy, saw it was not meet for any mortal man. Only Christ is the universal head of the church For he is the small grain of musterdsede, which hath increased into abroad and large tree, that it overspreadeth the whole world: and he is that little leaven, wherewith three pecks of meal were leavened. And the stone hewed out without hands, which is become so great a mount that it hath filled all things. Wherefore Christ himself, for as much as he is able to be with us, is to all us the universal head, to whom every one of us cleaveth as members. Moreover Gregory admonisheth Alexandrinus and Antiochenus, that they should receive no Epistles, which had written in them a tittle of so great pride. And he saith, that to receive such a title, is to fall from the faith. Now let our men go, and obtrude this yoke, which by the testimony of their Gregory we can not receive, except we should go back from faith: Namely in attributing that to a man, which we must believe is proper and peculiar unto Christ. Neither doubteth he to affirm, that this john transgressed the decrees of Christ, the rules of the Apostles, and Cannons of the fathers. All these things saith he, hath he violated in the usurpation of this one title. And he addeth, what wilt thou answer unto Christ in the last day of judgement, thou that hast arrogantly taken upon thee his office, and wilt have all his members subject unto thee? He commanded, that we should not call any a father unto us upon earth. But thou commandest men to call thee universal father. In what estimation therefore hast thou the words of the Lord?  

An error of Gregory  Howbeit in collecting of these places of Gregory, I think there are some things which are diligently to be taken heed of, namely two: of the which the one is, that he saith that Peter was the chief member of the universal church: & Paul, Andrew and john, were heads of singular churches. This I therefore admonish you, forbecause the Apostles were not bishops of singular churches, for they wandered abroad through out the whole world, they founded churches & wan sundry nations unto the Lord, and all they were members, 
Another error of Gregory.  and that principal membres of the universal church. Wherefore this sentence of Gregory is not to be admitted. The other thing, which I judge is to be observed, is that Gregory doth testify that this his john did first usurp unto himself the title of universality, 
Theodoretus.  which assuredly I cannot be persuaded of. Forasmuch as Theodoretus in his book de haerecibus, when he writeth of Nestorius, oftentimes saith, that he was made universal patriarch. Yea and justinianus in suis novellis, attributeth that title to diverse patriarchs. And (to speak as the thing is) I suppose, that Gregory this pretty little saint would have had the thing or matter of an universal bishop, although he reprehended the name and title. For as the history of those times teacheth, and his epistles testify, he abstained not from governing of other churches He showed indeed that the name should be avoided, namely lest the patriarch of Constantinople by that title should either prefer himself, or be equal unto the bishop of Rome.  
But before these times, Cyprian withstood the church of Rome, 
Cyprian resisted the church of Rome.  who sought then to claim unto itself some tyranny, and he judged that appellations should not be brought unto the seat of Rome, but would have Ecclesiastical causes judged in every singular province: namely, that they which in any place were condemned by the judgement of bishops, should not be restored by the aid of the seat of Rome: when as yet he chief reverenced the church of Rome, & acknowledged it as the Matrix in these our regions. And assuredly to have it in great estimation, is a far other thing, then to grant unto it tyranny or dominion above all other. For to the first we may after a sort agre, but to the other we must not assent, unless we will fall from the faith. afterward in Augustine's time, when he was present at the Synod of Africa, 
The counsel of Africa resisted the church of Rome.  there was great and long alteration about this thing, and at length the bishop of Rome could never prove (which thing yet he chief endeavoured to do) that this power was given him in the council of Nice, that men from all parts of the world might appeal unto him. Wherefore if it were either for lack of knowledge or of some rashness, or by the people, or by flatterers given to any bishop of Rome, it should by the example of Gideon, Leo, and Gregory have been refused.  
We must not trust unto the inconstancy of the common people, 
The inconstancy of the common people.  which is always movable now they will have Gideon to reign, a little afterward you shall see that they were most ungrate against him: for (as the history declareth) they slew his children. Gideon refuseth not the principality, as though he would not labour in the public wealth: 
What the Popes ought to have before their eyes.  but because he understood that it was no lawful vocation: which the Popes also ought to regard. He had before his eyes the law in Deut. now alleged. The Pope ought also to look upon the words of Christ: Kings of the nations (saith the Lord) bear rule over their subjects: but ye shall not do so: and being demanded, who should be greatest, he answered, that he which was lowest, and which more served others. This is to govern the church, not to command, but to serve. Peter himself also taught ministers not to bear dominion over their flock. 
Who are in the church to reverenced above other.  And Paul hath written that Christ is set the head of the church, & not men: although in it they are above other to be much made of, & to be honoured, which more than other profit the faithful, and are more largely endued with good gracious gifts: and as Christ required of Peter, do more deeply love him: and which are more abundantly endued with those qualities, which Paul to Timothe and Titus requireth in bishops. If we highlier honour such men in the church above other, not as lords, not as universal bishops, not as heads of the church, but as excellent ministers thereof, the authority and obedience of the word of god should thereby be nothing diminished.  

An error very hurtful in the church.  But they do not so. They have fixed the excellency and dignity of the ministers of the church, unto chairs, places, and cities, howsoever he be in greater price & honour, which sitteth in those chairs or places, and what manner of man so eue● he be in life and manners. And so is there no regard had to the graces and gifts of God, but only to the place and seat. This undoubtedly was the fountain, ofpring, and beginning of all evils and superstitions. Our elders thought it good, that in cities which were more famous, where merchandises were traded, and were assemblies of men, where Proconsul's or Presidents governed, there also the bishops should be of greater authority and jurisdiction. Whereby custom obtained, that those Churches and chairs were had in greater honour.  
But (as it cometh to pass) ambition crept in, and in those places bishops were ordained, not alway such as were more worthy, but such as were better favoured of Princes. And oftentimes the better learned and more holy were given over to small and abject bishoprics. When Augustine was Bishop of Hippoverhegium, one called Aurelius governed the most honourable church of Carthago. And who knoweth not that Augustine in doctrine, manners, and authority, far excelled Aurelius? The same thing happened unto Gregorius Nazianzenus, who was bishop in an abject place, namely in Sassimis, when as many other, not to be compared with him, obtained the chief chairs. After this way & manner the bishop of Rome began to be preferred above other, namely because of the most ample dignity of the city: 
The cause why the bishop of Rome was preferred before other.  which cause nevertheless he understanding that it was no firm groundsel of the honour which he had obtained, he hath feigned other causes of his excellency. And first he pretendeth that he had this privilege by the council of Nice: which yet he could not prove before the fathers of Africa, because in that Synod the charge only of suburb churches was committed unto him. Not a charge to bear dominion, but to give counsel to admonish, and if there were any things of more weight, to refer the same to the counsel. As to the bishop of Alexandria the suburb churches of Egypt, and to the bishop of Antioch of the suburb churches of the east parties. And it was not given the bishop of Rome, to be the universal pastor. Neither is it possible that a weak and mortal man should feed the flock of Christ in all countries.  
furthermore the bishop of Rome boasted, that he was set to be the head of the church: 
The bishop of Rome cannot be head of the whole church.  which cannot be meet for any man. For from the head are derived moving and sense by the sinews, into all members, as Paul very well teacheth to the Ephesians and Colossians. But no man can perform that, as of himself, by closures & joints to quicken the members of the church with the spirit of god. It longeth only to christ, 
Magistrates & princes may be called heads of the people.  to distribute unto his members spiritual motions, illustration of the mind, and eternal life. indeed king's and magistrates may be called heads of the people, because they govern civilly, and from them we may look for good laws and civil movings: but in the church men entreat not of civil life, but of spiritual and eternal life, which we cannot look for, but at god's hand, neither can any mortal men quicken the members of the church. Kings & magistrates when they are godly, in my judgement ought to have the chief place in the church: and to them it pertaineth, if religion be il administered, to correct the defaults. For therefore they bear the sword to maintain God's honour. But they cannot be heads of the church. Paul to the Romans and to the Corinthians, where he maketh rehearsal of the members of the church, putteth some to be eyes, some noses, ears, hands, and feet: but he adorneth none with the dignity of the head, who yet to the Ephesians saith this of Christ, that god had given him to be the head of the body of the church. 
We must not make the church two headed.  Let the papists show written in any other places of the holy scriptures, that Christ gave an other head unto the church, & they shall have the victory. But I know assuredly they cannot. For if that could have been done the church should be a two headed monster. But it is a sport to hear what john, sometimes B. of Rochester in defending the Pope answered to this. To grant two heads of the Church (saith he) is not absurd: for the Apostle writeth, the man is the head of the woman, & nevertheless every wife hath beside her husband which is the head, an other head also. Wherefore he concluded that we may thus affirm of the church, namely that it hath both Christ and the Pope to be head. But this man faileth by a false Sillogismus of equivocation. For speaking now of a head, as it is attributed unto the Church, he falleth to a natural head. In matrimony the husband is the head of the wife, not the natural head, 
How the husband is the head of the wife.  but as touching aeconomical life. But the natural head of the woman, is the beginning of her natural life. And undoubtedly if we look upon the natural head in the church, we shall find that it is not one head: but look how many men there be in it, so many heads shall there be: for there is none without an head in it. And when we speak of the head of the Church, we must keep ourselves in the Metaphor: and as it should be absurd and monstrous, for one man to have two natural heads, so shall it be judged as portentous, for the Church to have two Metaphorical, that is spiritual heads. We must always, when we entreat of any thing, persist in the same order and kind: which thing if we do not observe, we shall easily be deceived by equivocation.  
But let us return to the Pope, 
Of the keys foundation of the Church.  who lest he should seem to be destitute of testimonies of the holy scriptures, taketh two places out of them. Whereof the one is: Upon this rock I will build my Church, and will give the keys. etc. But that place pertaineth to all those which confess the verity of faith: for Peter, when the Lord demanded what the Apostles believed of him, answered in the name of them all, that he was the son of the living God. Wherefore, that which Christ speaketh unto him, pertaineth to all them, which together with him believe and profess the same self thing. For the keys are given unto the Church. And in john, the Lord after his resurrection gave them unto all them: at the last also, when he should ascend up into heaven, he sent them all alike to preach throughout the world. And as touching the foundation, the Church hath no other foundation but Christ. For Paul unto the Corinth. said: No man can lay any other foundation, then that which is already laid, 
How the Apostles are called foundations of the Church.  which is Christ jesus. And if at any time the Apostles be called foundations of the church, that is to be understand, because they in the first time of the Church cleaved unto the foundation, as the first and greater stones, not because the Church leaned unto them as to the principal foundation.  
The other place which they bring out of the scriptures, is, 
Not only to Peter was the commandment given to feed the flock of Christ.  because Christ saith unto Peter, feed my Lambs. But they are exceedingly deceived: for it was not the office of Peter only, but also of the other Apostles, to feed the flock of the Lord. But it was so said peculiarly unto Peter, because he had denied the Lord thrice, and therefore he might have seemed to have fallen from the fellowship of the Apostles, unless he had of Christ been restored by certain words. And that not only he, but also other aught to feed the sheep of Christ, his own words testify, which be writeth in his Epistle, where he admonisheth other Ministers to feed the flock of the Lord. But grant, that the Lord gave unto Peter any principal thing: what hath the bishop of Rome common with him? Let him declare his spirit, and as Peter hath laboured for the Church, let him also labour: which thing if he perform, then will we acknowledge him, not as an universal bishop, but as a good Minister of Christ. 
The spirit of Christ is not bound to chairs  He saith that he hath the chair that Peter had. What seat I pray you speaketh he of? The holy ghost is not bound to seats. But grant that it were so, Antioch had Peter sitting in it before Rome had. For that church he planted, and long while governed. But they say that he was slain at Rome. But the jews crucified Christ himself at jerusalem, which is a thing of greater weight. Wherefore if we should follow this argument, the bishop of jerusalem should be preferred above all other. Yea, and Peter, as it is written to the Galathians, was not the Apostle of the Gentiles, but of circumcision, as it was agreed between Paul, james, john, and Barnabas. Neither do we ever read that Peter prescribed the other Apostles any thing, or that they depended of him. Yea Paul most manifestly testifieth, that he received nothing of Peter. Farther, it is certain that Peter was slain under Nero, & john lived even to the time of Trajan. And they say that Cletus, Linus, and Clemens succeeded Peter at Rome. What then, shall we think that john the Apostle was subject unto Clemens? And of necessity he should be so, if the Bishop of Rome be the universal head or general bishop. But who will say that this may be suffered? Moreover, 
An Epistle of Clemens.  lies may be confuted with lies. Our adversaries bring the Epistle of Clemens, which is a feigned Epistle, as a thing certain. We will gratefy them in this thing, 
Clemens jacobo ●ratri domini, Epis copo Episcorun, & regnanti Ecclesiam que esi Hierosolymis, & omnes que sunt ubique, Dei providentia.  and we will now grant that to be true, which is false. Let them mark his superscription, which is written after this manner: Clemens to james the brother of the Lord, by the providence of God the bishop of bishops, & governor of the Church which is at jerusalem, and of all the Churches every where. What will they say here? The bishop of Rome ascribeth his title unto the Bishop of jerusalem, and attributeth this universal charge of all Churches unto him, and not to himself. This argument maketh very much against those, which have unto the Churches obtruded this Epistle for true, & ratified it. But that can nothing hurt us, which is taken out of that epistle, against our doctrine. For we know that it is a feigned thing, as that which was never alleged by any of the fathers. And in it the same Clemens affirmeth, that he himself wrote the little book called Itenarium Perri: which book (as it is said in the Decrees) is counted among the apocrypha books. But of this thing I have spoken sufficient, & these things have I rehearsed, only that we might understand, how much Gideon is to be preferred before the Antechristes' of Rome.  

Wither the government of God be excluded by human Magistrates.  Here is put forth an other question, whether the rule and government of God be therefore excluded, because the Magistrate of a public wealth, or of Aristocratia, or of a kingdom, is given unto a man. The cause of the doubt is, because when it was said unto Gideon: Thou shalt reign over us: he answered, I will not reign over you, but the Lord shall reign over you. It is not hard to dissolve this question proposed: forasmuch as the administration, wherewith God governeth public wealths, hindereth not the Magistrate, which is his Vicar & Minister. And assuredly God reigned together with David and josias: and the Israelites at that time had a certain Magistrate, and one of their own, with whom also God himself also governed. Wherefore the words of Gideon do not teach this, that God cannot reign there, where as is a lawful king. But this thing only he regarded, that the present state of things, which was instituted by God, 
When God is said to govern pub. wealths.  ought not to be altered without him. There was a public wealth then in Israel, they had Senators, and in all places there were judges appointed: wherefore the form of the public wealth could not by men be changed, without great offence. If so be thou wilt demand, when it is to be thought that God doth govern & rule in other Magistrates? I answer: Then, when this is only provided for, that Citizens may live virtuously. And forasmuch as piety is of all virtues the most excellent, the Lord doth then reign, when allthings are referred unto it. Farther, as touching civil actions, when to every man is rendered his own, & Magistrates govern not for their own commodity, but for the public utility.  
When the thing is otherwise, shall we say that God reigneth or no, as when Nero, Domitianus, Commodus, Heliogabalus, and such wicked men were governors? 
A distinction of those things which are done under Magistrates.  Did God then cease from governing of the world? I think we must make a distinction of these things, which are done in those kingdoms, of the good things I say from the evil: forasmuch as there is no Empire so vitiate and corrupt, but that it still retaineth in it many good things. Let us look upon the government of Nero, & we shall see there in a manner, an infinite number of wicked and mischievous acts, where yet many parts also of justice flourished. Provinces were governed by Praetors, and Presidents, which execute laws, not altogether unjustly. It was lawful for Paul to appeal unto Rome, neither could the hebrews by the laws be permitted to judge him as they lusted themselves. And the same Paul, when he had showed that he was a Citizen of Rome, escaped both from bonds and from stripes. Wherefore seeing in a government most corrupt, very many good and profitable things flourished, the same could come from none other but from God. It is therefore manifest that god at that time forsook not the care and administration of things.  
But if thou go forward and ask, 
How God ordereth himself toward the fauts of Princes.  whether the vices and corruptions of Empires are to be referred unto God: I will answer, that the true cause of sin is in man, but the will of God doth neither allow those vices, nor command them in his laws: yea, he prohibiteth and detesteth them. But he useth them to punish the wickedness of the people: for, for the sins of the people, he maketh an hypocrite to reign, and in his fury he giveth kings. For such things are evil and sins, and have in them a consideration of punishments: & as they are punishments, they pertain unto the justice of God.  
But when Princes are so corrupt, what is to be done? We must obey, 
Wither it be lawful to rise up against evil Princes.  but usque ad arras, that is, so far as religion suffereth. May private men take upon them to alter a corrupt Prince? They may do it in admonishing, in giving counsel and reproving, but not by force of weapons. Yea, Citizens may fight for the defence of the public wealth, as long as it lasteth. Wherefore Pompeius, Cicero, and Cato, are not lightly to be condemned, for that they resisted Cesar, going about to stir up insurrection, although at that time the public wealth was very corrupt. But when he had once obtained the Empire, he ought not by private men to be deprived with weapons. Wherefore Augustus said unto Strabo, who spoke evil of Cato, being then dead, that he was a good Citizen, which contended that the present state of things should not be changed. In the public wealth of the hebrews, which flourished in the time of Gideon, God governed in very deed. It was (as I have said) Aristocratia, where Elders were chosen by common voices, to do justice: in which office, unless they rightly behaved themselves, they were both punished, and put out of their room: but if there happened any hard war, God himself raised up judges, but they were not chosen by the people, neither did the children succeed the Parents in that office. After this manner did God govern the hebrews. The words of Gideon sufficiently declare, that the judges exercised not the office of an ordinary Magistrate. It was in the Lord to raise up for the time whom he would, 
What we must consider when any thing is offered unto us.  therefore the Lord said unto Samuel: They have not rejected thee, but me, that I should not reign over them. Hereby we gather, that when any thing is offered us, we must always weigh, whither the same be good of his own nature, and whither it be lawfully given, and may lawfully be used. Which if it be not, let us put away from us, whatsoever is offered, as Christ rejected Satan, when he promised him all the kingdoms of the world, neither received he the kingdom offered him by the people. This the Pope considereth not, who for his unlawful supremacy or tyranny, continually warreth, and there is nothing which he attempteth not: so far is he of to refuse these things. etc.   

24 Again Gideon said unto them: I would desire a request of you, that ye would give me every man the earrings of his prey (for they had golden earrings, because they were Ismaelites.)  
25 And they said: we will give them. And they spread a garment, and did cast therein every man the earrings of his prey.  
26 And the weight of the golden earrings that he required, was a thousand seven hundredth syckels of gold, besides collars, & pomanders, and purple raiment, that was on the kings of Madian, and beside the chains that were about their Camels necks.  
27 And Gideon made an Ephod thereof, and put it in his City, in Ophra. And all Israel went a whoring after it in the same place, which thing was the destruction of Gideon and his house.  
Here is set forth an example of a most grievous fall, very much to be lamented. A man holy in miracles, and notable in faith, filthelye falleth. Every man therefore is admonished, not to trust unto his former life, and things that he hath well done.  

Kim his opinion of the Ismaelites and Madianites.  They had golden earrings, because they were Ismaelites. Kimhi thinketh that the Madianites and Ismaelites were all one, which he saith is confirmed by the book of Genesis, where it is written that the brethren of joseph sold him to the Madianites, and straightway it is added that the Ismaelites sold him in Egypt, wherefore he gathereth that they were all one, namely which had their offspring of Agara. And she (as some say) was Ketura the handmaid of Sara, & afterward the wife of Abraham. But the Chaldey Paraphrast interpreteth the Ismaelites, Arabians, and not Madianites. Yea and josephus in his book De antiquit. by the children of the East he understandeth Arabians. They turn this Hebrew word Scheharonim lunulas, that is little Moons, whereof is mention made before. For in the Arabike tongue Schehara signifieth luna, that is the Moon. The other word Netiphoth is derived of Nataph, which signifieth to drop. For that word signifieth a drop, namely that is odoriferous. That was enclosed in small vessels either of gold or of silver, that with them both the neck might be adorned, and the nose filled with a most sweet smell. 
Of the use of carynges.  But the ornament of earrings was most ancient, and used in the time of Abraham. For his servant gave unto Rebecca bracelets, when he desired to have her for a wife, for Isaac his masters Son. The Romans also sometimes used them, as we may gather out of Platus in Epidico: Dost thou not remember (saith he) that I brought thee an ear-ring on thy birth day? The Egyptians also used them: for it is written of Cleopatra, that she took from her ear a most precious pearl, and dissolved it in vinegar, when she contended with Antonius for a sumptuous preparation of a banquet. The Carthaginenses also were decked with bracelets, as Plautus in Penulo testifieth. For thus he writeth: And as I suppose, they have no fingers on their hands, because they go with ringed ears. Gideon took also purple garments: but whither he used them to his purpose, 
Ephod.  it appeareth not. He made an Ephod. The Hebrew word Aphad is to bind, or to gird, whereof this noun is derived, signifying a garment which compassed the shoulders, and then it was bound together, and it after a sort girded together the inward coat. Gideon did therefore make this ornament, to be a monument of the victory which he had gotten, as some writ: in which thing if he sought his own glory, he cannot but be blamed. But if this were only his desire, to keep in perpetual memory the benefit of God, he is not to be accused, for as much as oftentimes such monuments were erected, as the holy scriptures testify. jacob erected a stone, when he went in to Mesopotamia, and whilst he fled from Laban in Gilead, he builded a great heap of stones together. And it were to long to rehearse all the monuments or tokens, which were in the old time set among the people of God, that the memory of the benefits of God should not be forgotten. Gideon made an Ephod, and used a sign, not so apt and convenient. 
Wherein Gideon sinned.  He mought have written a song, as Barac and Deborah did, or erected a pillar, or some such like thing.  
God had not commanded in the law, to make an Ephod to this use, but only that the Priests should put it on, when they should do sacrifice. Neither is it needful now to describe the form of this garment, for as much as in Exodus it is most manifestly set forth: this thing only I will admonish you of, 
Two kind of Ephodes.  that there were two kinds of it, as the holy scriptures declare, & as Jerome both to Marcelia, & to Fabiola, & against iovinianus the first book testifieth. There was one which only the high Priest used. It was made of purple violet colour, silk, & scarlet, it had gold wrought in it, & sundry kinds of most precious stones. There was also an other which was called Ephod bad, that is a linen Ephod, which the Levites also used in holy services. Wherefore in the .1. of Samuel the .2. chap. we read, that Hanna made every year for Samuel a little coat and an Ephod, when she had then offered him unto the Lord, to minister at the tabernacle. Yea and David being girt with an Ephod, danced before the Ark of the Lord. The children also of David were girt with an Ephod. But Gideon made his a pontifical and precious Ephod, for the other kind was simple & of linen, wherefore he should not have needed so great cost to make such a one. For there were gathered (as the history teacheth) a thousand seven hundredth (as many expound them) sickles of gold. Some suppose that Gideon did therefore make an Ephod, that even as Micha durst take upon him, to have a holy ministry at home in his own house, so did Gideon now attempt the same. But of this sentence we will afterward speak, when we declare Augustine's mind of this thing. But now following the interpretation which we have already begun, which is of those which say, that Gideon made this, to remain as a sign and monument of the benefit of God given unto the hebrews, this I judge is to be added, that the vulgar men began to have in admiration the sign which was set up, and as they were prone to superstitions, they journeyed thither, and offered peace offerings there, which thing was a ruin and snare unto them: for by title and little they fell into idolatry. Neither was Gideon without blame. For he erected the monument, & abused the sign: & when he saw how the people fell, yet took he not away that monument, but rather winked at it. Ezechias afterward did more rightly, who when he saw the people offer incense unto the brazen serpent, he broke it down. Certain Rabbins labour to excuse Gideon, because with a good mind he caused the Ephod or monument of the benefit of God to be made, but the Israelites misused it. But they go about that in vain, for as much as the scripture saith, that it turned to the destruction of Gideon and his house.  
Augustine entreating of this place, 
Augustine.  thinketh that the figure of Synecdoche is here to be understand, so that by this word Ephod, all priestly ornaments may be noted, as though Gideon would in his City have an holy ministry: which was plainly against the will of God, who had appointed to be worshipped at the Ark of the covenant. That was no other thing, then to pluck away men from the tabernacle of God, & after a sort to divide the church. Gideon & the people did not (saith Augustine) sacrifice unto idols, but with these garments they constituted a worshipping unto the true God in Gideon his house, that is in Ophra. But forasmuch as they did otherwise then God had prescribed, they fell therefore into a certain kind of Idolatry. And that Gideon worshipped not idols, it doth not only hereby appear, in that he overthrew the altar of Baal, cut down his grove, and offered upon the altar of God, the bullock consecrated unto Baal, but also because the people all his life time (as we shall straightway hear) are said not to have worshipped Baal.  
This word whoring is to be understand Methaphorically, 
The Methaphore of whooting.  which is a thing very common in the scriptures. For the Church is the Spouse of God, and therefore it ought to worship him only, and to depend only of him. Wherefore, even as a married woman, if she leaving her own husband, follow other men, is counted an harlot and unchaste: even so also the Church, when it forsaketh the worshipping of the true God, and giveth place to superstitions, is justly called a harlot and an adulteress. And this is it which is now written, that the children of Israel went a whoring after the Ephod, instituted by Gideon.  
Wherefore Augustine's opinion is, that Gideon would have had God worshipped so in his country, that the same things might there have been done, which were done in Silo, where the Ark was. Which opinion, although it can not be confuted by the scriptures, yet it appeareth not very likely: For we read not that he had Priests with him. Neither do the Hebrew Doctors (who otherwise are diligent in expressing of things done) attribute these things unto him, but rather agree with the other sentence, namely that he constituted it for a monument of the victory which he had obtained, which afterward was an occasion of superstition. Wherefore it seemeth to be spoken more probably, that this erected sign was had in admiration of the foolish people, so that they thought it to be a place very meet to do sacrifice there, and especially for the offering of peace offerings unto the true God, which seemed not worthy of reproving. For at that time it was lawful to do that in a manner every where, but superstition daily creeping more abroad, they began to attribute more than was meet unto that sign, as to a thing divine, and which had in it some power of God, and for that cause they offered sacrifices, and did incense unto it, keeping nevertheless a pretence of the worshipping of God, and the name of God the Lord, as in the time of Ezechias they did incense and sacrifice unto the brazen serpent.  

Whence came the beginning of relics and invocation of the dead.  And in the same manner we read happened at the beginning of the sepulchres, bones, and relics of holy men. The Christians buried the dead bodies of the Martyrs, as honourably as they could, and to have the memory of them kept, they began to have places of prayer at their tombs, not undoubtedly where they would worship and invocate the Martyrs, but where they might hear the word of God, receive the Sacraments, and exhort one an other to defend the faith. And in deed that place seemed not a little commodious for such a purpose: For the sepulchres of Martyrs seemed to admonish & inflame the minds, to enterprise the same battles, and to behave themselves most constantly for the name of Christ. Wherefore it was thought that in assembling to the Sepulchres of Martyrs, two commodities were gotten. First, because some honour might be given to so great Confessors, whilst the memory of them was not suffered to be forgotten, but with very great joy thanks were given unto God for their happy victory. The other was, because men might be stirred up to enterprise the like, 
The beginning of the images of Saints.  and to hope for the like gifts at God's hand. And after the same manner began the images of Christ and of the Apostles privately to be made, namely that their death, which seemed unto the world full of ignominy, might be made more honourable, and that the memory of them might flourish, and by beholding of those images so set up, men might be provoked to the just and laudable imitation of them. If the thing had abidden within these bonds, it might have been borne with all, neither was there any thing there which might justly be condemned: but even as the act of Gideon was turned at the length to idolatry, so in success of time followed the invocation of Martyrs at their sepulchres, and the images of saints began to be set up and worshipped, not only in private places, but also in temples.  
The act of Gideon was a snare to him, and to his house, for both he sinned, and his children (as we shall hear) were horribly slain. It brought also great misery unto the Israelites. For from this superstition they fell by little and little to the open worshipping of Baal, wherefore they were most grievously oppressed of their enemies: howbeit as long as Gideon lived, they worshipped not Baal. Hereby we gather, that all worshipping of God, instituted without his word, is to him unacceptable, and to us most dangerous. There is but one God, and he will be worshipped but one way, namely as he himself hath commanded. And if to the worshipping of him, there be any thing to be added by the decree of men ●o● comeliness sake, and for a just and civil order, the same aught to be but little, 
Gideon sinneth two ways.  and also mutable, as it shall be thought good for to advance edification. Wherefore Gideon sinneth two ways, both in that he abused the Ephod which he made for a sign, and also because when he saw superstition to come thereby, he prohibited it not. The good intent of Gideon excused not his act, although he had a show of piety. Leo the first of that name, 
Leo the first.  in his Sermon of the Passion of the Lord, saith that Peter, when he cut of the ear of the servant of the high Priest, was moved with a godly motion. But what godly motion could it be, which Christ reproved, yea and so reproved it, that he affirmed that he which so drew the sword, should perish with the sword? What other thing was this, then to have a zeal of God, but (as Paul saith) not according to knowledge. Paul also the Apostle, when he afflicted and destroyed the Christians, thought that he did God high service.  
These things have a show of a good intent (as they call it) or of godliness, but they are not in very deed that which they show for. Even so increased the pomp of the Mass, by no other means, then by a show of a good intent. For it seemed good unto our Elders to adorn the Supper of the Lord. Wherefore this Pope added this thing, and an other that thing, so that at the length the thing came to this point, that these additions excluded the institution of Christ, in such sort that it may seem to be any other thing else, than the Supper of the Lord, for those things are observed which men have invented: but that which Christ willed, namely that brethren should communicate together, and celebrate the memory of his death, this I say is abolished.  
But why the woorshippinges instituted by man's invention are to be abjected, this is an assured reason: 
Why worshippings invented by man, are to be abjected.  because in worshipping of God we must do all things chiefly through faith, but it is of no force if it want the word of God. Wherefore if rites which are retained for the worshipping of God, lack his word, faith may not be given unto them, and therefore are they rather sins, then works pleasing God. For all that is not of faith, is sin, 
The authority of the fathers is not sufficient.  as the Apostle saith. But they say that in those woorshippinges, the authority of the Fathers, which were present at Counsels, aught to be sufficient, neither ought we to esteem their sentences of any less value than the holy scriptures. But I will turn the same to them again, and ask whither they think Gideon was a holy man? That they cannot deny, forasmuch as the Epistle to the hebrews the xi. chapter notably testifieth him so to be. I will demand of them also, whither Aaron were a holy man? They will not deny it I suppose: when as he was of God appointed to be the high Priest, and the fellow of Moses in working of miracles. And yet for all that either of them, when they instituted a worshipping without the word of God, are grievously accused by the holy Scriptures. Let them therefore cease to obtrude unto us the Saints: but when we require the word of God, if they will that we should believe them, let them bring forth the holy scriptures. We know that rites and worshippings instituted even by God himself, are not acceptable unto him, when they are done without faith, as Esay, jeremy, and David most manifestly teach, how much less will he receive those things which are invented of men, which for that they are not grounded on his word, do utterly want faith?   

¶ Of a good Intent.  
But because there is something alleged of a good Intent, whereby some go about to excuse Gideon, I think it good briefly to touch those things, which are necessary, as concerning it.  
As touching the signification of the word, Intent signifieth a motion of the mind, whereby by some mean we tend unto an end, as if a man should study by giving of gifts or by services to attain unto any honour. For the nature of things is in such sort, that many things are so connexed together between themselves, that by the one is made a step unto the other. For by medicines & drinks we attain unto health: by studies, reading, & teachers, unto wisdom. Wherefore an intent is an action of the will, for it is his office to move and stir up the mind. And forasmuch as the will doth not perceive the things that he desireth, before that it hath the knowledge thereof, it moveth not, nor forceth the mind before knowledge, which reigneth in the power of intelligence or understanding. It perceiveth both the end, and those things which serve to the end, and ministereth them unto the will. Therefore Intent stirreth up to the end, as to a term, 
The definition of an intent.  by those things which unto it are directed. Let this be his definition. A will tending unto the end by some means. Wyl, which is his general word, is an act of the power that willeth. The difference is taken of the object, namely of the end, and these things which are ordained unto it: as now as touching Gideon, his intent was a motion of his will, to keep the memory of the victory given him, by the Ephod which he had made. In will therefore he comprehended at once both the end and the mean.  

There is both a good intent & an evil.  An Intent in divided into a good intent and an evil. And to a good intent this is chiefly required, that the end be a thing just and good: which yet is not sufficient. For if a man should steal to give alms, he undoubtedly should set before his eyes a good thing, but because the mean is evil, therefore the intent can not be called good. But if the end be both unlawful and evil, then shall the intent also be evil. Wherefore that the intent be good, both the end and the mean must be honest and good things. Howbeit certain things are by their nature so evil, that we can never use them rightly. As theft, perjury, adultery, 
An evil intent of two kinds.  and such like. Wherefore the Apostles rule must always be firm, that we must never do evil things, whereby good things may follow. Therefore an evil intent is two manner of ways: that is, either by the naughtiness of the end, 
Two things are required in a good intent.  or else of the means. But the intent can never be good, except both end and mean be good. Thus far the Philosophers and school Divines agree with us. Now must we see wherein they differ from us.  
The Philosophers do think that the righteousness of the end and means dependeth of human reason or natural understanding, as though it were sufficient to put a difference between just things and unjust: but that we deny, and require fully faith and the word of God, 
Augustine.  as sure rules, which thing Augustine testifieth in many places, and especially upon the xxxi Psalm, where he saith: Do not count thy works good before faith, which are nothing else, then (as me thinketh) great strengths, and a most swift course out of the way, and he which so maketh haste, runneth headlong to destruction: Wherefore a good intent maketh a good action, 
Faith directeth the intent.  but faith directeth the intent. Wherefore we must take heed, when we purpose any work, that our heart have a regard unto faith, whereby it may direct his endeavours.  
The school Divines will easily grant that faith governeth the intent, and maketh it good. But we differ from them for three causes. first, because we affirm that faith dependeth only of the word of God: but they will have it to lean unto Fathers and Counsels, 
Faith must not cleave unto fathers & counsels  and that in no case may be granted unto them, forasmuch as faith must be constant, and utterly without error: which two things are not found in the Fathers and Counsels, because they speak things one contrary to an other. Father's very often strive with Fathers, and Counsels are against Counsels: and those Fathers are rare, yea in a manner none, which have not sometime erred, and that in things most weighty, and very many Counsels have need of amendment. Doth not the scripture by express words testify that all men are liars?  
The other thing, wherein we can not assent unto the Schoolmen, is, because by a good intent they affirm that our works are made meritorious, yea and that of eternal life. Which thing how far of it is from the truth, the nature of merit may teach us: whereof I mind not now to speak.  
The third thing wherein we differ from the Schoolmen is, because they will have the work to be made good by an habitual good intent as they speak: 
The habitual intent of the Schoolmen.  That is to say, done without any good motion of the heart. They fain that our actions do please god, as prayers, reading of Psalms, and giving of Alms, although in act we think nothing of God, & they suppose that this habitual intent which they place in him, is sufficient enough. So that if thou shouldst demand of him, which doth these things, why he doth so? he may be ready to answer, that he doth it to the glory of god, especially when in doing of it he hath not a contrary mind or repugnant will. But this can we not grant unto them, for as much as in this negligence, whereby when we work we think not of god nor of his glory, the commandment of god is violated, which commandeth us to love god withal the heart, withal the soul, and withal the strengths. Wherefore we rather counsel that this may be knowledged a sin, then to be counted a good work.  
But because they perceived that their sayings have some absurdity, they added, so that in the beginning of that work, we think somewhat of god and his glory, and so that that which is purposed, be directed unto him. But no man doubteth but that the beginning of all those things which we do, ought to be good: but afterward, if faith follow not those things which we have well begun, and if when we are working, we have not a respect unto god and his glory, we shall run headlong into sin, which may not be dissembled. Farther, if we should work as we ought to do, and as the law requireth, yet should we (as Christ saith) be still unprofitable servants: so far is it of, that we can claim unto ourselves any merits. Wherefore so long as we desist from thinking upon the honour and glory of God, we fall, neither are such falls to be dissembled, but rather to pray that they may be turned from us, forasmuch as of their own nature they are sins, 
Faith is not sufficient in habit, but we must believe also in act.  although unto the believers for Christ's sake they are not imputed unto death. Wherefore let there be added to our works a good intent: But yet such an intent as is adorned with faith, and let us perform the same not in habit but in act. Wherefore the Lord saith in the Gospel of Matthew the .6. chap: The light of the body is the eye. And if thine eye be simple, the whole body shall be light. But if the light which is in thee be darkness, 
Augustine.  how great shall the darkness then be? These things Augustine (in his questions of the Gospels, the .2. book, & .15. question, and against julianus in the .4. book, & 20. chap.) judgeth to be understanded of a good intent. And in like manner writeth he in his .10. Tom, the .2. Sermon, where he entreateth upon this place, we must not do righteousness before men, to be seen of them. The intent (saith he) is always to be applied unto the glory of God, but the will to have it known unto men, is to be avoided, but so much as shall seem to pertain to the honour of God. And to that tendeth that which Christ speaketh: A good tree cannot bring forth evil fruits, neither an evil tree, good: for as much as the tree signifieth the intent. Wherefore this act of Gideon done of a good intent (if those things be true which we have said) cannot be excused, when as faith governed it not.   

28 Thus was Madian brought low before the children of Israel so that they lift up their heads no more: and the land had quietness .40. years in the days of Gideon.  
29 Then jerubbaall the son of joas went and dwelled in his own house.  
30 And Gideon had 70. sons which came out of his thigh: for he had many wives.  
31 And his Concubine that was in Sechem, bore him a son also, whose name he called Abimelech.  
When we hear that the earth had quietness, we may note two metaphors. The first Metaphor is, whereby the land is taken for them that dwell upon it. The other is, whereby silence is put for peace: for that in peace the cries of soldiers, the noise of weapons, the blast of trumpets, and the running to and fro of horsemen and footmen are not hard. Augustine in this place doubteth, how it could be, 
Augustine.  that God suffered superstition and idolatry so long unpunished. And he bringeth two answers therefore. First, that Gideon did indeed straightways as soon as the war was finished, 
Why the punishment was differed 40. years.  gather a mass of gold, but he made not the Ephod by and by, but long after, namely toward the end of his life: or that the Ephod was made as soon as the victory was accomplished, but the people fell not to idolatry, till about the latter time of his life. another cause he addeth, because in that superstition the name of God was kept, neither was the worshipping of Baal and other gods of the Gentles admitted for that, as long as Gideon lived, the Hebrews came not to that mischief, & therefore god dealt not so sharply against them. And it was no small benefit to give them peace for .40. years: of which thing, saying I have spoken before in the former judges, I shall not need now to repeat the same again.  
jerubbaal went and dwelt in his house. He coveted not a perpetual rule, as did Cesar, who after v. years did again, covet to continue unto himself the province of France other. v. years. But Gideon when he had obtained peace, ceased from wars, and dismissing his host, led his life at home in his own house, in a manner like a private man. such are upright minds which indeed want ambition.  

In his commentaries upon the 1. of Samuel the 25. chap.  He had .70. children, for he had many wives. Of having many wives I will not now speak much, because it is to be entreated of in an other place: this is sufficient to be said at this present, that god in the old law permitted the same after a sort unto the fathers.  
Which came out of his thigh. This is therefore written, lest peradventure we should suspect that of those .70. children some were adopted. Besides the 70. which he had of his wives which were many, he had Abimeleche by his concubine.   

¶ Of Matrimony and having of Concubines.  
THe place doth now admonish me, somewhat to speak of having of concubines, whereof is often mention made in the histories of the old testament. But first must we define Matrimony, that thereout we may gather the use of concubines: for unless the nature of it be manifest, 

Of matrimony.  
Marrimonium coniungium, nuptie connubium. The definition of matrimony.   we can not see how that having of a concubine differeth from it. Matrimony, marriages, wedding, and wedlock signify all one thing. And Matrimony (as it is had in the i book Inst. justin. when mention is made of the power of the father, and in the degestes de ritu nuptiarum, is defined to be a conjunction of man and woman, an inseparable conversation of life, and a communication of god's law and man's law. But this definition must be perfected by the holy scriptures. Wherefore we must add, that this conjunction of man and woman was instituted by god, for the bringing forth of children, for the taking away of whoredom, & that thereby human life might have helps and commodities. In this definition undoubtedly the conjunction of man and woman holdeth place in the matter. The inseparable conversation of life pertaineth unto the form, for with this purpose and will man and wife must mary together. For though by adultery that copulation be taken away, yet when the matrimony is contract, they ought both of them to have this in their mind, that being once joined they must abide & live together. This belongeth also to the form, that the communication of god's law and man's law be had between them. For they must be both of one religion, & communicate human things one with an other. For the wife goeth into the family of the husband, and with the husband is counted all one flesh. Yea and the substance of either parties are made in all points common, but the efficient cause of this ordinance was god himself, even from the beginning, who made unto Adam a helper. And the end (as we have said) is the procreation of children: for god said, Increase and multiply. But as touching the other end, namely for the advoydinge of whoredom, Paul in the .1. to the Corrinth. hath very well and plainly written.  
If thou wilt demand, 
Whither bonds or writings are required to contract matrimony or no. Jerome.  whither bonds or writings are required for the contracting of matrimony, we may au●swere, that they are not required. For the consent of either party is sufficient, as it is had in the Authentikes, and in the Code, where entreaty is made of marriages. But that which Jerome writeth to Oceanus, that hereby a wife is discerned from a concubine, because a wife must have bonds and a dowry, which things concubines had not, this I say is not universally to be received. For his sentence is to be drawn unto the wife, which before was a concubine. As touching her she needed bonds, that she might no more be counted a concubine, & that the children which she had already, or afterward might have, might be legitimate. But a dowry is not required of necessity, because (as it is a common saying,) a dowry hath not place without matrimony, 
A dowry is not necessary to contract matrimony.  but matrimony may consist without a dowry. For a dowry is given for the easier sustaining of the hurthen of matrimony. The Cannons have added, and the profitably, the Matrymonyes should not be contracted privily. For if the assent of the man and wife be secret and without witnesses, 
Against secret marriages.  judges can pronounce nothing of such a matrimony contracted. Wherefore if their wills should he changed, and after those secret matrimonies, they should contract solemn and public marriages, the first marriages give place unto them, and the conscience is kept both perplex and also wounded.  
But to speak of having of concubines, two things are to be considered. First what the Roman laws ordained of it: Secondly, 
Of having o● Concubines.  in what sort it was among the Hebrews used, or what is to be understand, when we read that the fathers had concubines. As touching the first having of concubines, was by the civil law a certain kind of matrimony: for a concubine was not a harlot, 

Having of a Concubine seemed to the Romans to be a kind of Matrimony.  
The definition of a Concubine   which was common to many, nor also a harlot, which was kept of a man together with his lawful wife. And how much it differeth from a wife, it shall appear by the definition of a concubine. For a concubine is she which hath the use of marriage with one that liveth sole. But for that she is not unseparable, (because they that are so joined may easily be separated) therefore a concubine differeth much from a very wife: Farther human rights are not communicated with her, for a Concubine goeth not into the family of him with whom she is conversant. Yea and their goods and faculties are not commune together, neither are the children borne of that conjunction, counted lawful and just heirs, unless they be made legitimate by the benefit of the prince. Howbeit it is by the Roman law forbidden that a man should have many Concubines at once, and it is prohibited to have a Concubine together with his wife. Moreover by the Roman laws, such can not be counted as concubines, which may be used as harlots, as a free virgin, and a widow under .25. years of age: for if a man meddle with them, either it shallbe matrimony, or else judged whoredom. Howbeit a widow may be a Concubine, if before witnesses it be declared, that she is taken not for a wife, but for a Concubine. And lastly there can be no Concubine, which may not become a wife, although not in that place where she dwelleth, yet at the least in an other place, which I therefore add, because by the Roman law it was not lawful for the Precedent to marry a wife of that province where he governed, which yet he might have as a Concubine.  
And if thou wilt demand, whether the Roman law allowed Concubines or no. 
Whether the Roman law allowed concubines or no.  I will answer, that they did absolutely allow them, because they condemned, not having of Concubines as a thing unlawful, so that it were used as before is said. Yet it shadowingly reproveth that conjunction, when as it suffereth not the children borne of Concubines to be lawful & just heirs, unless at the length of a Concubine she should become a wife, or unless it be by the authority of the prince. Howbeit we must know that the children of a Concubine, were admitted unto a certain little portion of inheritance, but yet not to a like and equal portion with the legitimate. Yea and the children borne of a concubine, are not in the power of the father. But when of a Concubine she is made a wife, than it was necessary that there should be tables of Matrimony.  
If we will retain the roman law, a handmaiden cannot be made a Concubine: for by that law a handmaiden could not be made a wife. For the conjunction of a free man with a hand maiden, the roman laws called Contubernium, neither did they count it for a just matrimony. Howbeit by handemaydens the Romans understood not hired servants, but such as were bought: which I therefore speak, because our hired handemaydens, are free persons, and therefore it is lawful to contract just matrimony with them.  

The Concubines of the fathers were wives.  But now let us consider of the law of the Hebrews, & what is to be thought of the Concubines of the fathers. They were in very deed wives, although oftentimes they were handemaydens, as Agar, Bala, Zilpa, and as this Concubine of Gideon. In the judgement seat, and as touching civil actions, it seemeth that free men of those places where these fathers were conversant, could not contract matrimony with them, and therefore peradventure in holy scriptures they were called Concubines. But yet before god, that is by the law of matrimony institituted by him, they were wives. Wherefore in the book of Genesis Agar which is called a Concubine, is also called a wife. Therefore there were two differences between the Hebrew laws and the Roman laws: because with them having of Concubines was no matrimony, but with the jews it was before God: although openly and by civil reason, because of the servile condition of the woman, she was not acknowledged peradventure for a wife. Farther, herein they differ, because the jews had handmaidens to their concubines: & the same was not lawful for the Romans, if we follow that law, that she should be a Concubine, which may be made a wife. When as the Roman laws counted not that for matrimony, which was contracted with a handmaiden. But this civil law was not in jeromes' time retained in the roman Empire, 
Jerome  either because the Ecclesiastical canons had mitigated it, or else for some other cause. For in his Epistle to Oceanus, he speaketh of certain, which had their handmaidens in steed of wives, for this cause not calling them by the name of wives, to avoid burdens, and charges, who yet if they became rich, made their handmaydens' wives. 
After what manner the decrees permit Concubines.  But we must know moreover, that where Concubines seem to be allowed and permitted in the decrees, the same is to be understand of those which are in very deed wives, although by the roman laws and civilly they were counted for Concubines, because that woman was not solemnly married, although there was a mutual consent between them of matrimony. This which I have brought is had in the distinction .34. chapter. Isqui & Christiano. Whereof the first is the decree of the council of Toletanus: the other is the testimony of Isidorus in his book de distantia novi & veteris Testamenti. But when in the decrees there is mention made of Concubines, which are not in very deed wives, they are universally prohibited. And that is, when either party will not always dwell together, neither acknowledge one an other as man and wife.  

Why the son of Gideon was called Abimelech.  And this shallbe sufficient at this time as touching these things. Let us now return unto Gidion, who had by his Concubine a son named Abimelech. The Etymology of the name is: My father the king. Peradventure the concubine of Gideon was arrogant & proud, which counted Gideon for a king, and therefore called her son by this name, and kindled in him the flames of bearing rule, that he might right soon play the tyrant, and claim unto himself a kingdom as dew unto his father.   

32 So Gideon the son of joas died in a good age, and was buried in the sepulchre of joas his father, in Ophra Abiezer.  
33 But when Gideon was dead, the children of Israel turned away, and went a whoring after Baalim, and made Baal-berith their God.  
34 And the children of Israel remembered not the Lord their God, which had delivered them out of the hands of all their enemies on every side.  
35 Neither showed they mercy on the house of jerubbaal Gideon, according to all the good things which he had done in Israel.  
There is often mention made in the holy scripture of a good age. 
What a good age is.  And in the 15. chap. of Genesis, it is promised unto Abraham as a certain excellent good thing. And it seemeth to show two things: first a just space of life, so that death should not come untimely, and strike as yet in tender age. furthermore it signifieth prosperity of life and a profitable end. Wherefore it is required thereunto that the mind be sound, the body not broken with diseases, no want of riches, the family, country, and dignity abiding firm: this is judged a good age. But what shall we reckon of eternal life? I think Gideon obtained it also, 
Whether Gideon was at the last saved or no  for as much as in the Epistle to the hebrews the .11. chap. he is numbered with those fathers, which lived adorned with faith. Thou wilt say peradventure that his faith was not justifying and perfect, but only of that kind of faith which sufficed to work miracles. But I do not think that the Apostle, when he made mention of Gideon, and of the other fathers, wrote of that faith. For the faith which there he speaketh of, he defined in the beginning that it is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or (as they say) the substance of things to be hoped for, & a certainty of the which is not seen. And in composing the catalogue of the men, which where adorned with this faith, he maketh mention of Abraham, whom he testifieth to have been justified by faith. Whereby is gathered that the faith which is there attributed unto the saints, is the true and perfect faith, by which the godly are counted just before God.  
But they say, he fell into superstitions. I grant that, but he might be renewed by repentance, which is the effect of true faith, and at the last attain eternal life. But thou wilt say, what repentance was this? when he overthrew not the Ephod which he set up, neither revoked the people from superstition? Undoubtedly there is never any repentance counted fruitful, unless that be amended which was done amiss. To this I answer, it might be (as Augustine saith) that this superstition began toward the latter end of his life, which thing, being repentant, he had decreed to take away if he had lived. But being prevented by death, he was not able to perform it.  
And was buried. They made no prayers or supplications to deliver his spirit from the pains of Purgatory, And we read not in any place of the old testament that for the same cause there were either sacrifices or oblations made.  
And when Gideon was dead, the Israelites went a whoring and worshipped Baal. Whereby we may learn how ingrate men are towards God. He had adorned them with so many benefits, & yet their good prince being dead, which kept them in their duty, they fell straightway from the true worshipping of him. Wherefore it hereby manifestly appeareth how diligently we must pray for good princes & a godly Magistrate: for than is understand with how great a commodity they were given unto the people, when now at the length the anger of God waxing fierce, they are taken away. For that there were many Baalim, 
What Bahal-berith was. The jupiter of covenant.  in this place is particular mention made of Baal-berith which a man may call iovem foederis, or iovem foederatum. Him made they a God over them, and worshipped him for the Lord. The sum of the worshipping of him seemeth to be this, that they referred all the good things which they had, as received of him: & they believed that he turned away from them those evils which they were not troubled with. By reason of which faith, they counted him for their God, & worshipped his outward image.  
And forgot the Lord their god. We can not worship strange gods but strait way we must cast away the true God. He is one, and therefore he refuseth to be worshipped with more. Wherefore it remaineth that they do not worship the true GOD, but their own inventions, as many as do with the true God join other which are idols: for there is no true God which willbe worshipped that way. Or else this is the sense of it, that the Israelites did wonderfully fall from the true God, because they did not only worship Baal, but they so worshipped him, that they utterly forgot the god of their fathers and grandfathers, & altogether abjected the worshipping of him. Which thing they used not always to do: for many times they so allowed outward gods, that yet in the mean time they retained some part of the old worshipping.  
Neither showed they mercy on the house of Gideon. That happened unto them, which must needs come to pass. When we depart from the true God, the offices of charity are neglected, for he which is evil against God, can not be good to men. 
An example of Constantius the Emperor.  This understood the Emperor Constantius the father of Constantine: who thought that they would not be faithful unto him, which for to keep still their dignity, departed from the worshipping of Christ. Gideon in deed deserved so to be punished: but they ought not so to have dealt against him, especially seeing they behaved not themselves so for the revenging of religion.  
To show mercy, is a phrase much used of the hebrews, and it is read in many places in the holy Scriptures, neither signifieth it any thing else, then to do good, and to be of a gentle loving and ready mind to help those which have need. And that which is now spoken, by a certain anticipation comprehendeth the narration which we shall hear in the chap. following, of the calamity and destruction of the house of Gideon. In the mean time let us consider the nature of the world: it is wonderfully infected with the vice of ingratitude: we see in a manner no notable or excellent gift bestowed upon any man, which by the children of this world is not recompensed with great ingratitude. 
We must not besiste from well doing because of ingratitude.  And yet for this occasion we must not suffer ourselves to be withdrawn from doing good, lest when as other are evil, we imitate them in departing from our office. Let us go forward to do good unto our neighbours and brethren: who if they be thankful, let us chief rejoice for them, 
Why God permitteth ingratitude in the world.  and afterward for ourselves. But if they be otherwise, let us turn ourselves unto God himself, for whose cause we do rightly, decreing with ourselves, that we must not have a regard what the sins of men deserve, but what God requireth of us, or what is decent for us, remembering the God very often permitteth the vice of ingratitude in the world, whereby our minds may be the more erected unto him, for whose cause all our things are to be instituted, and let us so direct unto him those things which we do, that we require nothing of this world to be rendered unto us as a reward. Farther, when we see that men do for the most part after this manner reward those with great evils, which have done them much good, we may call to remembrance the life to come, where shallbe rendered unto every man according to his works. Which thing if we had not a confidence that it shall one day come to pass, we should utterly take away the providence of God.    

¶ The ix Chapter.  

1 THen Abimelech the son of jerubbaal went to Sechem unto his mother's brethren, and spoke unto them, and to all the family of the house of his mother's father, saying.  
2 Say, I pray you, in the audience of all the men of Sechem, whether is better for you that all the sons of jerubbaal, which are 70. persons, either that one man reign over you? Remember that I am your bone, and your flesh.  
3 Then his mother's brethren spoke of him in the audience of all the men of Sechem all these words: and their hearts were moved to follow Abimelech: for said they, He is our brother.  
4 And they gave him .70. pieces of silver out of the house of Baal beareth, wherewith Abimelech hired vain and light fellows which followed him.  
5 And he went unto his father's house in Ophra, and slew his brethren the sons of jerubbaal, seventy persons upon one stone. Yet jothan the youngest son of jerubbaal was left, for he hid himself.  
6 And all the men of Sechem gathered together, with all the house of Millowe, and came and made Abimelech king, by the plain of the image which was in Sechem.  
The destruction of the house of Gideon is declared, & the detestable usurpation of tyranny. Abimelech went, as I suppose from his father's house: for he understood that he could not there easily go about that which in his mind he purposed. He was minded to bring into Israel the power of a king, and being otherwise a private man, went about to alter the state of the public wealth. Which thing was utterly unlawful. For that form of government, which the hebrews then used, was instituted & allowed by God, even as it is written in Exodus and Deuteronomy. Whereby is also gathered, that if at any time the people would have a king, he ought to be created, whom the Lord appointed. Farther, if they should have appointed a king by human reason, so great a dignity pertained not unto him, which was borne of a concubine. It seemeth that it should rather have been given unto the other sons of Gideon, and to the first begotten, before the rest.  
It is good to mark by what guile he worketh. He accuseth his brethren, 
Abimelech accuseth his brethren unjustly.  as though they affected the kingdom. Whether (saith he) is it better, that I or they reign? As though he would say, one of these two things must needs come to pass, and except I obtain the kingdom, they will claim it unto themselves: which was utterly false. For they went about no such matter, yea it is rather to be thought but they followed their father's steps: who when the kingdom was offered him, refused it. Therefore it is very likely that they as legitimate children would follow the example of their father. He goeth to those men chief whom he hoped would soon be won to come unto him, namely unto the kinsfolks of his mothers.  
He useth glorious reasons. First he declareth that the rule of one alone is better than the dominon of many. And that is most easy to persuade human reason. Wherefore Homer saith: It is not good the many reign, let there be one Lord. 

Homerus.  
Aristotle.  
Whether a kingdom be better than ●ristocratia, or no.   Which verse Aristotle bringeth in his Metaphisikes'. Which thing in deed might be granted as touching the institution & perfection of the nature of man. For in a kingdom occasions in deliberating are not overpassed and corrupted: and the execution of things decreed, is not delayed and slacked, as we see often happeneth where many bear rule. But in this corruption of nature it seemeth to be otherwise, for as much as in it hangeth a danger & that most grievous, le●st the kingdom should fall into the hands of a wicked man. Wherefore it is better to retain Aristocratia, that is, the governance of many good men. Abimelech urgeth not wi●h the other argument, as he did before, namely the public utility, but the proper commodity of his kinsfolks. I am (saith he) your flesh, and your bone. As though he would have said: When I am created king, I will chief have a regard unto you. I will increase you with riches, dignity and power. Wherefore it is better for you to choose me for your king being your kinsman, rather than a stranger. He saith that he is their flesh and bone, when as yet he was more flesh and bone of his brethren, and of his father which was dead. For children pertain more unto the father, then to the mother. But this fellow lieth in all things, and speaketh to get favour, 
What to be flesh & blood of any man, signifieth.  and that guilfully. It is an Hebrew phrase, to be the bone and flesh of any man. Laban spoke so unto jacob, when he required of him Rachel for a wife. This said the Israelites also unto David, when they created him king. And Paul to the Ephesians sayeth, that we are the members of Christ, flesh of his flesh, and bones of his bones: for as much as he is our head and the head of the Church, as the husband is joined unto the wife. In sum, it is a speech whereby is declared the greatest conjunction that may be.  

The reasons of Abimelech are confuted.  Abimelech offendeth most grievously in these reasons. First, in that he affirmeth, that it is better that one do rule, and that the government of many is to be avoided: here I say he deceiveth and is deceived: because this thing was not to be weighed by the nature thereof, but by the word of God: for we must not obey human reason, but the commandments of God. Farther, he deceiveth the Sichemites, when as he saith: Ye are my flesh and my bone, for although we must have a respect unto our kinsfolks, yet that must be done without any prejudice of the public wealth, or breach of the commandments of God. Whereunto thou mayst add, that in electing Magistrates, a regard must be had to the common commodity, & not to a proper profit. But the people is movable, especially to seditions & tumults: therefore the Sichemites are content with the reasons of Abimelech, and gave him money, which they would not willingly have done for lawful uses. 
Why the money was in the Temple.  The money was in the Temple, either because it was gathered of oblations, and therefore as holy there kept, or else because it was then the manner (as in the old time it was at Rome) that the common money should be kept in the Temple of Saturn, which was the treasury.  
Seventy pieces of Silver. Some interpret it a pound of Silver, & other some, Silver pieces of money. But whatsoever it was, this sum we can not know precisely and exactly. But this is certain if they were pieces of money, we must think they were of a great deal more weight, then are ours: for an host could not be hired for so small a price. 
What manner of men Abimelech adjoined unto him.  And the men with got them to this war, are set forth by two words of very great signification: Rikim that is vain, poor: Pechizim, that is light, and headlong. And as R. David affirmeth in libro Radicum, these men are understand to be light, chief in science or knowledge: in which signification the same word is read in the Prophet Zophonia the 3. chapter. Even at this day also such men are ready to go on warfarre, namely beggarly fellows, which have wasted and consumed their goods, and which are light headed, yea headlong to take upon them, and to do any wicked act. And that cometh hereof, because they are light in science or knowledge, that is, they want judgement and right reason. 
War may sometimes just be made.  Undoubtedly warfarre is a thing lawful and just, if a man use it rightly. For, for as much as the holy Scriptures do teach, that the Magistrate beareth the sword to revenge wicked acts, and to defend the good, it followeth that he may arm soldiers, and call together his citizens to a just war. Wherefore Christian men in the old time went on warfarre, when they were compelled to take wages even of Ethnic princes. For the army of the Thebeians was holy: for they were all in a manner slain for Christ's sake, and Christian soldiers sometimes when the host was almost destroyed with thirst, by prayers through Christ obtained water of God. But among these holy soldiers, 
Hired soldiers are not commendable.  are not those hired warriors worthy to be numbered, which for three crowns a month stick not to put their life to sale, & straightway offer themselves, and run unto every one that calleth them, when they hear a Trumpet or a Drum, and addict themselves to him that offereth them most, having no regard at all unto the cause which they defend.  
The Sechemites, if they had been wise, aught, 
The sins of the Sechemites  when they had heard the accusation against the children of Gideon, to have inquired whether the thing were so or no, and when they had found it so, they ought to have brought them to the Senadrim, that they might by their judgement have been punished. 
Senadrim was an assembly of 70. Elders.  But if they had found it otherwise, it was their part to have chastened and kept under Abimelech as a false accuser. But they did otherwise, they consented to the conjuration, and gave the common money unto Abimelech. At the least they should have remembered this, that to them (which were but certain members of that public wealth) it pertained not to create a king. 
Examples of murderers of kinsfolks.  At the length he proceedeth to the murder of his brethren, undoubtedly a heinous crime, which (as it shallbe declared) sprang of a very great ambition. An accustomed example both in the holy Scriptures, and also in the Ethnic histories. Cain slew Abel. joseph was sold of his brethren. joram the son of jehosaphat (as it is in Paralip. the 21. chap.) slew all his brethren. Absolom also an ungodly son spared not even his own father. Romulus among the ethnics slew his brother Remus, and Domitianus slew Titus, Bassianus Caracalla also slew Geta. And undoubtedly time would not serve me, if I should rehearse all the examples of like sort.  
I am not ignorant that these manquellers pretended some excuses for their wicked act, but they were but vain. first, 
Pretences of murderers of their kinsfolks  they pretended that they for the public wealths sake destroyed their brethren and kinsfolks which were all desirous to be kings, because the kingly power, 
An answer of Alexander the great. Cicero.  which one pertaineth only unto one, can not be very commodiously distributed unto many. So Alexander the Macedonian answered unto Darius, that the world could not hold two Suns, as though one should hinder the other in governing. Neither was Cicero ignorant of this reason, who in his .3. book de Officiis saith, that Remus slew Romulus upon a certain show of utility, as though he saw that the kingdom should better be governed by one, then by two. Whom yet he confesseth to have offended, being deceived with this show of utility, and that he put of all humanity and piety. The other thing which they pretended is, that therefore they slew their brethren or kinsfolks, because they had conspired against them. But when (I pray you) complain they of conspiracies? even then when they had slain those, whom they complained of, & they could not defend themselves.  
He slew 70. brethren, except one namely jotham, of whom shall mention be made afterward. The History writeth that there were 70. slain, either because Abimelech so willed and commanded, or else because only one wanted of that sum: 
The manner of the scripture in reckoning of numbers.  which thing we may see oftentimes used in the holy Scriptures, that some certain number is mentioned as a full number, from which yet some may be taken away.  
He slew them upon one stone. It is thought to have been some notable stone which was appointed for a place of execution. Abimelech therefore is by a great and detestable murder of his brethren, consecrated king. Kings were appointed to profit men, and to defend them: but he beginneth his kingdom with murder. Wherefore he ought rather to be called a Tyrant, than a king. The place where he was created, is setforth: wherefore we must understand that this word Alon, signifieth a plant, which R. David in libro Radicum supposeth to be a pine tree: jonathan maketh it a chestnut tree: and Jerome turneth it always an oak. Sometimes it signifieth a plain: and the Chaldey paraphrast interpreteth it Mischar, that is, a plain field, thither assembled the Sechemites to create a king. There was an image or pillar set up (as some think) to a superstitious worshipping: which thing although it be not against the wicked manners of this people and impiety of Abimelech, yet it is not of necessity that we should so think: for we read many times in the Scriptures, that images were erected, not for divine worshippings, but for other causes. In the book of Genesis the 31. chap. a heap of stones was set up in mount Gilead as a border and monument unto the posterity of jacob and Laban: and in the 35. chap. of the same book, a pillar was erected by the tomb of Rachel. Yea and Absalon adorned his tomb with an image.  

The family of milo.  The family of the mother of Abimelech was not noble, when as she took her name of the town. milo is the name of her house. That word signifieth other wise a gulf filled, which Solomon built by the City of jerusalem. The Sechemites created a king, the other tribes neither were at it, neither were they called. So was there a schism among the Israelites, which is wont oftentimes to happen when the worshipping of god is vitiated. These things have I briefly noted as concerning the History.  
Now let us more nighly look upon the wicked and flagitious acts, by which this man came unto his tyranny. First he was very ambitious, he deceatefully and falsely accuseth his brethren, useth the corruption of bribery to work treason, is a robber of the common treasury, he wrought by open violence, and at the last committed murder of his brethren, called Parricidium.   

¶ Of Ambition.  


What Ambition is.  
What honour is Excellent men are justly honoured.   AS touching the first, Ambition is to much desire of honour. And honour is that reverence which is given unto any man, to bear testimony of his excellency. And that testimony is borne unto him justly and of right: because it is meet, that we recompense somewhat unto them, which do help and nourish us, and are endued with gifts of God. And we have nothing more worthy or better than honour. Farther, that they and their like may go forward to excercise themselves longer and more constantly in helping & keeping of other. Moreover, that we adding such reverence, may get unto them authority, whereby they may the more aptly and commodiously execute their office. 
It is lawful for godly men to receive the honours offered them.  Hereby it is manifest that it is lawful even for holy men also to embrace the honours which are given unto them for virtue, doctrine, and piety's sake. For they both desire and allow things that are just, and do rejoice that men perform that which the law of God will have done. And he commandeth to honour the father, the mother, the Magistrate, and such like. Wherefore if men obey his precepts, holy men can not but accept it thankfully. Thou mayst add, that if it should not so be, their ministry would be contemned, which is by all means to be avoided.  

What must be taken heed of when honours are admitted.  But because we are prone to pride, haughtiness, and arrogancy: therefore we must beware, and that circumspectly, that for the desire of honour, we abuse not that which after a sort may be just. Wherefore I thought it good to note those things, which I judge are to be taken heed of in this thing. First, that we rest not in this kind of good, as in the last end. Whatsoever we do, must be directed unto God, and especially that honour which is given unto us, when we rightly and orderly execute our duties, so that thereby both we ourselves may know, & also teach other to glorify God, 
Honour is the reward of virtue.  & not men in good works. For this hath Christ commanded, that we should so direct our works, whereby they which see them, may glorify God the heavenly father. Neither ought this to move us which is commonly spoken, the honour is the reward of virtues. For that is not to be understand, neither as touching the virtues themselves, nor yet in respect of the men which are adorned with them. For it should be very ill with either of them, if they had no other end performed then honour. The end of good men is eternal life, and the heavenly kingdom. And the end of virtues, is to prepare and renew us to the glory of God. But honour is called the reward of virtues, as touching other, which do behold and wonder at the gifts of God in good and holy men: 
How honour is the reward of virtue.  and and when they desire to offer or recompense them somewhat, and have nothing excellenter than honour, then do they give that. Wherefore after this manner is honour counted the reward of virtue. The other caution is, that a man do not so burn with the desire of honour, that he care not how he come by it, whether it be by right or by wrong. Sallust hath written an excellent sentence of this thing: 
Sallust.  The good man and the evil do both a like desire unto themselves glory, honour, and rule: this man the true way, but the other, because he wanteth good arts, contendeth to attain it by guiles and disceates. thirdly we must beware, that a man desire not more honour, than his merits and virtues require: or extort dignity and honours, when as rather he is worthy of vituperation. For this should be both absurd, and also want all manner of justice.  
Abimelech took not heed of the things which I have rehearsed, 
Abimelech is ambitious.  but incurred them all. For he set before him the kingly power, or rather tyranny, as the last end: for to it directed he all his acts and cogitations, also he contended unto it by disceates and guiles, and not by the good way and just means. Yea he seemeth rather to grant unto a sentence of Euripidis: 
A sentence of Eripidis.  That right itself is to be violated for dominions sake. And for as much as he wanted merits, he rather extorted honour, which is given as a testimony of virtues, than got it unto himself by just means. He deceiveth his Citizens with no obscure kind of bribery, for he flatteryngly requireth of them the kingdom, because he would bestow upon them great and most ample benefits, for as much as he was their kinsman. 
The Ethnic laws condemn inordinate ambition.  The laws also of the ethnics do condemn such inordinate ambition. For as much as in the law julian, de ambitu, it is decreed, that he which by bribery obtained honours, should be condemned, both by paying of money, that is, a hundredth crowns, and therewith all made infamous.  
He deceiveth his brethren by a false accusation, as we have showed: 
Abimelech falsely accuseth his brethren & committeth treason.  and goeth farther and committeth treason against the people of the hebrews. For he attempted to alter, yea rather to evert the state of that public wealth. In the digests ad I. juliam, Maiestatis, he is said to commit that crime, which did any thing against the people of Rome, or against the safety thereof. And who seeth not that Abimelech very diligently conspired against the liberty of the hebrews. He infringeth this law also: whosoever hath with him men armed with swords and weapons, and keepeth possession of some certain places: which thing the history affirmeth that Abimelech did. 
Abimelech is guilty of robbing the common threafore.  For he gathered together soldiers and came into Ophrath, & invaded his father's house. Wherefore he committeth treason, which (as Vlpianus testifieth) is next unto sacrilege. Abimelech also is guilty of robbing the common treasure, when as he abused the money, whether it were public or holy, to his own private use.   

¶ Of murder of parents or kinsfolks called Paricidium.  
LAstly, which was most heinous of all, 
Parricidium.  he polluteth himself with the murder of his brethren: of which wicked crime there are many things written in the civil laws add I. Corneliam de Parricidiis. And as far as I can gather out of the laws & histories, in the old time the name of that crime was given unto those which murdered their parents, grandfathers, great grandfathers etc. unto those also which murdered their sons, nephews, and sons in the four degree etc. But afterward Pompeius extended the signification thereof farther, & they were called Parricidae which slew their brethren, son in laws, daughter in laws, father in laws, or mothers in laws, and such other. 
A law of Numa Pompilius  Although there was an old law, and given by Numa Pompilius: He that wittingly bringeth a man to death, let him be taken for a parricide. And also Augustine in his 3. 
Augustine.  book de Civitate dei the 6. chap. counted Romulus guilty of Parricidium, because he slew his brother. And there he derideth the ethnics, which affirmed that their gods suffered Troy to be destroyed, because they would take vengeance of the adultery of Paris. But how (sayeth he) were they favourable unto Rome, when as the builder thereof committed straight way at the beginning parricidium? But the same Augustine in his book de Patientia (which yet is supposed to be none of his) in the 13. chap. appointeth a certain latitude or degrees between Parricides: for (as he saith) he sinneth more heinously which killeth his parents or children, than he which murdereth his brethren. And he which slayeth his brethren, offendeth more, than he which destroyeth those which are farther of a kin. And the wicked crime of slaying parents or grandfathers, seemed to be so horrible, that at Rome for the space of 600. years, from the building of the City it was not committed. 

Romulus in his laws made no mention of Paricidium.  
An answer of Solon.   Yea and Romulus, making no mention of it in his laws, and being demanded, why he left it out, answered, that he could not be persuaded that any such thing can happen unto men. Solon also being asked why he likewise by his laws restrained not parricidium, answer: that he by occasion of his laws would not admonish men of so horrible a wicked crime, and stir them up unto it after a sort by his admonishing. For it oftentimes happeneth that they which prohibit certain vices, provoke men to fall into them, which very often will do those things which they are forbidden.  

The punishment of Parricides.  But as for the murder of brethren and kinsfolks, it was a thing used even from the beginning, as all histories do testify. And the punishment of parricides which slew their parents or children was by laws (as it is had ad legem Corneliam de parricidis) that they should be sowed in Culeo, that is, in a leather sack, & with them were put an Ape, a Cock & a Viper, & then they were cast into the deep of the sea, or into the next river. But they which slew of their kinsfolks or cousins, were punished with the sword only. These punishments, if they were at any time by the Magistrates neglected or winked at, God himself punished, as the history of Samuel declareth of Absalon, which slew his brother, and most cruelly invaded his father. He striketh also with furiousness & madness those men which commit such horrible wicked acts, as both the poets & also the historiographers writ of Nero & Orestes. For either of them when he had slain his mother, was mad. And it is a common saying, that they which commit so great a wicked act, 
Cicero.  can not be quiet in mind. Wherefore Cicero in his Oration for Roscius saith, the certain young men of Terracinensis which were accused for killing their father, were by this means absolved, because they were found in the morning sleeping, for the judges could not believe that they could sleep, which had committed so detestable an act. Domitianus also which slew his brother Titus, was killed by the vengeance of God. And in like manner Bassianus Caracalla, when he had destroyed his brother Geta. And not to overpass our Abimelech, God (as we shall hear) sent an evil spirit between him and the princes of Sichemites, and either party was taken with a certain fury, so that at length they destroyed one an other.   

7 And they told it unto jotham, who went, & stood on the top of mount Gerizim, & lift up his voice & cried, & said unto them: hearken unto me ye men of Sechem, that God may hearken unto you.  
8 The trees went forth to anoint a king over them, and said unto the olive tree, reign thou over us.  
9 But the olive tree said unto them, should I leave my fatness, wherewith by me they honour God & man, & go to advance me above the trees.  
10 Then the trees said unto the fig tree, come thou and reign over us.  
11 But the fig tree answered them: Should I forsake my sweetness, and my good fruit, and go to advance me above the trees?  
12 Then said the trees unto the vine: Come thou and be king over us.  
13 But the vine said unto them: Should I leave my wine, which maketh merry both god and man, and go to advance me above the trees?  
14 Then said all the trees unto the bramble: Come thou and reign over us.  
15 And the bramble said unto the trees: If ye will anoint me king over you, come, and put your trust under my shadow: and if not, let the fire come out of the bramble, and consume the Ceders of Lebanon.  
16 Now therefore if ye have done truly and uncorruptly, to make Abimelech king: and if ye have dealt well with jerubbaal, and with his house: if moreover ye have done unto him according to the deserving of his hands:  
17 (For my father fought for you, and adventured his life, to deliver you out of the hands of Madian.  
18 And ye are risen up against my father's house this day, and have slain his children .70. persons upon one stone: and have made Abimelech the son of his maid servant, king over the men of Sechem: because he is your brother.)  
19 If ye, I say have dealt truly and uncorruptly with jerubbaal & his house this day, rejoice ye with Abimelech, & let him rejoice with you.  
20 But if not, let a fire come out from Abimelech, and consume the men of Sechem, & the house of milo. Also let a fire come forth from the men of Sechem, and from the house of milo & destroy Abimelech.  
21 And jotham ran away, and fled, and went to Beer and dwelled there from the face of Abimelech his brother.  
jotham the brother of Abimelech inspired (as it appeareth) with the spirit of god, threateneth that punishments are at hand both for him and for the Sechemites. He ascended upon the mount Gerizim, 
The city of Sechem.  which was near unto the city of Sechem. In the book of Genesis. 34. chapter. there is mention made of this city: at that time Hemor the father of Sechem possessed it, who ravished Dina: wherefore the city was destroyed by Simeon and Levi. And afterward jacob gave it unto joseph, 
Jerome A place of Genesis is expounded.  to have it besides his common lot in the land of Chanaan for his posterity, as we read in the same book the 48. chapter. Wherefore it was in the tribe of Manasses, and as jerom in his Hebrew questions upon Genesis testifieth, jacob was there healed of his halting, which he got by wrestling with the angel, as it appeareth in the same book the 34. chap. namely that he came Salem to the city of Sichem. And we must know, that Salem there is not a name of a city, but signifieth safe and sound. Otherwise Salem longed not to the Amorhites but to the jebusites, which afterward was called jerusalem. In his Epistle to Eustochius. which containeth an Epitaph of Paul, the same Jerome writeth that this city lay situate by the side or root of mount Gerizim, and in his time it was called Neapolis, and it longed unto the Samaritans. And the same is it which john maketh mention of in his Gospel the .4. chapter, where it is written Sichar, but (as Jerome saith) by a corrupt word, for it should have been written Sechem. Thither went jesus, when he went out of jewry into Galilee.  
But the mount Gerizim and ebal lay one over against an other, and in one of them every year were recited blessings, 
The Mounts Gerizim & ebal.  and in the other, cursings. Thither did jotham ascend, peradventure at that time (as some suppose) when the multitude was assembled, according to the institution to hear the blessings and cursings of the law. Which thing yet (to speak as it is) seemeth to me not very likely, for as much as I rather believe that for the worshipping of Baal, that ceremony was omitted, and partly because it seemeth that the multitude did for this cause assemble thither, with a solemn assembly to constitute Abimeleche their new king. Wherefore in that solemnity, jotham spoke these things, undoubtedly by the holy Ghost, as the event taught. The sum of his oration containeth an exprobration of the wickedness which they had committed, and a threatening of most grievous punishments. And that the thing might be made more plain and manifest before their eyes, he useth a most elegant Apology.   

Of a fable and Apology.  

What a fable is. Augustine.  AN apology they say is a kind of fable. And they define a fable to be a narration of a false thing, feigned for commodities sake, or oblectation. Or as Augustine saith in his .2. book and .11. chapped. de Soliloquiis, a fable is a lie made for delectation: although properly it cannot be called a lie. For the falseness is straightway found out, and specially in Apologies. For in them are brought in insensible or unreasonable creatures, talking one to an other, and entreating of matters very weighty. And as soon as the hearer perceiveth that, straightway he understandeth that the thing is feigned, and not so done in deed. And undoubtedly certain things in fables are very likely, 
Certain fables are likely and some are not.  and some are most far distant from probability. For it is very likely, that sometime there arose a contention between Ajax and Ulysses, for the armour of Achilles, which was judged at the length unto Ulysses, and that Ajax therefore took such a displeasure, that becoming mad he slew himself. But contrariwise it is altogether improbable that a woman was turned into a plant or into a stone. 
An Apology.  Wherefore an Apology may be counted a fable which is not likely.  


The kinds of a fable.  
What fables are to be repudiated, & what to be admitted. Filthy fables are to be repudiated.   The kinds of a fable are, Comedies, Tragedies, Satyrs, and Narrations of Lirike and Heroic poets, & also Apologies. But which of these feigned things are lawful, and which are unlawful, thus may be discerned. They which have filthiness & scurility, that is, mirth joined together with filthiness, ought not to be admitted. But those which are written honestly and shamefastlye, so that they refresh the mind with some pleasure, and are also profitable to setforth good manners, are not be despised. That filthy ones are to be repudiated, the Apostles confirmeth by two testimonies. To the Corrinthians in the first Epistle he writeth: Evil communications corrupt good manners. And to the Ephesians the. v chapter it is written, let whoredom and all uncleanness and covetousness not reign in you, as it becometh saints: then is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and which are not comely. By these words he reproveth all those communications which are contaminated with filthiness & scurilitye. 
Plato.  The same thing saw Plato in his third book de Repub. where he excludeth poets which spoke of gods, as though they should speak of men. Because they in so writing, do both unworthily entreat of the nature of god, which is best and most high, & also they excuse the sins of common men, when as they testify that both the gods and also noble men committed the same sins, which thing assuredly we may see in the commodye Enuchus of Terence, where Cherea a wicked young man (beholding a wanton table in the harlots' house, 
Terence  wherein was painted jupiter piercing unto Danae by a shower) began to have a pleasure in himself, because he being a vile man did those things, which he knew by that table the chief God in the old time committed. I did it (saith he) and I did it with a good wil 
Cicero.  Cicero also: Homer (sayeth he) feigned these, and transferred human things unto the gods: I had rather they had transferred things divine unto us.  
Augustine in his .2. book of Confessions the .15. and 16. chap. complaineth and sorroweth, that he being a child and young man, learned profitable words. 
Augustine.  But yet in things vain. I would to god (saith he) I had been instructed in profitable writings: I hard jupiter thundering and therewithal committing adoultry. The minds and affections of men are prone enough unto vices: wherefore it is wickedly done, that children and young men should in that age be by vile and filthy fables stirred up unto sins. Apologies are profitable, which consisting both of honest words, and good arguments, do rightly instruct that first age. 
Esope.  Esope the ancient writer happily exercised himself in this kind, although there are some which refer his Apologies unto Hesiodus, who was ancienter then Esope. But this our Apology (whereof we now entreat) was written long before Esope and Hesiodus tyme. For the time of the judges, and namely of Gidion, was an hundredth years and more, before the war of Troy. There is an other Apology also in the .2. book of kings the .14. chap. where Amasias obtaining the victory of the Edomites, provoked the king of Israel to make war with him. Unto whom the king joas answered thus: The thistle of Labanon sent unto the cedar that is of Libanon, and said: give thy daughter to my son to wife. And the wild beast went out of Libanon and trod down the thistle. By which Apology he showed that he was so much greater, than Amasia the king of juda, as the cedar excelleth the thistle, and admonished him that he should after that sort be trodden down & oppressed of his host, as was the thistle by wild beasts.  
These things have I therefore rehearsed, lest the Greek and Ethnic writers should be thought to be the first inventors of these profitable fayninges. 
The use of Apologies.  All men agree in this, that the use of Apologies are then to be had, when we have to do with rude persons. For they understand neither perfect syllogisms, or unperfect, neither are they able to perceive inductions, so that of particulars they cangagather universals. And they pass not upon the examples of noble men, for that they themselves are abject and base. Wherefore when such ways of doctrine can not take place, there remaineth nothing but feigned narrations, where being alured by the nelmes of the thing, they give much heed to the things which are spoken, and sometimes at the length are persuaded. They are good also to help memory: for things ● are so new & pleasant, do very must delight: & things that are so sweet, are not so easily forgotten. Farther, men will easilier suffer themselves to be reproved by Apologies, then by open words: for the plain truth engendereth hatred. But being covered with Apologies and dark speeches it may be suffered. At the beginning the hearers know not whereto the thing tendeth: therefore for that they know not what willbe spoken, they tarry out the end, & are at the last peradventure persuaded. Christ finished the whole parable of the vine: and at the end the pharisees and Scribes understood that it was spoken against them. So also among the romans Menenius Agrippa by an Apology won the people, which were departed, to adjoin themselves again to the patricians. For these causes are Parables, dreams & visions of Prophets very much used in the holy scriptures.  
The fable of Esope of the frogs which desired a king, differeth not much from this Apology which we are now in hand with: for to them after the beam or post which they despised, was given a dragon, which by little & little eat them up al.  
And I will begin at the declaration of the fable wherein it is said: If ye have done rightly and orderly, rejoice with Abimelech, and Abimelech with you. But if not, let a fire come out from him, & consume you. The olive tree, vine tree, & fyg tree is the family of Gideon: and the trees which desire a king are the Sechemites. And as among trees there are some noble and some abject: so also among men there are some noble and excellent, and some unnoble and of no reputation. The bramble brier signifieth Abimelech. 
Of the bramble or briar. Plini.  Plini in his 24. book and .14. chapped. writeth of this kind of thorn. And as touching this matter, these are the properties thereof: it is a plant vile and abject, as was Abimelech, who was a bastard and borne of a hand maid, so that he was not to be compared with his brethren. And as he without any utility governed the Israelites, so is the bramble wont to bringforth no fruit. The bramble also pricketh, even as Abimelech very much hurted the Israelites. Moreover some writ that the bows of brambles are sometimes so vehemently shaken and moved with the wind, that out of them is fire kindled, wherewith not only they themselves burn, but the whole wood wherein they grow is burnt: which thing jotham now foretelleth to come to pass of Abimelech. Wherefore the properties do wonderfully well agree.  
But here are two questions offered unto the readers. The first is, because it is said that the trees went to the Olive tree, vine tree, fig tree, and bramble, to create them a king, when as the Sechemites went not unto Abimelech, and unto the sons of Gideon, but rather Abimelech went unto them. The other is, we do not here read that the sons of Gideon refused the kingdom offered unto them, or answered those things which the trees said, when they were called to reign.  
The latter question I think may be dissolved two ways, saying, that the sons of Gideon in deed answered not so: but they would have answered so, if they had been demanded. Wherefore jotham knowing so rightwell all their minds and will, seemeth not to speak so much from the purpose. Or else we may say, that Gideon himself answered for his sons, when he said: I will not reign over you, God himself shall reign over you, And that we may understand, what the three noble trees meant by their answers, this is to be called again to remembrance, that the kingdom was offered unto Gideon, not only for himself, but also for his son, and sons son. Wherefore he refused the kingdom for three. And hereof it cometh (as the Rabbins suppose) that there are three kinds of trees brought in.  
But as touching the first question, the Sechemites and Israelites came not unto Abimelech, to make him their king, but yet the holy ghost so speaketh by jotham, because he is he that knoweth the hearts, & knew that that people laboured with this desire to have at the length a king. For they had manifestly declared it before, when they offered the kingdom unto Gideon, & afterward more manifestly they showed it in the time of Samuel, when they altogether desired to have a king given them, as other nations had.  

What manner of argument is gathered out of this apology. Argumentum a comparatis A maiore ad minus. Maior.  Out of this Apology is drawn an argument of things compared together. For the sons of jerubbaal are compared with Abimelech, as far nobler than he, even as the olive tree, vine tree, and fyg tree do far excel the bramble and brier. And the reason is from the greater unto the lesser by negation, as though it should have been said: If even they would not reign, and judged that it was not lawful for them, which were most excellent, endued with virtues & faculties, apt and meet for to reign: much less is it lawful for him to reign which wanteth virtues, and is unapt for a kingdom. But they which were noble, & might have reigned, 
Minor.  would not, neither did they think that it was lawful for them. Wherefore Abimelech neither could, neither ought, to have been by you appointed king. The first proposition is manifest enough by the rule of things compared: and the second most manifestly appeareth by the Apology. We may by the like argument reason of the Ecclesiastical state.  
For if the fathers which were endued with a great spirit, 
The argument is ap●●ed vn● the Pastors of the Church.  notable in wonderful virtues, and excellent doctrine, would not execute the office of a Pope or Monarchy in the Church, or take upon them principality over all Bishops and Churches: that is much les to be granted unto their posterity, which are much inferior unto them, yea not to be compared with them. But they would not: wherefore neither is it meet that those should. The first proposition appeareth (as we have already said) by the rule of things compared: but the minor is proved both by Cyprian, and also by the Counsel of Carthage, likewise by Augustine, Leo, and Gregory.  
furthermore, by this act we gather, what evil cometh by changing the state of a public wealth, especially when it was allowed by the word of God, as was the Aristocratia of the hebrews. Neither was there any cause, why they should change that form of the public wealth: 
The Church ought not to have altered the form of the government thereof  for God himself governed them, gave them .70. Elders, and raised them up judges in perilous times. In like manner there was no cause why the Church should change the form of her government. Neither can they which brought in the Papacy allege any thing which the hebrews could not have said to defend their petition for having a king. For as these men feign for themselves, that the Church should be rightlier governed by one, namely the Bishop of Rome, then by many Bishops, of which every one fully should have care, as touching his own portion: So might the jews have alleged, that their kingdom should be far better governed by one, then by many. And they might have spoken that with much more likelihood, when as the land of Chanaan extendeth not so far as the Church, & very many things as touching civil matters may be better executed by a King that is absent, than the Church which extendeth most largely, can be governed of a Pastor that dwelleth in Regions most far.  
Fire cometh out of Abimilech, 
tyrants oppress and govern not.  because oppression taketh his beginning of tyrants'. So said Samuel unto the hebrews, that the king would make their children Carters, their daughter's handmaidens, and compel them both to ear and till their ground, and take away from them their best Olive gardens and vineyards. Neither was that which Samuel rehearsed, the right of a king and appointed of God, but that, which as the Prophet saw, kings would afterward usurp. Otherwise the law of a king is contained in Deut. the xvii chap. From the Pope, as it is here said, there is come forth a fire, which hath wasted and corrupted all Churches.  
But it is meet to consider what the profitable and fruitful trees answered when they were required to take upon them a kingdom. 
Holy men will not be promoted above other men.  They said they were content with their own good things: and therefore they would neither receive a kingdom, or suffer any alteration of their state. After the same manner even holy and godly men do. Ambrose very much and long time resisted, because he would not be created bishop of Milan. Augustine also many ways laboured to be no Elder or Bishop. And among the ethnics Numa Pompilius long time & much deferred, before he would take upon him the kingdom of Rome. Diocletianus, although before he governed very tiramnically & very cruelly, yet after that, he resigned it, & being desired to take upon him the Empire again, he utterly refused it. Saul also (to turn to the holy history) hide himself among the stuff & burdens, when he should be publicly consecrated. But now a days, because we have thorns and brambles every where, all men with a wonderful ambition desire to be created Bishops or Popes, and by their tumult and importunity, all Christendom is in a manner shaken. Wherefore it is the part of good men to be content with their vocation, and not rashly to demit themselves unto that vocation which is against the word of God: especially when in that vocation, where in they are placed of God, they may be both beloved of him, & also profitable unto men: as the Olive tree, vine tree, & fig tree in this Apology testify of themselves.  
But how answered the Olive tree, that his fruit is much made of, not only of men, but also of God? That is therefore so said, because God in his tabernacle would have lights burning, 
Oblation.  which were maintained with the purest oil. furthermore, Minacha, whither it were of meal, or of grains, of fruit, or of fine cakes, it was commanded to be oversprinkled with oil. Moreover, Priests, Prophets & Kings, were anointed with oil. Also with oil were made many plasters, salves, cered clothes, and divers and manifold medicines. And in many other countries, for want of abundance of butter, meats are seasoned with oil. And in the Psalm .104. it is said, that it is good to beautify the face. Therefore it is not absurdlye said, that both God and man make much of this liquor. But in that it is said, that wine maketh God merry, it ought not so to be understand, as though God either drinketh, or hath need of wine, to make him merry: but because in sacrifices pouringe out of wine were had. And as the Rabbins declare: the Levites in the oblation of sacrifices, did then begin to sing with the voice, trumpets, and haps, when the wine was poured out.   

¶ Of wine and drunkenness.  
But because very many untemperate men, being reproved for drunkenness, are wont by this sentence to excuse their sin, which otherwise is most filthy, saying that they abuse not wine, forasmuch as they use it to that end, for which it was invented, and created of God, namely that men with it should make themselves merry: 
A division of that which shall be entreated of.  therefore I thought it good to refel their wantonness. Wherefore first I will declare the just use of wine. Afterward I will show the abuse thereof, teaching it to be against the law of God. Then will I bring examples, manifestly to open that the abuse of it is a thing as well damnable as filthy and detestable. Moreover I will rehearse the horrible effects of this evil. And lastly I will answer to those cavillations and sophistical arguments, by which the Epicures defend drunkenness, and the abuse of wine.  
As touching the first I deny not, but that wine hath excellent properties. For it quencheth thirst, 
Healthful and honest uses of wine.  which might also be done with water, but not so commodiously: because wine in quenching of thirst, maketh a man strong, and engendereth spirits, whereby nature is very much recreated. Farther, it is medicinable for cold and weakness both of the stomach, and also of the other powers, which serve for the life of man. Wherefore Paul writeth unto Timothe to use wine for the stomach, and often diseases thereof. It is sometimes also not unprofitably occupied outwardly for wounds. Wherefore in the ten of Luke it is written, that the Samaritane bond the wounds of him whom he found half dead, and poured wine and oil in them. Moreover wine maketh merry, and helpeth not a little to drive away sadness and heaviness of the mind. And therefore Solomon writeth in his Proverbs the .31. chap. give strong drink to them which are heavy, & wine to them that have grief of heart. Let them drink and forget their poverty, and no more remember their sorrow. And we read in the .104. Psalm, wine rejoiceth the heart of man.  

The wonderful liberality of God towards men.  For so great was the goodness of God towards men, that he would give unto them not only things necessary to live by, but also largely bestow on them delicates: because properly and by himself he delighteth not in the pensiveness, sadness, and heaviness of men, but desireth to have them live holy, and godlily, with an honest and holy mirth of heart. Wherefore he hath granted unto them, not only the use of wine, but also oil, and most pleasant odours, also flesh, and likewise divers and manifold kinds of meat. Undoubtedly the use of wine is sometimes profitable unto those, which are recovered of their diseases, & must be restored to their old health, and as a certain Philosopher saith, a heaviness & certain bitterness of old men are by it likewise mitigated and lenified, as hops, which otherwise are most bitter, become sweet, being stiped in water. But we must take heed that we keep a measure, 
We must keep a measure in drinking of wine.  otherwise the gladness which by wine is sought, is easily turned unto most great heaviness. For the intemperance of wine doth easily lose his utility. Yea if men come to drunkenness, then is the use of wine a very heavy thing, and full of danger. Wherefore it is necessary to put a difference between the use and abuse thereof.  
Moreover, this is to be added, that to have to much drink, or to be droonke, 
A distinction of drunkenness. Marsilius Ficinus.  may be taken two ways, either properly, or Metaphoricallye. This difference Marcilius Ficinus plainly teacheth in the argument of his Dialogue de justo, and maketh one kind of drunkenness above the Moon, or celestial, stirred up by drinking of heavenly drink, whereby the mind being set without itself, and above itself, forgetteth all mortal diseases, and only considereth things divine, by the brightness whereof, first it waxeth dim, but after that it somewhat tasteth the savour of them, it is by a new heat changed from his first habit or quality, whereby within a while it clearly beholdeth spiritual things, and whilst it healthfully tasteth them, it is with great fruit nourished. Wherefore it is written in the Psalm: we shall be made drunken of the plentifulness of thy house. 
Musaeus. Orpheus.  Yea and Museus an ancient Poet saith, that the reward of virtue, is perpetual drunkenness. And Orpheus before Museus said, that the same was signified by the ceremonies and holy services of Dionysius. The other kind of drunkenness he saith is under the Moon, and worldly, which is stirred up of drink called Letheus, that is, carnal drink, whereby the mind being set without itself, and under itself, it forgetteth things divine, and doteth. Neither is it to be doubted, but that this kind of drunkenness is utterly to be avoided. Of the first kind of drunkenness, which is Methaphorical, there is plain mention made in the Proverbs of Solomon, where wisdom stirreth up men to drink wine, which she hath set forth on her table, plentifully and abundantly. Yea and Christ also our Saviour, which is the true wisdom, promiseth us such a wine in the kingdom of heaven. By Translation also is described the wine of compunction and fury, which God will give the ungodly to drink, whereby they shall become mad, and according to their deserts be turned into furiousness.  
But leaving these Methaphores, 
Drunkenness condemned by the holy scriptures.  let us return unto drunkenness properly taken, whereof we now entreat, & let us declare by testimonies of the holy scriptures, that such abuse of wine is prohibited and forbidden. To the Ephesians Paul saith: Be ye not made drunk with wine, wherein is wantonness. But be ye filled with the spirit, speaking to yourselves by Psalms, Hymns, & spiritual songs. Upon which place Jerome saith: 
Jerome.  we cannot at one time be filled with wine and the holy ghost: For the Apostle putteth these things as contraries, even as we cannot serve two masters. He that is filled with the spirit, hath wisdom, meekness, shamefastness, and chastity: and he which is filled with wine, hath foolishness, furiousness, malapertness, and filthy lust. They which are not filled with wine, can easily sing Psalms, Hymns, and spiritual songs: which thing they cannot do, which have gorged themselves with wine. The same Paul also writeth: Have no care of the flesh, for the lusts thereof. And Christ by express words saith unto his Disciples: Take heed your hearts be not overcome with surfeiting and drunkenness. And in the old testament in the Proverbs the .31. chap. it is written: give not wine unto kings. And in the .23. chap. Look not upon the wine when it is red, and when it showeth his colour in the cup, and goeth down pleasantly. And in the .2. chap of Ecclesiastes, Solomon saith, that he thought to give his heart to wine and pleasant things, and at the length he found that this study and purpose was mere vanity. Laughter (saith he) I thought to be error: and I said unto joy, why dost thou in vain deceive? This mirth of wine and pleasant things, ought not to be often used of holy men, for as much as Christ hath taught that they are blessed which mourn: they (saith he in Matthew) shall receive consolation. But in Luke the .7. chapter it is added, that they shall laugh. And it is the surest way, that we presently want some joy, to laugh perpetually. In the .v. of Esay it is written, woe unto you which rise up carely to follow drunkenness, and to drink even till night, to be inflamed with wine: and the harp, and viol, timbrel and pipe, and wine are in your feasts. etc. And again in the same chap. woe unto you that are mighty to drink wine, and are strong men to mingle drunkenness. joel also in the first chapter writeth: Awake ye up which are drunken with wine. And this is not to be passed over, that in Leviticus, Aaron and his sons are commanded not to drink wine, before they come to sacrifice before the Lord. And Paul twice commandeth that the Ministers of the Church should not be given to much wine. And when he counseled his Timothe to use wine for the stomach and diseases, he addeth that it should be but a little, lest he should let lose the bridle to drunkenness. In the old law also the use of wine was forbidden the Nazarites: and the Rechabites are in jeremy commended, because at their father's commandment they abstained from wine: at which time yet they knew that these things were written, which now in the history we have in hand, as concerning wine, namely that with it both God and men are made merry, and that also which is written in the .104. Psalm, that wine maketh merry the hearts of men. Wherefore let us gather that these are not contrary, to use wine temperately and moderately, and that it was given of God, to make us merry in a due time, and in a right use.  

There are certain times wherein mirth is not convenient.  Neither ought we to be ignorant of this, that some such times chance, wherein it is not meet for Christian & godly men to give themselves to mirth: sometimes we must mourn for the sins which we have committed. And sometimes we are troubled with very grievous miseries: and when we are under the hand of the rod of God, we must pray more vehemently, whereunto fastings and chastening of the body much helpeth: which thing Paul declareth in his first Epistle unto the Corrinthians, when he saith, that it is lawful sometimes for the husband and wife to departed one from an other for a season, but yet with the mutual consent of them both, that they may give themselves to fastings and prayers: although we must not for such abstinence appoint any certain days of the year, but leave the time to the prudence of the spirit. Howbeit this reason maketh much against those, which contend that we must continually drink, that at no time we may want mirth. Yea and the same Apostle said of himself: I chasten my body, and bring it in to bondage. By which saying he admonished the Corrinthians by his example to bridle the lusts. There might be many more examples rehearsed out of the holy scriptures, manifestly to declare, that both drunkenness, and also to much use of wine are prohibited. But these shall be sufficient at this time. And this only will I add, that even the very ethnics knew this thing also. 
Plato. Testimonies of the ethnics. Seneca.  Plato in his .7. book de Legibus, toward the end writeth, that Minos by his laws prohibited the Cretenses, that they should not drink together to drunkenness. And Seneca saith in his .84. Epistle: Drunkenness is nothing else then a voluntary madness. And strait way after: The quality of drunkenness continuing many days, is furiousness. Moreover, they which strive with cups, although they overcome other in taking much wine, yet will they or nil they, they are overcome of the tons. And it is filthy for a man to take in more than he is able to receive, and not to know the measure of his stomach.  
Hitherto we have sufficiently declared, that the abuse of wine is both against the holy scriptures, and also human reason. Now let us prove the same by examples: that they which will not believe by the sentences before alleged, may yet at the least be taught by these examples. Noah a great man, just, and loved of God, 
The drunkenness of Noah.  who saw two constitutions of the world (for he lived both before and after the flood) is set forth unto us, as an example utterly to avoid drunkenness, when as he having droonke more wine than was meet, lay in the tabernacle most filthily naked, and his privy parts, which were wont to be covered, he left bare and uncovered: and he which was wont to be a schoolmaster of virtues, was a great offence unto his children. I'm mocked him: the other two sons of a better and holier nature, were sorry, and very much ashamed of their father's filthiness. By this act it is sufficiently declared, that shame, derision, and offence follow drunkenness.  
But of this sin we have a notable example in Lot, 
The drunkenness of Lot.  who undoubtedly drank not immoderately, to the end he would abuse his daughters, and to commit incest, but to put away cares and griefs which he had taken, for the overthrow of the .v. Cities, for the loss of his dear wife, and also of his substance. He would also comfort his Daughters, that they should not take to much thought, specially for the loss of their mother: although he ought to have invented other ways of comforting. But this I speak only, lest any man should think that he did with his will drink to much, to pollute himself with most filthy lusts: Yet for all that, to much abundance of drink was the cause of his most vile incest, being otherwise an old man, and in a time far out of purpose, for asmuch as the judgements of God were declared against the filthy lusts of the five Cities. And which is wonderful, wine so alienated Lot from himself, that he understood not with what women he had companyed. Wherefore rightly saith Seneca in his .84. Epistle before alleged: 
Seneca.  They which are droonke do many things, which afterward when they are sober, they are ashamed of. Lot sought to make himself merry by wine, and he incurred a perpetual heaviness. Let them therefore which seek to be made merry with overmuch wine, remember that they put themselves in to a most present danger, and by that means may easily throw themselves headlong into most grievous wicked acts.  
Neither is that to be allowed which some allege for an excuse, that such events are uncertain, so that a man cannot tell for certain, whether he which drinketh to much shall fall into these filthy things or no: because the thing is so surely known, that even the daughters of Lot being yet virgins, understood it, namely that the old man by wine, might be driven to filthy lust, and so be deceived, that also he had to do even with his daughters. Who will therefore say that he knoweth not that which they understood? Lot was deceived and snared by his daughters, but such as love to much mirth, that is, drunken men, snare themselves, & openly fight against themselves. 
God punisheth drunkenness wi●h most grievous punishments. Why the holy scriptures se● forth the history of Lot.  Neither think they with themselves that God with most grievous punishments, taketh vengeance of drunkenness, and suffereth the abuse of his gift most precious, long unpunished. These bibbers are wont sometimes to bring forth Lot as a patron of their intemperance, Neither do they mark, that the holy scriptures do set forth the history of him as an horrible, and in a manner tragical example. God did not meanly punish that man's drunkenness: for he had to do with his daughters, they conceived by him, and the thing could not be dissembled: incestuous children were borne, Ammon and Moab, of whom came the Nations of the Ammonites and Moabites, which were both hated of God, and enemies unto the Israelites. Lot himself (as it is to be thought) was always sorry for the crime which he had committed, and was talked of, of every man.  
And seeing that the testimony of the holy Scriptures is extant, and shall remain unto the end of the world: as often as they are red, so often is noted and spread abroad his infamy. If so be that God spared not a man, otherwise holy, the nephew of Abraham, and harborer of Angels: what will he do to those gluttons and Hogs, which having no virtue, day and night, either lie or sit drunken? That which we read happened once unto Lot, these men every day exercise it.  
But that which our drunkards allege of Lot, 
Drunkenness objected to Cato.  the Romans in the old time alleged of Cato, excusing their drunkenness, because that most grave man sometimes in the night recreated his mind, not undoubtedly in bolling and bibbing immoderately, but in sipping and drinking a little, adding therewithal much honest talk. Neither considered they, that that good man was sober all the whole day, laboured much in determining and judging of causes, in consulting with other Senators concerning the public wealth, in having to do with the people, in executing the office of a Magistrate, in reading and writing. These should have imitated these good and honest studies.  
But let us go on in rehearsing examples. Ammon David's son was slain of Absalon, not assuredly when he was sober, but when in the banquet he was more merry than was meet, by drinking of to much wine. And as it is declared in the latter end of the .1. book of Machab. Simon the high priest was with his .2. sons Mattathias & judas slain of his son in law, when in the feast they were in a manner drunken with overmuch wine. And the history of judith (although it be not found in the Canon of the jews) showeth that Holofernus, otherwise a most fierce Captain of an host, was so overwhelmed with wine, that with small a do he was beheaded of a woman. I might add how Sisera being drunken, was slain of jahel, although his drink was milk, and not wine.  
And if that we will besides these read over the histories of the ethnics, we shall find many and notable examples of those, which were most grievously hurt by drunkenness. 
Alexander of Macedonia.  Alexander of Macedonia, the Conqueror of the world, was most filthily overcome with wine, and being drunk, slew Clitus his friend, most valiant and faithful, whose diligence, industry, labour, prudence, and strength, he had in wars long time used, to his great commodity. Wherefore when he had slept after his wine, and being awaked, and remembering the wicked act that he had committed, he was so ashamed and sorry, that he wished himself dead. But yet he amended not the vice of drunkenness: yea once afterward he droonke so much wine in one night, that he fell into a fever, and for that he would not temper himself from wine, within a while after he died. Wherefore Seneca in his 84. Epistle already alleged, writeth that Alexander, which had escaped so many dangers, and vanquished things most dificile, by intemperance of drinking, 
M. Antonius.  and by that herculave and fatal cup, perished. M. Antonius, otherwise a stout and valiant Emperor, a vanquisher in many battles, so jaded himself sometimes with wine, that even in the Tribunal seat in the morning, before the people of Rome, whilst he was sitting to give judgement, he was compelled to vomit. And in Egypt he used much drinking, whereby he could do nothing nobly, 
The feast of the Lapithares & Centaurs.  but was by Octavian driven most filthylye to flight. What the poets write of the feast of the Lapithares and Sentaures, it is better known, than I shall need now to recite. And I think I have now brought sufficient examples: which being diligently considered, serve much to the detestation of drunkenness.  

The effects of drunkenness.  But they which are not feared from the filthiness thereof by the words of God, which we have first set, and do not abhor it, being persuaded by the examples now alleged: shall peradventure be won, and led from it, by considering of those evils, which spring of the abuse of wine. It is expedient that the tree be known by his fruits. And undoubtedly such a thing is drunkenness to be counted, as the fruits are known, which spring of it. But that we may speak orderly, 
The hurts & damages coming of drunkenness.  we will divide the evils thereof by their subjects: for it hurteth the body, vexeth also the mind, wasteth the goods, and is hateful to our neighbours.  
As touching the body, by drunkenness come oftentimes sudden deaths, dissolutions of the members, 
Apoplexia is, when man's senses are taken a way.  the disease called Apoplexia, and sundry and miserable chances. For the smooth and plain ground is unto drunkards a den: for they fall, break their legs, their arms, and sometimes their necks: and are burnt when they fall into the fire. The liver is inflamed with to much drink, the head is pained, the members are made weak and tremble, the senses are corrupted, the natural heat is overwhelmed with overmuch wine, the stomach which is over largely distended, is sick with crudity or rawness, and with intolerable pains: the whole body is in a manner inflamed, and the thirst is augmented. Drunkards lie groveling like blocks, and so are bereaved of their strength, that neither head nor foot can do their office. Wherefore it is written in the .23. 
Proverb. 33.  chap. of the Proverbs: To whom is woe? to whom is sorrow? to whom is strife? to whom is sighing? and to whom are wounds without cause? Or to whom is the redness of the eyes? Even to them that tarry long at the wine, and to them that go and seek largely to pour in wine. Look not upon the wine when it is red, and when it showeth his colour in the cup, and goeth down pleasantly: in the end thereof it will bite like a Serpent, and put out his sting like a Cockatrice. Thine eyes shall look upon strange things, and thine heart shall speak lewd things. And thou shalt be as one that sleepeth in the midst of the sea, and as he which sleepeth in the top of the mast of a ship. They have stricken me, and it pained me not, they have bruised me, and I felt it not. When I awake, I will seek it again. etc. And behold with how many punishments God afflicteth drunkards. Esay in his .v. chapter, agreeth with Solomon: For he also saith, 
Esay 5.  woe unto those which are mighty and strong to drink wine. And in the same v. chap. he saith that drunkards regard not the work of the Lord, neither consider the work of his hands. Moreover, to such men is woe: 
Jerome.  because (as Jerome upon that place writeth) they are most unhappy, who being from morning to night occupied in drunkenness, gluttony, and sundry pleasures, they understand not the works of the Lord in them: and not considering wherefore they were created, sleep out in a manner their whole life. Wherefore joel cried out unto them: 
joel. 1.  awake up ye drunkards, weep and howl all ye that drink wine. But drunkards are not by these cries stirred up, for they do not only sleep, but seem to be in a manner buried. Wherefore Vergil aptly saith of a City, 
Virgil.  that it was buried with sleep and wine.  
But now let us see how much the soul or mind is hurt with drunkenness. 
How much the mind is hurt with wine.  Drunkards are oftentimes stricken with the spirit of amazedness, and are turned in a manner into furiousness: they become like brute beasts, so that there seemeth to remain in them no understanding. It is a grievous thing without doubt for a man to wound himself, or to deprive himself of any member, but of his own free will to take away his mind from himself, it is an evil intolerable. In Hosea the .4. chap. it is worthily written, that wine and drunkenness take away the heart. And in the xix of Ecclesiasticus it is written: wine and women make wise men to apostatate, that is, to departed from right institutions, so that they are no more their own men: for they are withdrawn from their office and virtue, & also fall from the right trade of life. And in the same book the 31. chap. it is written, wine drunken with excess, engendereth bitterness of mind with brawlings and skeldinge. Drunkenness increaseth the courage of a fool till he offend: but it diminisheth his strength. In these words there is an elegant Antithesis, namely that wine increaseth the courage & spirits, & causeth greater audacity, but it diminisheth and weakeneth the strength. 
Plato.  Wherefore Plato in his vi Dialogue de justo, at the beginning: A drunkard (saith he) hath a tirrannical heart, for he would rule all men as he lust, and not by any reason or law. Drunkenness also bringeth oblivion of laws and right. Wherefore Solomon saith in his proverbs, that wine must not be given unto kings, lest peradventure they drink, & forget the law ordained, & change the judgement of all the children of the poor. Plato also writeth in his .3. book de Repub. the drunkenness may be suffered in any man, rather than in a Magistrate. 
Plato.  For a drunken man knoweth not the ground whereon he is. And if a Magistrate be drunk, them hath the keeper need of a keeper. This is moreover to be added, that theridamas is nothing kept secret where drunkenness reigneth. Because it openeth not only the secret parts of the body, but also of the mind. And in drinking are poured out words unshamefast, foolish, unapt, 
Horace.  and wicked. Wherefore Horace describing the effects of drunkenness, saith: What is it that drunkenness committeth not? It discloseth things secret, it establisheth hope, and thrusteth forth the unarmed man into the battle. It taketh away the burden from careful minds, it teacheth arts. Whom have not full cups made eloquent? and whom being in extreme poverty, have they not made careless? 
Plato.  And Plato in his first book de Legibus, toward the end saith thus: When a man drinketh wine, at the first it maketh him cherefullyer: afterward the more he drinketh, the greater and better hope he is in, and feeleth himself stronger. Then, as though he were wise, the man is filled with that confidence, liberty and audacity, that without fear he both saith & doth whatsoever pleaseth him. The same Plato in his vi Dialogue de Legibus, saith: He which is filled with wine, is stirred up with a woodness, both of mind and body, and both draweth, and is drawn every where. And a drunkard is as a man out of his wit.  

Seneca.  Seneca in his third book of Natural questions, the .20. chap. saith, that drunkenness till it be dried up, is madness, and with overmuch heaviness is brought on sleep. And in his .60. Epistle to Lucillus toward the end: One hours drunkenness recompenseth his long madness, with the weariness of a long time. And in the .84. Epistle: Drunkenness draweth out all vice, and kindleth it, and detecteth it. It putteth away all shamefastness, whose nature is to resist evil endeavours. Where to much power of wine possesseth the mind, whatsoever evil lay hidden, bursteth forth. Drunkenness maketh not vices, but brinketh them to light. In drunkenness, he that is proud, his pride increaseth, cruelty in the cruel man, malice in the envious man, & all vices are detected & brought to light. By it a man forgetteth himself, speaketh doubtful and stamering words, it causeth unconstant eyes, a reeling pace, disines in the head, and the house to seem to go round about, torments in the stomach, when the wine boileth, & it distendeth even the bowels. Cruelty for the most part followeth drunkenness, for M. Antonius, wonderfully rejoiced at the heads and members of the banished men, that were brought him at a feast. Also in the .20. chap. of the proverbs it is written: Wine maketh a mocker, and strong drink a troublesome fellow. Whosoever erreth in it, shall never be wise. But because there are some which boast that they can drink a great deal of wine and be still sober, & of a sound judgement, I desire them to hearken unto Seneca in the Epistle now alleged, who saith: Let such men also say that by drinking of poison they shall not die, and by taking of poppy they shall not sleep, 
Barefoot.  and by drinking of Elleborne they shall not cast forth and purge whatsoever is in the inward parts.  
The discommodities of wine when it is excessively drunken, which we have hitherto rehearsed, 
Drunkenness wa●eth the goods  pertain both unto the body and unto the mind. But now must we add, how it bringeth hurt unto our substance & goods. In the proverbs the .21. chap. it is written: He which loveth wine and fat things, shall not be rich. And in the same book the .23. chap. it is thus written: Keep not company with wine bibbers, and those that devour flesh. For the bybber and the glutton shall be brought unto poverty, and he which giveth himself to much sleeping, shall be clothed with torn garments.  

drunkards discommodious to the●e neighbours  And how much discommodious drunkards are unto their neighbours, it is easy to see. They are injurious, and rail upon those whom they meet. And being in their fury, they fall into filthy lusts, and so easily pollute other men's Spouses and wives. And by horrible means they rage against the famelies of their neighbours. They are an evil example, yea and offence unto other Citizens. And whilst they spend and consume their substance upon wine & drunkenness, they have no regard to provide things necessary for their own house. Yea, whilst they are in their drunken fury, they handle their innocent wife and children evilly, and defraud the poor of their alms, which if they lived more sparingly, they might be able to bestow upon them. They make themselves unprofitable for the public wealth, when as drunkards can neither execute the office of a Magistrate themselves, nor yet well are they able to obey those that govern. They trouble also and infame the Church, wherefore they are separated from it. For Paul in the .1. to the Corrin. the .5. chap. numbereth drunkards with those, with whom we ought not so much as to eat. There is scarce any evil which cannot be adjoined unto the effects of drunkenness.  
But to conclude the matter, 
An answer to those which defend overmuch drinking.  first we grant unto those (which do naughtily usurp this place which we have now in hand, and lay it for a colour to defend the vice of drunkenness) that it is lawful to use wine for necessity, for medicine, and also for mirth, but yet it must be tempered with sobriety, neither may it exceed a mean, yea it must agree with time, place, degree, age, and kind. After this manner let the saints rejoice before their God, namely with giving of thanks, and celebrating divine praises. Neither Solomon in the .23. chapter of the Proverbs, saith woe unto those which drink wine, but unto those which in it consume their time, which give themselves to nothing but to drinking, contending who can drink most, provoking one an other, and compelling others to drink. These are reprehended, and not those which modestly use the gift of God. Let men so make themselves merry with wine, that afterward they may be more cheerful to obey God, and to suffer heavy things, if need be. And let men beware they forget not themselves, that they overwhelm not their senses, and choke up their strength. Neither is the holy scripture ungodly and violently to be drawn unto the licence of the flesh. Yea we ought so to be ready that we may obey the Apostle, who said: It is good not to eat flesh, and not to drink wine, if it should turn to the offending of the weak brethren. Let us also remember that the kingdom of God is not meat and drink, neither are they commended of God, which can drink more wine, than the rest. The word of God is no defence for drunkenness, yea it detesteth it. We will plead therefore against these, with the doctrine of Ecclesiasticus, the .31. chap. where it is said: show not thyself a man in wine, that is, show not thy strength in drinking. For there are some which try how strong and mighty they are in this intemperance, and also with overmuch drinking of wine, do oppress all the powers, both of the body and of the mind. The wise man goeth forward and saith: for wine hath destroyed many. As the furnace proveth the hardness of the sword in the tempering: so doth wine the hearts of the proud when they are drunk. Wine moderately drunken, is profitable for the life of man. What is his life that is overcome with wine? But it was created to make men merry: Wine measurably drunken, and in time, brinketh gladness and cheerfulness of the mind. etc. These things may easily teach and answer those men, which under the pretence to make them merry, labour to defend and maintain drunkenness.  
Let them consider with themselves, that the gifts of God should never be separated from the rule of modesty and temperance. Let them not forget that the Apostle in the Epistle to the Galathians, reckoned drunkenness among the works of the flesh. He also admonished the Romans that they should not be conversant in Chambers, in eatings and drunkenness. And to the Thessalonians he showeth the filthiness of this vice, when he saith it pertaineth unto the night. They which are droonke (saith he) are drunk in the night: as though he would affirm it to be a thing unworthy, to be seen by the light of the day. But as concerning this thing, these are sufficient: Let us now return unto the history. We have already said what the Olive and vine trees answered unto the trees which would have promoted them to a kingdom, and we have manifestly showed how the olive and Vine trees serve, both for God, and for men. Of the fig tree there is no question: for he maketh no mention of God, but only saith, that he will not forsake his sweetness.   

22 And Abimelech reigned .3. years over Israel.  
23 And God sent an evil spirit between Abimelech and the men of Sechem: and the men of Sechem broke their promise to Abimelech.  
24 That the injury of the .70. sons of jerubbaal, and their blood might come and be laid upon Abimeleche their brother, which had slain them: and upon the men of Sechem, which had aided him to kill his brethren.  
25 So the men of Sechem set men in wait for him in the tops of the mountains: who rob all that passed that way. And it was told Abimelech.  

tyranny is of no long time.  Abimelech exercised his tyranny three years, and no longer: for violence can not be either perpetual, or of any long time. He judged not the Israelites in setting them at liberty, neither did he them any good, but only reigned. God at the length took vengeance, and made the blood of the sons of jerubbaal to redound upon Abimelech and the Sechemites.  
And he sent an evil spirit between them, to revenge the murder, which not only Abimelech, but also the Sechemites committed. Abimelech was anointed king only by the Sechemites, but (as the history here declareth) he usurped his tyranny over all the Israelites.  
God required the blood of the sons of jerubbaal at the hands of Abimelech and of the Sechemites. Unless men do with just punishments punish murders, God by himself punisheth them.   

¶ Of Murder.  
But to make the thing more plain, two things seem to be entreated of. First, what manner of murder is condemned by the word of God, & aught by the Magistrates to be punished. Secondly, who are guilty of this crime.  
As touching the first, we must know, that not every murder is condemned. For if one kill a man by chance, in exercising a thing honest and lawful, he incurreth not the punishment of Homicides. Wherefore in the old law there were granted Cities of refuge. For in very deed he killeth not: but as it is there written, God (without whose will nothing is done by chance) delivered him to be killed. A judge also or Magistrate, when he punisheth flagitious men, is not therefore a murderer, because it is not he that killeth, but the law, yea rather God himself, who hath willed, and also commanded that it should so be done. furthermore, he which is set upon by thieves or enemies in a solitary place, or where he can not be helped by other: if in defending himself, and according to the laws, repelling violence by violence, he slay a robber or thief which invadeth him, he is not guilty of murder: for as much as in that case he is armed both by the laws and by the Magistrate. For the public wealth will not that a Citizen should so perish: therefore it giveth him leave to defend himself by weapons. 
Cicero.  By this means Cicero defended Milo, because he had slain Clodius, who first set upon him by snares. Also the woman Thecoites obtained of David, that the Magistrate should not kill her son, who had slain his brother, falling out in the field. They were alone saith she, and therefore it is not known which of them invaded one the other first. Soldiers also, when in just war they slay their enemies, commit nothing unjustly.  
Wherefore that murder, which is to be punished, & condemned by the laws, is then judged to be committed, when of purpose a man is killed of private men. And they which were to be condemned of this crime, were not by the Romans called homicides, but sicarii. In the law Cornelia, the title is de Sicariis & not the Homicidis. 
Sicarii.  And they are so called, which do wear about them Sica, that is a short skayne for to kill a man, and by the figure Synechoche, by the word sica is understand all kinds of weapons. And not only they which kill are guilty of this crime, but also they which either in deed or counsel do help, and in their sayings and aids have a respect unto this, how to kill a man. Yea the will is to be punished, 
The will is to be punished in this kind of evil.  although it have not success: which thing in the civil judgement is not used, but only in three kind of crimes, namely of manquellers, called Sicarii, of ravishers, and of traitors. Wherefore that manqueller is to be punished, which throweth a weapon at any man, to the end he would kill him, or having that mind, woundeth him, although he die not thereof, as it is had in the digest in the same title in the law divus, where Adrian the Emperor answereth that we must have a respect unto the will, and not to the event. And that is to be understand, when the will manifesteth itself by any token. But I did not without cause say that all these things are thus, as touching civil judgement: because otherwise before God the desire and decree of the mind, as touching all kind of sins, are condemned for sin. Christ saith, he that beholdeth a woman and lusteth after her, hath already committed adultery in his heart. And that the will in those crimes is counted for the fact, even the holy fathers and Canons do decree. 
Jerome.  Jerome upon Esay (as it is in the title de Paenitentia, distinction the first, chap. Omnis) writeth: 
Cyprian.  Thou hast not killed with the sword, but thou hast killed with the will. Yea and Ciprianus in his Sermon de Mortalitate writeth, that he which desireth martyrdom, is a martyr before God. It is one thing (saith he) for the will to want martyrdom, & an other thing for martyrdom to want the wil These things are had in the same distinction, chap. Nunquid. And in the same distinction, chap. Periculose, 
Augustine.  Augustine is brought in, who saith, that the jews did no less kill Christ then the Romans, although with their hands they invaded him not. By this distinction he conciliateth the Evangelists, who seem to disagree as touching the hour of the death of the Lord. One of them saith, he was crucified the third hour, & the other, the sixth hour. Augustine affirmeth both to be true: 
Augustine.  For the jews at the third hour cried Crucify, Crucify: wherefore as touching them, they slew the Lord then, who yet was afterward at the sixth hour crucified by the soldiers of Pilate.  
But Abimelech and the Sechemites were murderers and parricides, not only in will, but in help, work, and deed, and therefore it is no marvel if God so severely punished them.  
Furthermore we must consider, how marvelously and wonderfully God useth the ungodly. By them (as we here see) he taketh vengeance of other ungodly, and sometimes by their labour, he both excerciseth and correcteth the just. What more? They are his hangmen, whom also when he hath used, he destroyeth also at the last, either here, or after they be departed out of this life.  
He sent an evil spirit between them. For they were stirred up one against an other. The Sechemites (as it is to be thought) against Abimelech, because he both oppressed and contemned them. And again Abimelech against them, because (as the history declareth) they despised him. 
What contempt is. Contempt consisteth in three things.  And it is well known that by contempt is provoked anger: for it is called an action, which pertaineth to estimation & opinion, because some thing seemeth to us not worthy of estimation, when peradventure it is not so. Moreover despising consisteth chief in three things: for either we contemn only in mind, when we despise any men & their goods, or when we do them any discommodity, not thereby to seek our own gain, but only to rejoice at their discommodity: or lastly when we add words or deeds: which have ignominy or contumely joined with them. These three things may we easily see in the Sechemites. First, they despised Abimelech, when they received Gaalus a soldier as a captain, having Zebul appointed their governor by the king. And undoubtedly they so received Gaal, that they did put their confidence in him. Wherefore it followeth that in mind and estimation they despised Abimelech. furthermore they damaged him, when by conspiracies they spoiled and slew those that passed to and fro. These, whom they injuried, pertained unto Abimelech, or at the least way, for that that he was king. Lastly they added reproachful words, as we shall afterward hear.  
Christ prohibited anger as the beginning of hatred, murder and destruction, for he said: He that is angry with his brother, is worthy of judgement. For anger and revengement are separate one from the other, only as the root & the fruit. For he that is angry with any man, if he hurt him not, that chanceth, because either he can not, 
kings are vehemently angry Homer.  or else feareth the punishment of the laws. He that hateth his brother (saith john) is a murderer. But among those which are counted very angry, kings above other are numbered, when they perceive that they are despised of their subjects. Wherefore Homer saith: Great is the anger of a king displeased.  

The conspiracies of the ungodly are of no long tyme.  Hereby we learn that the conspiracies of the ungodly can not continue long. They are in deed oftentimes joined together to do evil, but yet they are easily dissevered. The kings of the earth stood up, and the princes assembled together, against the Lord and against his Christ. But the Lord which dwelleth in heaven, shall laugh at them, and the Lord shall have them in derision. thieves, robbers, whoremongers, & such as conspire against the Church, public wealths, & princes, do oftentimes confederate together: but straightway great enemityes rise up amongst them, and they betray one an other, yea and sometimes kill one an other. 
Aristotle.  Wherefore wisely saith Aristotle, that honesty is only the sure foundation of amity, because that which is honesty is not changed: but pleasant and profitable things, do not always abide the same. Princes of our time, as often as they have made league one with an other, have afterward not only been made enemies, but they have gone to war one with an other. Wherefore Solomon rightly writeth in the 11. chap. of the proverbs: Although the ungodly conspire, they shall not escape. Wherefore their fellowships are to be avoided, and we must enterprise or go about nothing, having confidence in the amity of the ungodly.   

¶ How Sin dependeth of God.  
NOw remaineth to examine how it is written that God sent an evil spirit between them. But because of that matter, I have in an other place more more fully entreated, and will shortly speak more abundantly of it, here I will but briefly teach the thing.  
The scriptures testify, that sins sometimes have a consideration of punishments: wherefore when it said that god punisheth & taketh vengeance of the ungodly by sins, he doth nothing unmeet of himself. For he bringeth not forth the deformity and filthiness of sin, but is the author of just punishment. For sins are to men evil, but unto God, who useth them, good. God planteth no new malice in the ungodly: but yet he useth that malice which is in them by reason of original sin, and other sins which they adjoin unto it. He suffereth it not to burst forth, but when it seemeth good unto him, he governeth and directeth it whether soever it pleaseth him. 
A Similitude.  As the Physician coming unto the sick person, doth by medicines draw corrupt humours out of his body, and bringeth them out either by a purgation, or by a sweat, or vomit, or letting of blood, as he judgeth it best, yet doth he not graft in the sick person naughty and corrupt humours: So God causeth to be brought to light our malice, which was not brought forth before, but lay hid within, to make manifest his justice, and to open our sins, and yet he suffereth them not to break forth by chance or rashly, but ordereth and governeth them according to his judgement, that even by them he doth fulfil the limits of his providence. Wherefore Esay saith that the king of Babilone was like an axe or staff in hand of God: for he would force him against the jews rather than against other nations. Wherefore the malice of sin is wholly ours, but the governing, success, and effects thereof are under the rule of God, so that they can accomplish no more than he will suffer. Neither can the ungodly bring to pass those things which they go about against every man, nor also at all times, but they are governed according to the determinations of God, which are most holy and just. Neither is it absurd that one and the self same action, as it is governed of God, is both good and holy, but as it cometh of us, it is vicious and corrupt.  
And because we will not go from our history, the sin of cruelty and ambition, was utterly Abimeleches. But that it should burst forth, and first destroy the family of jerubbaal, and then the Sechemites: that is to be referred unto the government of God. furthermore the disobedience and wicked desire of tumults, was altogether of the Sechemites. But that it should burst forth, when the family of Gideon should be punished: and that they rather choosed Abimelech to their king, than an other: and that their fury should rage's against him, rather than against any other: that was of the government of God, whereby (as the holy history showeth) he sent between them an evil spirit, namely the devil, by whose labour, enmities, and hatreds were on either side kindled, and wonderfully inflamed, by meet occasions serving thereunto.  
furthermore we must consider, that God is bound unto no man, 
God is fee & giveth his grace not being down  to give unto him his grace. For, if it should be given of duty, then should it not be grace: & yet he never, either not giveth it, or else being given, taketh it away, but upon just cause. He in deed created man upright, and being endued with it: but yet he by sinning, spoilt both himself and his of it. And for as much as we are borne under original sin, and the children of wrath: to whom soever it is not given, it is justly not given: and to whom soever it is given, it is freely given. Moreover we daily heap sins upon sins: wherefore god in withdrawing it, is not to be accused of injustice. For he compelleth no man to do evil, but every man willingly sinneth: wherefore the cause of sin is not to be laid in him. 
The cause of is not to be said in God.  For seeing he procreateth not in us wicked desires, he ought not to bear the blame, if wicked actions do spring out of a corrupt root of wicked affections: yea the goodness of God is rather to be acknowledged, which is present, and so governeth the wicked affections, that they can not burst forth, nor be hurtful and troublesome to any, but when he hath appointed to chasten some, and to call them back to repentance or to punish them.  
Neither ought we to think that after the sin of the first man, 
Whence ou● frowardness springeth.  God created a wicked lust, and evil affection, to corrupt all our whole kind. It was not so done: but nature when it departed from God, fell by itself from light to darkness, from the right way to vice, and from integrity to corruption. And how good so ever it was before, it now degenerated into evil. Wherefore let this be holden for certain, that sin entered into the world by men, and not by God, as Paul testifieth to the Romans. And in that Christ saith, 
Sin entered into the world by man & not by God.  that the devil when he lieth, speaketh of his own, it is not to be understand only of himself, but also of his members, which when they lie or do evil, work not by the word of God, neither are they moved by the inspiration of the good spirit. And they exceedingly rejoice, and have great pleasure in those things which they do, so far is it of, that they should be compelled by any violence.  
Moreover we must note, 
Of permission.  that when either the Scriptures or fathers do seem to affirm God to be the cause of sin, this word permission is not then so to be added, as though he only suffered men to sin, and by his providence or government wrought nothing as concerning sins. In deed he letteth them not, though he can, but useth them, and showeth in them his might, and not only his patience, 
Augustine.  which thing Augustine understood right well, and in disputing against julianus, he confuteth that sentence, wherein it is said that God suffereth sin only according unto patience, and proveth that his might is also thereunto to be added by the words of Paul, who wrote unto the Romans: If God by much patience hath suffered vessels of wrath prepared for destruction, to show forth his anger, & to make known his might. And undoubtedly there are many things in the holy scriptures, which can not always be dissolved by the word of permission or patience. For the heart of the king is said to be in the hand of the Lord, so that he inclineth it whether soever it pleaseth him. And job testifieth, that it was so done as god would. But as touching the sin of the first man, when yet nature was not vitiated and corrupted, 
Of the sin of the first man.  we grant, that the cause thereof came from the will of Adam, and suggestion of the devil, and we say that God permitted it: because when he might have withstanded and letted it, he would not do it: but decreed to use that sin, to declare his justice and goodness.   

¶ Whether we can resist the grace of God, or no.  
But now ariseth an other doubt, as touching our nature, as it is now fallen, & corrupt, whether it can resist the grace of God, & his spirit being present, or no? 
There are sundry degrees of grace of God,  I think we must consider that there are as it were sundry degrees of the help or grace of God: for his might & abundance is sometimes so great, that he wholly boweth the will of man, & doth not only Counsel, but also persuade. And when it so cometh to pass, we can not depart from the right way, but we are of God's side, and obey his sentence. Wherefore it was said unto Paul: It is hard for thee to kick against the prick.  

There is no violence or coaction inferred to man's will.  And yet must we not think that when it is so done, there is any violence or coaction brought unto the will of man: for it is by a pleasant moving and conversion altered, and that willing, but yet so willing, that the will thereof cometh of God: for it is it, which willeth, but God by a strong and most mighty persuasion maketh it to will. But sometimes that power of God and spirit is, more remiss: which yet (if we will put thereunto our endeavour & apply our will) we should not resist: yea we should obey his admonishments and inspirations: and when that we do it not, we are therefore said to resist him, and oftentimes fall. And yet this is not to be understand as touching the first regeneration, but as concerning those which are regenerated, which are now endued with grace and spirit. For the will of the ungodly is so corrupt and vitiate, that except it be renewed, it can not give place unto the inspirations of God, and admonishynges of the holy ghost: & it in the first immutation of man's conversion, it only suffereth: and before the renewing, it continually (as much as in it is) resisteth the spirit of God. But the first parents whilst they were perfect, if with the help of grace being somewhat remiss, they had adjoined their endeavour, they might have perfectly obeyed the commandments of God. But we although we be renewed, seeing grace is more remiss, remitting nothing of our endeavour, we shall not be able constantly and perfectly to obey the commandments of God, but yet we may be able to contain ourselves within the bounds or limits of an obedience begun: which thing because we do not, therefore oftentimes we sin, and grievously fall.  

Why the grace of god worketh not alike always in us.  But why God giveth not his grace always to his elect after one sort, and one increase, but sometimes he worketh in them more strongly, and sometimes more remissedly, two reasons may be assigned: First, lest we should think the grace of God to be natural strengths, which remain always after one sort. Wherefore god would most justly alter the degree & efficacy of his help: whereby we might understand that it is governed by his will, & not as we lust. Moreover it oftentimes happeneth that our negligence & slothfulness deserveth this variety.  
Lastly let us conclude the matter, that if we will speak properly, it is not to be said that God either willeth or bringeth forth sin, in that it is sin: for what soever God willeth, & whatsoever he doth, it is good. But sin, in that it is sin, is evil. Wherefore god neither willeth nor doth it, in that it is sin: yea he detesteth, prohibiteth, and punisheth it by his laws. And if at any time it be said in the Scriptures, that he either willeth or worketh sin in men, that must be referred unto other considerations, which I have declared both in an other place, and also now here. And this is sufficient as touching this question.  
And God sent an evil spirit. By an evil spirit I understand either the devil, 
What is understand up an evil spirit.  or wicked affections, or cruelty stirred up to revenge injuries, but the end was to take vengeance for the blood of the sons of jerubbaal.  
The men of Sechem laid wait against him. 
The cause of the lying in wait  There may be three causes of their lying in wait. First, because they would slay him as he passed by. And an other was, because they would not have his soldiers to go to and fro. The third was, to shake of their yoke, and to declare that they were free. This was as much as to say, as they now nothing passed upon his kingly power.  
It was told Abimelech. A short sentence & cut of: whereby yet we understand that Abimelech passed not that way, for fear of falling into their snares.   

26 Then came Gaal the son of Ebed & his brethren, & they went to Sechem: and the men of Sechem put their confidence in him.  
27 Therefore they went out into the field, & gathered in their grapes, & trod them, & made merry. And they went into the house of their God, and did eat and drink, and cursed Abimelech.  
28 And Gaal the son of Ebed said: Who is Abimelech? & who is Sechem, that we should serve him? Is he not the son of jerubbaal, and Zebul is his head officer? Serve rather the men of Hamor the father of Sechem. But why shall we serve him?  
29 And who will give this people into mine hand, and I will take away Abimelech? And he said unto Abimelech: increase thine army, and come out.  
Here cometh an occasion of the evils: one Gaal by chance travailed that way: the Sechemites hired him to be their ruler and captain: and therefore putting their confidence in him, they go out into their vineardes, gather the grapes, and tread them, with great security. What this Gaal was, it appeareth not by the Scriptures R. Solomon thinketh he was an Ethnic. 
R. Solomon.  The Sechemites were so afeard of Abimelech, that they durst not gather their grapes: wherefore they hired this man. First, now they go forth into the field, which thing before they durst not do: they make great joy and mirth. For in the old time also (as it seemeth) they used, as they do now a days, 
The wantonness used at the gathering in of grapes.  great wantonness and liberty in the gathering in of the grapes: of which custom sprang the Comedies and Tragedies with the Grecians. And when Bacchus returned a conqueror out of India, the people led dances in honour of him at the wynepresses. Yea and the Chaldey paraphrast maketh mention of dances in this place.  
They went into the temple. It was also the manner among the ethnics, to give thanks unto God of their first fruits. But these men go into the temple of God, and rate, drink, sing, and curse their king: and whom before they had anointed, him now they rail upon, and tear with reproaches. And that in the temple, wherein before they had taken counsel for to make Abimelech their ruler. Such are the judgements of God. The place might have admonished them: for out of it they gave him money: but forgetting all things, they curse him: Although the scripture expressedly declareth not, whether this temple were that self same, where out they took the money in the beginning.  
Who is Abimelech? In the feasts of their wine gathering, they mock their king, and that he being absent, and above the rest Gaal, much more grievously scorneth him. Let us mark the perverseness of man's nature: if any sin be by chance committed, it addeth not a just remedy, but healeth mischief with mischief, & cureth sin with sin. They should have called upon the Lord, & have repent: but these do far otherwise, they see that they have done naughtily, & yet they go farther to reproaches. This is the manner of the frowardness of man: yea and David when he had committed adultery, did not straightway repent, as he should have done, but slew Urias. judas when he had betrayed Christ, would not repent, but went and hanged himself, and so was author of his own death. So in a manner when we have sinned, we go to worse sins. They ought not in deed to have chosen Abimelech: but when he had once gotten the dominion of things, they should not so have cursed him. Before the victory they sing a song of victory. There is nothing more foolish, then to contemn an enemy: for an enemy is not to be contemned, unless he be overcome. But this Gaal goeth childishly to work. He exhorteth and praiseth the Sechemites, because they had shaked of their yoke. And he composeth his oration of things compared together. 
A comparatis.  He compareth Abimelech with Hamor the prince of that City, whom the sons of jacob slew by guile.  
Who is Sechem? Sechem in this place is not the name of the City, but of the chief man, namely the son of Hamor.  
Who is Abimelech? He is the son of jerubbaal. He hath in us neither right, nor jurisdiction. Let him go and brag among his own. Sechem was in the old time Lord of this City, him we ought to have obeyed. But we slew him, how then can we obey this man? This comparison is now manifest youghe. But to increase the contempt more, Zebul (sayeth he) is the servant of Abimelech, known well enough unto us, whom he hath made ruler over his City. Therefore we shall have two Lords. And we which would not obey the Lord of Sechem, shall we now obey a servant? It is an unworthy thing. 
The sense of the oration of Gaal.  Wherefore this seemeth to be the sense of his oration. If we should have served, we should rather have served Sechem. But we have not served him: therefore neither will we serve this Abimelech.  
Serve the sons of Hamor. As though he should have said, serve them rather which were the ancient Lords of this City: and if we have not served them, why should we serve Abimelech etc.  
And who will give this people into my hand? The other part of the oration containeth an exhortation, wherein he exhorteth them, to make him ruler over the people. Who will give? This form of speaking expresseth an affection of one that wisheth. I (saith he) if I were your ruler, would easily take away Abimelech. 
All the Sechemites were not of one opinion.  Hereby it appeareth that all the Sechemites were not of one opinion▪ There were many which them also were on Abimeleches' side. Wherefore, I would to God saith he, that all you were of one mind, I would then easily take away the tyrant.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a turning of a speech to some person.  And he said unto Abimelech: Increase thine army. He useth an Apostrophe to Abimelech being absent: for it is easy to rail upon one being absent. He speaketh very Thraso like. It is as though he should have said: increase thy power how thou wilt, I set nothing at all by it.   

30 And when Zebul the ruler of the City heard the words of Gaal the son of Ebed, he was very angry.  
31 And he sent messengers unto Abimelech guilefully, saying: Behold Gaal the son of Ebed and his brethren be come to Sechem, and behold they fortify the City against thee.  
32 Now therefore arise by night, thou and thy people that is with thee, and lie in wait in the field.  
33 And rise up early in the morning as soon as the Sun is up, and thou shalt assault the City, and when he and the people that is with him, shall come out against thee, do unto them what thine hand can find.  
Zebul was ruler under Abimelech, & when he heard these reproaches against his Lord, he could not suffer them. Hereby let us mark how foolishly the Sechemites behaved themselves, when they go about to fall from Abimelech, they retain yet still his ruler in the City. So god oftentimes striketh men with madness. Neither want there exemples of this thing even in our tyme.  
He sent messengers guilefully. The Hebrew word is Miremah or Tomah: and it signifieth nothing else, but that he sent letters privily, the sum whereof was: Gaal is chosen captain against thee, the Sechemites fence the City, that they may both defend themselves within, and also exclude thee without. And such is the subtlety of Zebul, that he not only telleth what was done in the City, but also giveth Counsel what Abimelech should do.  
When it is morning. The Hebrew word Tischim in the conjugation Hiphil from the root Schacham signifieth to rise early, the Grecians say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And where in Luke the 21. chap. toward the end it is said, Turba mane conveniebat ad eum: that is: The people gathered unto him in the morning: the old translation was (as Augustine also hath noted upon this place of the judges (Populus manicabat ad eum. But that word is barbarous and strange. 
Augustine. Manicare.  In Greek it is read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And assault the City. This is the Counsel of the ruler, that early in the morning he should besiege and assault the City by guile.  
Do as thine hand shall find. By this Hebrew phrase is signified nothing else, but that so do thou as occasion shall serve.   

34 And Abimelech rose up early, and all the people that were with him by night: and they lay in wait against Sechem in four bands.  
35 Then Gaal the son of Ebed came out, and stood in the entering of the gate of the City. And Abimelech rose up and the people that were with him, from lying in wait.  
36 And when Gaal saw the people, he said to Zebul: Behold there come people down from the tops of the mountains. To whom Zebul answered: The shadow of the mountains seemeth men unto thee.  
37 And Gaal spoke again and said: Behold there come people down from the navel of the earth, and one Captain cometh by the way of the plain of Moonenim.  
Their lying in wait was distributed into four bands, & when Gaal should go forth of the city, Zebul was together with him, & as far as we may conjecture, Zebul used double fraud: for first he sent a messenger unto Abimelech, & signified unto him, what he thought good to be done: & afterward he joineth himself deceatfully unto Gaal, as though he would be on his side, that he might the safelier do those things which he thought to do, & that Gaal should not mistrust him, Wherefore Gaal goeth forth, being nothing afeard of privy enbushements, and together with him went Zebul.  
Thou seest the shadow of mountains. Zebul derideth him, saying: They be shadows which thou thinkest to be men.  
Out of the navel of the earth. This is a metaphorical kind of speech, for as the navel appeareth above the belie, so are the mountains above the earth. Wherefore by the navel he understandeth the mountains from whence Abimelech descended with his company. And when he came from the mountains, it is very likely (which thing yet is not here mentioned) that he overcame the garrisons, which the Sechemites had put in those places.   

38 And Zebul said unto him: Where is now thy mouth, that said: Who is Abimelech that we should serve him? Is not this the people that thou haste despised? Go out now I pray thee, and fight against them.  
39 And Gaal went forth before the men of Sechem, and fought against Abimelech.  
40 But Abimelech pursued him, after he began to fly before him, and many were overthrown and wounded even to the entering of the gate.  
41 And Abimelech dwelled at Arumah: and Zebul thrust out Gaal and his brethren, that they should not abide in Sechem.  
42 And on the morrow the people went out into the field. And it was told Abimelech.  
43 And he took the people and divided them into three bands, & laid wait in the field, and looked, and behold the people were come out of the City, and he rose up against them and smote them.  
44 And Abimelech, and the bands that were with him, rushed forward, and stood in the entering of the gate of the City: and the two other bands ran upon all the people that were in the field, and slew them.  
45 And when Abimelech had fought against the City all the day, he took the City, & slew the people that was therein, and destroyed the City, and sowed salt in it.  
Zebul could not hold himself, but that he must nip that Thraso. Thou didst contemn (sayeth he) Abimelech: now come out against him, and show how valiant thou art.  
Where is thy mouth? This word Aphoh is ambiguous: for it signifieth where, and sometimes it signifieth now. But because it is before said where, it is meet to be taken here for Now, & so let us say: Where is now thy mouth: unless we will have it a repetition, to say: Where, where is thy mouth: & by the figure Metonumia a mouth signifieth words: 
The manner of fearful men.  for we speak with the mouth. He up braideth him with the manner of fearful men: for cowards are wont before the danger stoutly to brag: but when they come to the danger, they are wonfully afraid: but contraryly stout men brag not much, neither do they rashly thrust themselves into dangers. But in dangers they are most constant.  
He went forth before the princes of Sechem. Gaal fighteth, but peradventure not prepared, for Abimelech came upon him unlooked for. Yet Gaal goeth forth against him, lest peradventure he should seem to be a coward.  
And he fled before him. Abimelech followed him when he fled, even to the gates of the City, where he slew many. Gaal thought he should have been received into the City, and for that cause he fleeth unto the gate. But Zebul thrust him out of the City. But thou wilt demand, by what means he could be excluded the City, when as the Sechemites had made him their ruler? Kimhi answereth, first that all the Sechemites stood not against Abimelech: the people also (as they were of an inconstant mind) when they saw Gaal fly, turned their purpose, and fell to Abimelech. Hereby we gather how foolish it is to trust unto men. jeremy sayeth very well and wisely: Cursed be every one, that putteth his confidence in man, and maketh flesh his strength. The Sechemites put their confidence in Gaal, and at that very instant used his aid. Gaal on the other side putteth his confidence in the Sechemites, and was thrust out of the City by them, in whom he did put his confidence. This is the nature of the people, when fortune a little favoureth, straight way they forsake them whom before they followed. The common people altogether depend upon chance. Here may we see also an other foolishness of the Sechemites, who thought that when they had cast out Gaal, Abimelech had straightway been satisfied. For they go forth into the fields, to excercise their rustical works, to gather in their grapes, I say, or to tillage. But it happened far otherwise. For Abimelech placed two bands to lie in wait, and he himself with his host came unto the City, that neither they which were in the fields, could get into the City, nor they which were in the City could come out, to help their men in the fields. This policy of war used Abimelech. They thought he had now been pacified, but the anger of kings are not straightway assuaged.  
And he sowed salt. These most miserable chances happened unto the people, they which went forth into the fields, were killed, the City itself was besieged and conquered, the Citizens slain, the City defaced and utterly overthrown. But Abimelech stomaching the matter more than was meet, sowed salt in the City: which was a token of a wilderness and desert. 
What the sowing of salt signifieth.  For salt drieth the ground, and maketh it unfruitful. In Hebrew Malach signifieth salt. Thereof cometh the verb Malach which is, to salt: but in the conjugation Niphal, Nimlah, is a verb, which signifieth to destroy, to break down and to waste. That word jeremy used in his 14. chap. and David in his 107. Psalm, GOD turneth a fruitful land into a saltish ground, that is, maketh it waste and desert. In the year .1165. Fredrike Oenobarbus the Emperor overthrew Milan, and sowed salt there. For that City took part with Alexander the third being Pope, against Cesar: which thing Fredrike took in very ill part.   

46 And when all the men of the tower of Sechem heard it, they came to the castle of Thelberith.  
47 And it was told Abimelech that all the men of the tower of Sechem were gathered together.  
48 And Abimelech went up to mount Zalmon, he and all the people that were with him: and Abimelech took axes, and cut down bows of trees, and took them and laid them on his shoulder, and said unto the people that were with him: That which ye have seen me do, make haste, and do as I have done.  
49 Wherefore all the people cut down every man his bowgh, and followed Abimelech, and put them to the castle, and set the castle on fire with them. And all the men of the tower of Sechem died, about a thousand men and women.  
50 Then went Abimelech unto Thebez, and laid siege to it, and took it.  
That tower of Sechem was a bulwark of the City. Wherefore when the City was taken, the princes distrusting themselves, entered into an other inward hold, where also was a temple: and it was called the house of the covenant of God: for the Israelites forsaking the covenant of the true God coupled themselves unto strange Gods.  
And it was told Abimelech. Mount Zalmon was nigh unto that hold, whether Abimelech and his people got them unto: for he had determined to burn that castle and temple which was in it. Neither ought we to marvel, that the temple was so fenced, 
Temples were wont to be builded in castles.  when as it was the manner so in the old tyme. For Rome, when long a go it was taken and burnt of the Senones, the Capitolium, where in was the temple of jupiter, remained safe. Yea and josephus saith that when jerusalem was besieged of Titus, the temple was a strong bulwark for the City. But the cause why the Sechemites got them thither, was not only because the place was so well fenced, but also because they had a superstitious opinion of Baal: for they thought that he would be with them, & defend his temple. So foolish men, when they have in deed no religion in their mind, yet they put their confidence in holiness of places, and wonderfully trust in images & temples, & also in relics of saints. But thereby they are nothing helped, but to their destruction they are slain even in temples, as we read it happened now unto these men.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  And by them they set the castle on fire. There is in these words Alleosis of the gender, for the Masculine gender is put for the Feminine, for as much as this relative Eos that is them, is referred to the bows, which in the Hebrew is a word of the Feminine gender. Mention is made of the utter destruction of the City, for it was not only overthrown, and strawed with salt, but also the princes were slain with fire and smoke. Abimelech in this warlike policy showed not unto all, what he would do, he only biddeth the people to follow him. Gideon also when he took the pitcher, fire brand, and trumpet, commanded the other to do the same: so Abimelech took a bow on his shoulder, and the other did the like. He kindleth fire, and burneth all them which were in the hold, otherwise he could not have conquered the tower. Some think that Gaal also perished here, & that being put to flight by Abimelech, 
Why the ungodly obtain victories.  he got him to this hold. After this sort God took vengeance upon the Sechemites. And Abimelech, although he were an ungodly and cruel tyrant, obtained the victory: so also god gave Nabucadnesar power, to afflict the jews, and to lead them captives to Babilone. And likewise unto Tiglathphalasar to oppress the ten tribes. All these men had the victory, and yet was their cause nothing the better. This rule god useth oftentimes to punish the evil by evil, although he do not straightway punish them all. Some he punisheth before, and other some afterward: and there are some also, whose vengeance he reserveth for the world to come.  
Abimelech triumpheth as though he had better cause: but yet this his joy is of no long time: 
A Similitude.  for the hand of the Lord abideth him also. In Comedies, the strength of the Poet is not perceived by the Prologue, nor by one act or two, but we must wait for the end and the conclusion of the whole fable. So if a man will give judgement of an Image, or of any other fair Picture if he only mark the Knee or Leg, he shall easily be deceived: for he must consider the Arms, he Shoulders, the Sides, and proportion of the whole body. After which self same manner, if we will understand the justice of God in his works, we must tarry till the end, and then shall we see the judgements of god full. Augustine sayeth right well that god, 
Augustine.  when he punisheth any certain wicked act, doth signify that he hateth all wicked acts. And when he differeth the punishments of the ungodly, he admonisheth us, to think upon an other life. Wherefore if Papists, 
A comfort in the felicity of the ungodly.  if Turks, if tyrants are not punished in this world, let us with a patiented mind wait for the last act, and last judgement of god: for they shall not go unpunished.  
David sayeth in his 73. Psalm: My feet were almost moved, and my steps had well-nigh slipped, because I freated at the wicked, when I saw the peace of sinners. For there are no bands in their death, and they are lusty and strong. They are not in trouble as other men, etc. And I said, doth god know these things, and is there knowledge in the most highest? For so doth our flesh judge, when it seeth the ungodly live in prosperity: when the matter is so. is there (saith he) knowledge in the most highest? Wherefore I have cleansed my heart in vain, and in vain I have washed my hands in innocency, in vain was I punished all the day, and it was painful to me, to know this. For they are most hard to understand, and I began in a manner to despair, until I went into the sanctuary of God, and understood their last end. For who may not easily be deceived in the rich man and Lazarus? When as the one in man's sight seemed to have been most blessed, and the other most miserable. Therefore (saith he) it was painful unto me, until I was brought into the sanctuary of God, & beheld their last judgement. But as touching Abimelech, the prophecy ought to be fulfilled which jotham pronounced: Let a fire come out of Abimelech and destroy his enemies.  
God suffereth Abimelech to excercise his tyranny three years, in which space be seemed to tarry for his repentance. But he heaped up unto himself anger in the day of anger. For if he had been wise he would easily have thought thus with himself after the victory: The Sechemites sinned thorough my persuasion: if they are now so severely handled, what shallbe be done to me at the length? But he being blinded that he could not see these things, at the last was filthily slain. So the ungodly are drunken with prosperous fortune, and god seemeth to feed them up, as sacrifices, which are first fed and fatted, before they be killed. In which sense Esay in the .34. chap. writeth: The Lord hath a sacrifice in Bozra. Wherefore Abimelech, by all the things that he saw, is made never a whit the better, yea rather he was made the more insolent, and attempteth other things more tyrannical. In the book of Ecclesiasticus the 8. chap. it is written. Because sentence against the evil is not executed speedily, the children of men do without any fear perpetrate evil things. Therefore are men made so headlong to sin, because they abuse the goodness of god: & it is so far of, that the ungodly, when he seeth an other corrected, should amend, that he always becometh worse & worse, and always endeavoureth to go on farther in wickedness. Which thing I would to God we would follow in virtues and good deeds. Abimelech had overcome the Sechemites, neither was that sufficient for him: then took he the hold, neither was that enough for him: he conquered the city of Thebez, and yet did not this suffice him. He will go on farther yet: and is most filthyly slain. As concerning the city of Thebez, Kimhi saith, that it also fell from the government of Abimelech. 
David Kunht.    

51 But there was a strong tower within the city, and thither fled all the men and women, and all the chief of the city, and shut it to them, and went up to the top of the tower.  
52 And Abimelech came unto the tower, and fought against it. And went hard unto the door of the tower to set it on fire.  
53 Then a woman cast a piece of a millstone upon Abimeleches' head, and broke his skull.  
54 Who straightway called his page that bore his armour, and said unto him: Draw thy sword and slay me, lest men peradventure say of me: A woman slew him. And his page thrust him thorough and he died.  
55 And when the men of Israel saw that Abimelech was dead, they departed every man to his own place.  
56 Thus God rendered the evil of Abimelech, which he did unto his father, in slaying his brethren.  
57 Also all the wickedness of the men of Sechem did god bring upon their heads, and upon them came the curse of jotham the son of jerubbaall.  
The men of Thebez closed and sensed the outward parts of the Tower very well: And kept themselves within, having all the gates and entrances shut up.  
They ascended upon the top. This Hebrew word Gag signifieth the top of the house, not sharp pointed, but plain, for upon it they might walk. And because it was dangerous, least a man should fall from the top, it was commanded in deuteronomy, that a circuit or a stay should be added to the roof of the houses.  
To burn the gate. Because he had so good success before to conquer by fire, he thought now also to had the like fortune.  
A woman threw a stone. Abimeleche puffed up with victories, setteth an example before our eyes, that we should not to much put confidence in present felicity. By his lucky success he thought his cause was good, and that they whom he had destroyed, had their reward for their wickedness. Such is the judgement of men, they think that according to the weight of the punishments, so are the sins of the afflicted, and their evil deserts, so that they which are grievously vexed, seem to have grievously sinned. And undoubtedly the book of job is all whole in a manner of that argument. For his friends did therefore gather that he was an evil man, 
The argument of the book of job.  because he was so grievously afflicted. But yet ought we not so to think: For there may be other causes why GOD will have the saints oppressed in this world. Christ teacheth us in the 13. chapter of Luke (when certain told him, that Pilate had mingled the blood of the Galileians with sacrifices, & they looked that Christ should have cried out upon the cruelty of the Precedent) how we ought to take profit by the punishments of other men. 
We ought to take perfect by the punishments of other.  For he answered: do you think that those Galileians sinned above all the rest, because they suffered these things? No verily, I tell you, but except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish. Or think ye that those 18, upon whom the Tower in Siloi fell, were sinners above all men that dwell in jerusalem? No verily, I tell you, but except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish.  
Abimelech also should rather thus have said with himself: If these things have chanced unto them, what shall then happen unto me? Let us also speak thus with ourselves. If by the Turks and Saracenes so grievous things have happened unto the Grecians, Hungarians, and Africanes, what shall then become of us at the length? Except we repent, we shall likewise perish.  

The names of two millstones.  A piece of a millstone. This Hebrew word Rachab signifieth a millstone. But there are two millstones, namely that that is above, and that that is beneath. The higher is he, which is called Rachab, because it is put upon the other, and after a sort rideth upon it. The other is called Schachab, because it seemeth to lie still. By what means the woman had a piece of a millstone in the upper part of the house, it appeareth not. Howbeit it is very likely, that they carried up stones, and great heavy pieces of rocks into the upper parts of the houses, to have them in a readiness to beat back the enemy.  
And his page thrust him thorough, and he died. This is the end of a most cruel tyrant. He is killed of a woman, and when he saw that he must needs die, he studieth to put away the infamy, neither would he have it said of him, that a woman slew him. What madness is this? He is at the point of death and he vainly thinketh upon glory: He thinketh it a reproach to be killed of a woman, and is nothing careful for the soul, nor for the other life: he only careth for his name and fame. And god when he had used this man's cruelty to afflict the Sechemites, at the last destroyed him also. He entered in by evil arts: He reigned cruelly and tyrannously, and died most filthylye. And when Abimelech was dead, every man returned into his country. Neither was the tower which he assaulted, conquered. And lest any man should think that these things happened by chance, but that all men might understand that they were done by the providence and counsel of god, the conclusion is added: Thus God rewarded. hereby we are very well taught, that if at any time the like things do happen, we must not attribute them to fortune, but only unto the providence of God. Achab the king when he went on warfare, changed his apparel, and would not be known to be the king, but be counted a rascal soldier: yet was he slain with an arrow, which was shut at adventure, which thing might have seemed to have been done by chance, when as yet God in very deed governed the shaft. And in like manner as Plutarch telleth, Pyrrhus was slain of a moman in besieging of Thebez, 
Plutarch.  she throwing down a tile from the house top. Very many such things are done in our time, which seem unto us therefore to have happened by chance, because we know not the causes of things, and judgements of God.  
Moreover by this conclusion this we profitably gather, that GOD at the length revoketh all things to his tribunal seat and judgement. If we should demand, why the Sechemites were so miserably afflicted, and why Abimeleche was so fylthylye slain? The holy Ghost aunsweareth, God revenged the ingratitude of the Sechemites toward Gideon, and the Parricide of Abimeleche, who slew his brethren. For the blood of so many brethren cried no less unto the Lord, than the blood of Abel, as is written in Genesis. lastly let us note, that there are hitherto some good judges spoken of, among whom is put Abimeleche, a most cruel tyrant, that their virtue by a comparison, or an Antithesis might be made more noble. But happy was that public wealth which among many good, had only one tyrant, but we amongst many evil, have scarce one good Prince. And undoubtedly God gave not unto the Israelites this tyrant, neither raised he him up after the manner of the other judges: but they elected him themselves.    

¶ The ten Chapter.  

1 ANd after Abimeleche, rose up to save Israel Thola, the son of Pua, the son of Dodo, a man of Isaschar, and he dwelled in Samir in mount Ephraim.  
2 And he judged Israel .23. years, and died, and was buried in Samir.  
AFter the death of Abimeleche, followed a long peace, namely .45. 
A peace during 45. years.  years: which space of time is distributed into two judges, whereof the one governed the people three and twenty years, and the other two and twenty years. So great is the goodness of God, that he would restore peace unto men, though they deserved it not.  
And after Abimelech, rose up Thola. In that it is written both of this judge, and of the other: And there rose up: we must not for all that think, that they of their own mind claimed unto themselves the principality, but they were elected unto it by the lord, and of him set to rule by the people of Israel. And they are said to have risen up, because they followed the instinct of the Lord.  
To save Israel. Between good princes and tirans this is the difference: Tirans seek only their own gain, but good magistrates have only a care for this, to save the people. David Kimhi thinketh that Abimelech also saved the Israelites, although he both slew his brethren and made civil wars. 
The difference between a tyrant & a true prince. David Kimhi.  For he was a warlike and stout man: wherefore outward nations feared him. But I will not easily grant unto this sentence: for as much as the holy scriptures mention not that he made wars with outward nations, which they would not have otherwise left unspoken of. If thou wilt say, that it may therefore seem that he saved Israel, by cause he is numbered among the judges: I answer, this is rather to be marked, that the scriptures called him not a judge, but rather a king: neither is it written that he judged, but reigned. But in that he is numbered among the judges, that was the cause which we have before touched, namely that the virtues of the judges might be more illustrate, and that it might be made manifest, how much princes that are given of God, do excel those which men choose unto themselves. josephus in his book de antiquitatibus leaveth out this Thola, and only maketh mention of the other; 
A judgement of the story of josephus.  of whom we will straightway speak. And it is no marvel, for that author is wont to over pass very many things, and sometimes to alter some things.  
Of the tribe of Isaschar. That tribe was the lowest and obscurest tribe, but god hath no respect to persons. The state of this pub. weal was most excellent, namely Aristocratia, wherein god choosed judges indifferently out of all the people. And there was none which could justly complain, that his family could not be exalted to the highest dignity of rule, which thing happeneth not in a kingdom. For all the kings came of the family of David.  
The son of Pua Ben Dodo. That word is ambiguous & dark: for it may be both a noun proper and a noun appellatyve. If it be a proper noun, (as the Chaldey Paraphrast supposeth) we must say that Thola had to father Pua, & that Pua was the son of a certain man named Dodo. But other think that it is a noun appellative, and that signifieth an uncle, and hath a pronoun affixed unto it of the third person. And some understand that by that pronown is referred or signified Abimelech, as though it were noted that Pua was the uncle of Abimelech: which sentence some of the Hebrews allow. Yea and the latin interpreter, to express that sentence, and that there might be no darkness therein, addeth the name of Abimelech. But how Pua should be uncle unto Abimelech, and so the brother of Gideon, being of an other tribe, it seemeth marvelous, because tribes were not mingled one with an other. Some answer that it might be that they were brethren on the mother side, but yet not on the father's side. For such women which had no inheritance, married oftentimes in other tribes: but so did not they which had inheritance, that the lands and inheritance should not be confounded, wherefore it might easily come to pass, that either her husband being dead, or she by him repudiated, married again in an other tribe. And by this means Gidion & Pua may be brethren, although they came of sundry tribes. But that those daughters which were inheritors, might not marry in an other tribe, it is by many examples confirmed. Saul otherwise a Beniamite, gave his daughter to wife unto David, who was of the tribe of judah jehoida a priest of the tribe of Levi, married the daughter of king joram which was of the tribe of juda, as it is written in the latter book of Paralip. the .22. chap. Aaron a Levite married Elisaba, the daughter of Aminadab, of the tribe of juda. Wherefore there are two opinions, one is of them which think that Dodo is a proper name, 
Now a man may be the son of his uncle.  and the other of those which say it is a name appellative. The third opinion is, that that annexed pronown, namely of him, is to be turned, his, so that this Thola had one and the self name to his father & to his uncle, which by the ordinary means was not lawful, yet was it detested, when a man died without children: for then the brother married his wife, namely him of whom he was begotten, and the other which was dead, whose name he bore, and was made his heir. This sentence liketh me well: for it very aptly declareth, how a man might be the son of his uncle. etc.   

3 After him rose up jair a Gileadite, and he judged Israel xxii years.  
4 And he had xxx sons, that road upon xxx Colts, and they had xxx Cities, which are called Hauoth-Iair even to this day, & are in the land of Gilead.  
5 And Jair died, and was buried in Camon.  
Of what tribe this Jair was, appeareth by this word Gilead which is repeated: for Manasses had Machir to his son, who begat Gilead. And his name was common with the mount, wherein jacob and Laban made a league, and named the place Gilead, because there they raised up a heap of stones for a witness. 
Eusebius C●s●riensis.  Eusebius saith, that the back of this mount tendeth to Arabia and Phenicia, and is joined with the hills of Libanus. And this mount hath a City of the same name. Machir conquered that City, and gave unto it a name, which was common both to his son and to the mount. Wherefore Jair was of the Tribe of Manasses, a man having plenty of children: for he had xxx And no marvel, when as then they used to have many wives. His children was no Rascals or common people, yea they were horsemen: which is thus described, which road upon .30. Ass colts. This Hebrew word Air signifieth either a Colt or an Ass, 
David Kimhi  according to which sense are signified xxx Mules: or the colt of a Mare, as R. D. Kimhi expoundeth it. Neither were they only horsemen, but also rich: for they possessed .30. Cities, because every one of them was ruler of a City: wherefore their father must needs be very noble.  
They were called Hauoth-Iair. Because they were not environed with a wall. And were so called even to this day, namely even unto samuel's time, who (they say) was author of this book. In the book of Numbers the xxxii chap. it is written, jair took many Cities from the Chananites, and they were called Hauoth-Iair. Wherefore it is demanded, whither he were the same man of whom we now speak, or whether he were an other? I do not think that he was the same, forasmuch as between them both there were .300. years passed. He was a certain other man distinct from this jair, of whom we now speak, but yet he was of the same family: and peradventure this was his nephew, for they which are of the same family, do for the most part retain the names of their kindred. Unto this Jair came those Cities, which that other Jair took from the Chananites. Wherefore the places agree: but that it is not the same man. This judge therefore is noble, when as the two former were but of a base family. Neither doth Nobility anything hinder to govern a public wealth, if self trust and insolence be taken away: yea rather they have examples of their Elders, excellent stirrings up to virtue, and very many helps, to govern things well. And it is not unlikely but that the people under these two judges, rightly worshipped God in long and quiet peace, otherwise God would not have given them so long a time of rest. But after them, the hebrews turned again unto Idolatry.   

6 And the children of Israel wrought wickedly again in the sight of the Lord, and served Baalim, and Astharoth, and the gods of Aram, and the gods of Zidon, and the gods of Moab, & the gods of the children of Ammon, and also the gods of Pelisthim, and forsook the Lord, and served not him.  
7 Wherefore the wrath of the Lord was kindled against Israel, and he delivered them into the hands of Pelisthim, and into the hands of the children of Ammon.  
8 Who from that year vexed and oppressed the children of Israel xviii. years, even all the children of Israel, which were beyond jordan, in the land of the Amorrhites, which is in Gilead.  
9 Moreover the children of Ammon went over jordan, to fight also against juda and Benjamin, and against the house of Ephraim. And Israel was in very great misery.  
10 And the children of Israel cried unto the Lord, saying: We have sinned against thee, even because we have forsaken our God, and have served Baalim.  
When they heaped sins upon sins, the latter sins were always more grievous than the first. And this is not to be passed over, that they are said to have sinned in the sight of the Lord: for the world otherwise is often times deceived, and the judgement of men many times, either alloweth or excuseth sins. And the evil which the Israelites are said to have done, was nothing else but Idolatry. As soon as the good Princes were dead, the people easily fell to worshipping of Idols, and why they were so prone to this wicked crime, there may be many causes alleged. 
Why the Israelites were so prone unto idolatry.  first, they saw that the Nations which were nigh unto them, when they worshipped Idols, flourished in all kind of riches and honours, but they themselves were wonderfully oppressed with penury of things. Wherefore they thought that the Gods of those nations were both better & more bountiful, than their own God. They considered that they themselves which worshipped but one God, were few in the number, but there was an infinite number which worshipped Idols. And as they detested the ceremonies and holy services of other Nations, so on the other side other Nations both abhorred them, and also vexed them with contumelies. Lastly, the worshipping of the true God was more severe, and after a sort more sad, it had no pleasure, no challenging of battle one with an other, no stage plays, no dancings, no running at tylts, no Comodies, no Tragedies, all which things they saw were used in the worshipping of Idols, yea and also often times were added most vile and filthy things. And forasmuch as the nature of man is of itself ready unto pleasures, hereof it came, that they turned unto strange holy services. And undoubtedly the same causes in our time do move the minds of many, and therefore many cleave unto the Papists, whom they see to live much more pleasantly, and to flourish in goods and riches: they see also that they are more in number in Italy, in Spain, and in France, than we are. Because also they think that they are infamed and reproached, when they are called Schismatics and Heretics. And lastly because our ceremonies, as touching the senses of the flesh are dry, and without pleasures, they have no copes, no descant singing, no musical Organs, nor stage play Masses. Hereof come these defaults and fallings of many. I might also add, that many say their fathers lived so, and died in that religion, 
The stubdernnrs of the jews against God.  which reason is with many of great force. Such things without doubt did the jews think upon. But it is marvelous to behold their stubbornness. It seemeth that they had wholly bend their minds, perpetually to resist their God. When God would have them to observe his ceremonies, they sought for other ceremonies at the hands of the people that were nigh unto them. And for as much as God hath now decreed, that those ceremonies should by Christ be made of none effect, and they will still keep them: they do therein that which overthwart wives are wont to do, when the husband will, they will not, when he will not, than they again will. They did not only worship Baal and Astharoth, but also the Gods of Aram, & Zidon, the Gods of the Moabites, and of the children of Ammon, and also the Gods of the Pelisthims. If we mark the number, they worshipped seven kinds of Idols.  
And forsook the Lord. They did not only follow strange Gods, but also forsook the worshipping of the true God. There is a certain Emphasis in this word forsook. It signifieth as much, as if it should have been said: They would not so much as have the worshipping of the true God named, neither made they any more mention of it. Wherefore the wrath of the Lord kindled against them, and he delivered them into the hands of the Philistians. etc. When they forsook the true God, he again took away from them his help, and sold them to the Philistians and Ammonites, whom they so served, as though they had been their bondslaves. And the yoke of the Ammonites was much more grievous, than the yoke of the Philistians. Wherefore jiphtah took in hand war, singularly against the Ammonites, as against the chief vexers of the Israelites. furthermore let us mark, that even the self same year, wherein jair died, they were vexed and oppressed of their enemies. The Lord tarried not: straightway after the death of the judge, he began to afflict the people. In which place we must note, that most strong Nations, so soon as they are destitute of God, are easily without any a do conquered and overthrown of their enemies. For it is God only which giveth power and strength, and therefore the Israelites were straightway oppressed of their enemies, because the Lord had forsaken them: for God is not only the efficient cause of might and rule, but also it is he that keepeth and preserveth it. They oppressed universally all the children of Israel. For they kept not themselves within any bonds: but wandered and made roads through out all the borders of the hebrews, which thing is noted by these words: Yea and they passed over jordan. The tribes of Reuben, Gad, 
The request of the two tribes & the half tribe was unwise.  and part of Manasses dwelled on this side jordan. For all that region was very fertile, therefore they required it of Moses, when the other tribes were not yet passed over jordan: but they did not well mark what they desired: for although it were a most fat and fertile country, yet was it always in greater danger: For often times their next enemies made roads into their lands. And this is very commonly seen, that men are more careful for gain, then for health: but the Ammonites did not only rob and spoil those tribes, but they also miserably afflicted all Israel. When they had passed over jordan, they would also fight against juda, Benjamin, and Ephraim, which were of all the tribes most noble. Wherefore we must believe, that they raged against all the hebrews.  
Wherefore the Israelites were above measure oppressed. And they cried unto the Lord. When they were but a little oppressed, they were nothing moved: but when they were farther vexed, and most grievously afflicted, 
What God hath a respect unto in the punishments, wherewith he punisheth sinners.  they began to turn to God, and cried unto him. Neither did they that lightly, but weeping, repent from the heart, confessed their sin, & implored his aid. This thing only God regardeth, when he afflicteth his people with adversity, where words will not serve, he addeth stripes and vexations, which are certain vehement sermons toward the stiffer sort, and are of great force toward the godly, and those that are predestinate unto salvation, but to the ungodly & impenitent, to their greater damnation. God did not these things, as though he had a pleasure in the evils of men, or that he would satisfy himself after this manner (for that thing only jesus Christ upon the cross performed) but that they which are fallen, may be called back into the right way, vices corrected, and his justice declared. And the Israelites do not only call upon God, but also humbly acknowledge, and submissedly confess their sins. For they knew that God heareth not sinners, except they repent.   

11 And the Lord said unto the children of Israel: Have not I delivered you from the Egyptians, and Ammorhites, and children of Ammon and Pelisthim.  
12 Moreover the Zidonites and Abimelech, and the Moabites oppressed you, and ye cried unto me, and I delivered you out of their hands.  
13 But ye have forsaken me, and have served strange Gods: therefore I will deliver you no more.  
14 Go and cry unto the Gods whom ye have chosen: let them save you in the time of your trouble.  

How God answered the Israelites.  When the people called upon the Lord, and began to repent, God in deed answered them, but yet sharply and hardly. He answered peradventure by the high Priest, which had urim and Thumim, by him counsel was asked of God publicly: It may also be that some Prophet was stirred up, by whom God spoke. The hebrews think that God answered by Pinchas, whom they say lived until the time of Elias, but that they feign without any testimony of the holy scriptures. And if we look upon the time, Pinchas was at the least .330. years before these things were done. 
Why God answered so sharply.  But let us see why God answered so hardly unto the hebrews, namely that the people should repent, and that not vulgarly, but with stable and firm constancy. It is as much as if he should have said: ye would be delivered, that when ye are delivered ye may worship strange Gods again. For who can believe that ye will not hence forth departed from me? Have ye not called upon me at other times, and as soon as ye were delivered, ye fell from me? I have delivered you from the Egiptans, Ammorhites, Ammonites, Philistians, Zidonians, Amalechites, and Maonites, but ye begun straightway to worship strange Gods a fresh. For it was a thing most unmeet, that they which are by God set at liberty, should take upon them to worship Idols of many nations.  

A most sharp Irony.  Go and cry unto your Gods, whom ye have chosen. Doth God command us to sin? No undoubtedly. There are sundry figures in the holy scriptures, which unless we diligently mark, we shall easily fall into most grievous errors. This exprobration which is set forth by an Irony, is most grievous: as though he would have said: Now at the length ye have tried, and ye understand what your Gods can do. The same Irony used Elias toward the Prophets of Baal: Cry (saith he) more loud, peradventure your God is on sleep, or is in his summer parlour. He did not command them to cry, but more attentively to mark, what god they worshipped. This is therefore an ironious oration, and a most bitter taunt.   

¶ How God saith that he will not give that which he will give, and contrarily.  
HE saith he will not help them, and yet afterward he helped them. Did Godly therefore? No undoubtedly, but as yet the repentance of the people was not come unto that point that he would have it, according to that state and condition that they were then in, he saith he will not help them. For God knoweth the moments of times. So useth a Physician to handle his Patient, when he requireth wine in his burning and heat of his fever. I will not give it (saith he) not because he will never give it, but because he knoweth when it shall be profitable unto him. 
A similitude.  Again the sick person desireth a purgation, the Physician denieth him it, because he will first have the humours well concocted, that they may the easilier be educed: so doth God now with his people.  
And this is no unaccustomed form of speaking in the scriptures. The Lord said unto Moses: Suffer my wrath to kindle, that in a moment I may destroy them. These things he said, when as yet he would spare the people, but the prayers of Moses pacefied God, and therefore he would have them inflamed, and his affection & faith increased. In Matthew, the woman of Canaan cried unto Christ: but he, as though he would not hear her, passed by, saying nothing. Then she being more instant, I am not (saith he) sent, but to the sheep which hath perished of the house of Israel. And she not yet ceasing, he called her Dog. It is not good (saith he) to take the children's bread, and give it unto Dogs: and yet had he even from the beginning decreed to help her. But first he would have her faith brought to light, that it might be known by all means. And in an other place under the parable of one that desired bread, he saith: To whom the good man of the house which was within, answered, I and my children are in bed. And the other being instant, by his importunity obtained as many loaves as he would. So in this place God answereth, that he will not help, 
God is not changed, but will have us changed  namely that people, as they were then. For their repentance was not at that instantful. God changeth not his sentence, but will have us more and more changed.  
jeremy in his xviii chap. saith: If I shall speak evil against any nation, and that nation shall repent, I will also repent me of that evil, which I said I would do. And that jeremy might the manifestlier understand the things that were spoken, he bade him go into the house of a Potter, where he saw the Potter make a vessel of clay, which was broken in the hands of the workman. But the Potter made again an other vessel of the same clay. So saith the Lord: If they repent, I will also repent: I do now make for them evil things, but for evil things I will make good: and yet as I have said, he changeth not his sentence, because such threatenings and promises do depend upon a condition, which is sometimes changed, when as God yet abideth the self same.  
Of this thing right well writeth chrysostom upon Genesis, in his xxv Homely: The Lord command Noah to build an Ark, and threatened that after 120. years he would destroy all mankind by a flood: but when in the mean time they nothing at all profited, he cut of twenty years, and sent the flood in the hundred year, and yet was not god changed, but the condition of men varied. The same chrysostom also (upon Matthew, in his .65. Homely, when he interpreteth this: Verily I say unto you, ye which have forsaken all things. etc.) demandeth: Was not judas one of the twelve, and shall judas sit upon the twelve seats, and judge the twelve Tribes of Israel? Did Christ change his sentence? No (saith he) but judas was changed. Which self same thing we must judge of the City of Ninive, and of king Ezechias, whom god pronounced should die. For neither Ninive at that time perished, nor Ezechias died: because they were changed. God said at the beginning, that the fear of men should be upon beasts. But it happeneth contrarily: for men are now afraid of Lions, Bears, and Tigers, because they are of them oftentimes torn. But that cometh hereof, because of the condition of men is changed, and not the counsel of God.  
Wherefore those promises of god are to be understand according to the present state of things. Therefore when we hear the promises of God, 
How we must take the promises of God.  we must thus think: Either they have some condition adjoined, or they are absolutely put. Farther, either they are of force for this time only, or hereafter they shallbe fulfilled. And as touching the conditions of promises and threatenings, we must diligently mark, that some promises are of the law, and some of the gospel: & what they differ one from an other, I have before abundantly entreated. 
Promises of the law have a condition annexed.  And this will I now briefly say, that promises of the law are those which have a condition annexed, so that the promise is not due, unless the law be most perfectly fulfilled: and so those conditions may be called causes of rewards, if we could fulfil them, which thing, seeing by reason and this corruption and vice of nature we are not able to perform, god is not bound to render the reward. Wherefore, seeing we cannot fulfil the law as we ought to do, all cause of merit is utterly taken away, and yet are not those promises given in vain.  
For although by reason of infirmity, we cannot perform the condition, yet if we flee unto Christ, and being regenerate, do begin a better life, the promises which were promises of the law, 
Promises of the Gospel.  are made promises of the Gospel: not because we living under grace, do fulfil those conditions, but because by Christ they are made absolute and perfect, whose righteousness is imputed unto us. In this manner must we think of the promises of God.  

How we must understand the threatenings of God.  In like manner is it of threatenings: because often times must be added this condition: Except ye repent. I said often times: because universally it is not true, as it appeareth in David, who repented, and yet suffered those things which Nathan threatened. Moses also repent, and yet came he not into the promised land. And as touching the condition of repentance, we must not over pass this, that it is not perfect in us: otherwise the forgiveness of sins should be due unto us as a reward: wherefore we must hold this for certain, that the condition of repentance is evangelical, and when there is repentance found in us, it is a fruit of faith, and not a merit. Of this thing right well writeth chrysostom in his .v. Homely to the people of Antioch, 
chrysostom.  where he comforteth the people, because of the threatenings of Theodosius. He bringeth a place out of jeremy the xviii chapter, 
A difference between Princes of the world & God.  and addeth that the sentence of God is far otherwise, than the sentence of Princes of this world. For the sentence of a Prince is straightway, as soon as it is once spoken, performed, and can scarcely be changed: but the sentence of God, if it have threatened any thing, is not headlong unto destruction, nor untreatable, yea rather it may seem a degree and a certain beginning unto salvation. For by this means God oftentimes revoketh sinners unto the right way, and saveth them. And thus much as concerning conditions.  
But as touching time, we must not always look, that God should straightway perform his promises. If he defer it, we ought thus to comfort our selves, he hath not yet accomplished, but he will do it in due tyme. He will in the mean time after this manner exercise our faith. God seemeth many times to do nothing less, then that which he hath promised and threatened. He promised unto David a kingdom: but by what tribulations did he exercise him, before that he accomplished his promises? For first he was poor and a Shepherd, afterward being taken into the court, he began to be hated of Saul, and so endangered, that there wanted very little, but that he was almost fallen into his power. When our Lord and saviour jesus Christ should be borne of Mary, the Angel promised, that he should have the throne of David his father, and yet till he was thirty years of age, he lived in a manner unknown. And then was he odious unto the high Priests, Phariseis and Scribes: and was in that sort long time ill handled, and at the length by them crucified. Wherefore Esay very well admonisheth, that he which believeth, should not make haste. For God will in due time perform those things which he hath promised: but it is our part in the mean time, not to prescribe any thing unto him. Paul in the ten to the hebrews writeth: ye have need of patience, that doing the will of God, ye may obtain the promise. For yet a little while, and he that shall come, will come, and will not tarry: and the just liveth by faith. But if any withdraw himself, my soul shall have no pleasure in him. The same thing also must we determine of threatenings. God said he would overthrow the babylonians: but they flourished and triumphed, yea and they led away the people of God captive. Wherefore God would not then accomplish his threatenings, which yet afterward when he saw his time, he performed.  
Let us apply these things unto our place. What said God? I will not help you, that is, at this present: but afterward when I see opportunity I will help you. Yea and God oftentimes answereth unto us also inwardly, & in our heart, I will not help you: for ye are laden with sins. What shall we then do? shall we cease of from prayers? Not so. Let us rather imitate the hebrews: they, the more sharply God answered them, the more they increased their repentance. john saith: If our heart accuse us, God is greater than our heart. 
What we must answer to the accusation of our heart.  Our heart doth then accuse us, when we say unto ourselves: God will not hear, because of our sins, God doth the more accuse us, because he seeth more in us, than we ourselves can see. Wherefore David said: Cleanse me Lord from my secret sins. What remedy is there then? For who is he, whom his heart accuseth not? Let us turn ourselves unto Christ: and if that our heart shall say, he will not help, let us say unto it: This I may well believe, if I should look upon myself only, but I look upon the son of God, who hath given himself for me. Hereof springeth that confidence which Paul had, when he said: Who shall lay accusation against the elect of god? It is god which justifieth. etc. Wherefore if god accuseth us not, neither will our heart accuse us, when we behold Christ. For we have now confidence towards god, and we shall obtain. And whilst we are converted unto Christ, not only accusation and sin is abolished, but repentance also is augmented, as we now see is done in the hebrews.   

15 And the children of Israel answered unto the Lord: we have sinned, do unto us whatsoever is good in thine eyes: only we pray thee deliver us this day.  
16 Then they put away their strange Gods from among them, and served the Lord: and his soul was grieved for the misery of Israel.  
17 Then the children of Ammon gathered together, and pitched in Gilead, and the children of Israel assembled themselves, and pitched in Mizpa.  
18 And the people and Princes of Gilead said every one to his neighbour: whosoever will begin the battle against the children of Ammon, shallbe Captain over all the inhabitants of Gilead.  
The repentance of the hebrews profited: god answered very sharply: 
The property of true repentance.  I will not hear you. But they cry again: Do what seemeth good in thine eyes, that is, what soever pleaseth thee. This undoubtedly is to repent, when we are not only repentant for the sins which we have committed, but also we willingly suffer, what soever pleaseth god. A notable example is set forth unto us, in that they put away their strange gods, and worshipped the true god. It is not sufficient to take away evil things, except in the place of evil things we substitute things that are good. Many have taken away Masses, idolatries, and superstitions, and yet have not worshipped god truly: because he is not worshipped by words, but by true faith & good works. But there are very few which embrace these things.  
And his soul was grieved. 
Contraction & ampliation of the mind.  This Hebrew word Tiktsad signifieth to draw together. When we rejoice and are merry, the spirits in us are made more ample: but when we are sorry, the spirits are contracted unto the heart. So it is said that God contracted his soul, 
Affections are improperly attributed unto God.  and was after a sort sorry for the miseries of his people. This kind of speech is not proper of God, but improper. For God is not sorry, neither is he touched with affections. Wherefore it is a speech after the condition of men. For often times those things are ascribed unto god, which are noted to be in men. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  And often times things which happen unto men, are ascribed unto God. For men are first grieved for the misery of an other, before they have compassion of them.  
Therefore (because God doth that, which men do that are grieved, that is, because he helpeth) it is said he his grieved, which things happeneth in men that help those that are in misery. Such a kind of speech is there in the book of Numbers the .21. 
R. Moses Maimon.  chap. The soul of the people was faint, because of the journey: for that wilderness grieved the people. But R. Moses Maimon saith, that this word Catsad signifieth not only a mind, but also a will, which being before ready to revenge, did now after a sort withdraw itself. Howbeit the first interpretation seemeth to hang well together. The Ammonites on every side grievously oppressed all Israel, but because Gilead was a notable City and well fenced, they determined therefore first of all to conquer it. But the children of Israel pitched in Mispa, so far from thence, that they could not easily secure those that were besieged. Wherefore the Gileadites in so great a danger, thought they had need of a captain, for the administration of things: for the state consisting only of the people, there could be nothing well done, unless some one man were made ruler over them. Even after the same manner, as the Romans were wont in great dangers to create a Dictator. Wherefore the Giliadites saw that they needed a Captain, but who that should be, they could not easily provide.  
Who so ever say they will begin the battle against the Children of Israel, let him be our head. Peradventure they had desired a captain of the Lord, and received an answer, that by this token they should know who should be received as their captain: namely he, which first should begin the battle against the enemies. Such signs God sometimes used, without any voice or outward oracle: as when he promised the servant of Abraham, that she should be Isaac's wife, which should give drink unto the Camels. It may also be that the Citizens decreed so among themselves, that the chief man of the city being stirred up with the desire of the reward, might the more courageously and cheerfully fight against their enemies. In this manner Chaleb, when he besieged Hebron, encouraged the minds of his soldiers. Whosoever (said he) conquereth Hebron, I will give him Achsa my daughter to wife. With which promise Othoniel being moved, conquered the City, & was made the son in law of Chaleb. So in these hard times, when things were in great danger, it was necessary to use such counsel. But what if he which first would have begun the battle against the adversaries, had been a naughty and wicked man? What I say should then have been done? What also if he had been unmeet to govern the public wealth, although he had had warlike strength? This objection maketh me rather to allow the first sentence, that is, that the sign was offered of God, and therefore they were sure, that he would not give them an evil captain. Although as touching the question, we may thus answer: All civil promises are so farforth to be kept, as they may be performed by honest ways & right means, that is, so much as conscience and the word of God will suffer.    

¶ The xi Chapter.  

1 ANd jiphtah the Galaadite was a mighty man, the son of an harlot: and Gilead begat jiphtah.  
2 And Gileads wife bore him sons, which when they were come to age, thrust out jiphtah, and said unto him: thou shalt not inherit in our father's house: For thou art the son of a strange woman.  
HEre is set forth unto us jiphtah, a man abject and obscure, not as touching his Tribe: for he was of the Tribe of Manasses, but as touching his mother: for he was the son of an harlot. Wherefore his brethren thrust him out as a bastard. The name of his father was Gilead, who seemeth to have been so called by the name of the mount and city. And that man had not only this bastard to son, but also he had other which were legitimate children. Wherefore though jiphtah had a noble man to his father, yet that nothing profited him, because he was a bastard, and not borne in lawful matrimony. Wherefore by the civil law of the Hebrews, it was not lawful for him to have place in the congregation of Israel. For in Deut. it is written: 
Bastards had not place in the congregation of Israel.  Mamzer shall not enter into the congregation or assembly. Zor is in Hebrew a stranger. And a bastard is so called, because he pertaineth not unto the family of the father.  
She that bare jiphtah was not a wife, but a harlot. This Hebrew word Zonah signifieth two things. first a vitler, that is such a one as selleth things pertaining to victuales, for Zon signifieth to feed or to bring up. It signifieth also an harlot. Peradventure for this cause, because victuallers are oftentimes evil spoken of, as touching chastity. As it appeareth by a certain law of Constantine, which is had in the Code ad. l. juliam, de adult. And undoubtedly either signification may aptly be applied unto this place. Some of the Hebrews think that jiphtah was not the son of an harlot, but only the son of a concubine, which was not espoused with wedding tables or bonds, and a dowry. 
The mother of jiphtah was not a Concubine.  But that seemeth not very well to agree. For the Hebrews called not a concubine Zonah, neither had it been lawful for his brethren to have thrust out jiphtah as a stranger, if he had been the son of a Concubine. For the having of Concubines of that sort, was with the jews true matrimony. Farther, we must know that the Hebrews had an other word, which signified an harlot. And that is Kedashah, as though a man would say, sancta, that is holy, as Virgil saith: The holy hunger of gold.  
This word Kadash signifieth to prepare. For as godly men prepare and sanctify themselves to the worshipping of god: so do harlots prepare themselves unto the decking and gain of the body.  
And in Deut. the .23. it was commanded, that no such whore should be in Israel. And it is added, that the hire of Zonah, that is of a whore, should not be brought into the sanctuary: wherefore we may thereby gather that zonah and Kedashah, are taken both in one signifycation. In the .21. of Leviticus it was not law full for a priest to have such a one to wife. Thou wilt say peradventure, what should it avail to make such a law, if there were no harlots in Israel? 
Why bastards were not admitted unto the pub. wealth. What not to enter into the congregation signifieth.  I answer, that god in deed commanded there should be none, but the people obeyed not. But why would not god have a bastard to come into the congregation? Not because that he should be the worse man, if he should live uprightly: but that the people might know, that god detesteth whoredom. And not to enter into the congregation, was nothing else, then to be made unapt for the executing of an office, either civil or holy. Although otherwise he had to his father, either a priest or a ruler. Wherefore it was not lawful for bastards to execute the office either of a Tribune, or of a Praetor, or Magistrate, or priest.  
Why therefore doth god now make a bastard ruler over his people? Because he prescribed the law unto men, and not to himself. another cause is, lest they which are so borne, should be therefore strait way discouraged. Farther, that they might remember that they are not excluded for their own fault, but for their father's fault. But now to return unto jiphtah, his brethren could not have thrust him out, except he had been borne of an harlot. Otherwise a Concubine was a lawful wife, and the children of jacob which were borne of his concubines, abode with their other brethren, and were inheritors together with them. But thou wilt say: Abraham did thrust out Ishmael. That was done before the law, and by the singular will of God, that the whole and perfect inheritance might come unto Isaac. Otherwise by the ordinary law of the Hebrews, the children of Concubines, were not utterly excluded from all inheritance.   

¶ Of bastards and children unlawfully borne.  

A division of children.  But to make the thing more plain, we will thus divide children: namely that there are some which are lawful, and not natural, as they that are adopted. Other some there are which were natural, and not lawful, as they which are born of Concubines. (But here I speak of Concubines after the manner of the Romans: For as touching the Hebrews, they which were born of them, were legitimate). 
What child is called a bastard  And there are other which are both legitimate and natural, as they which are borne in just matrimony. Lastly, there are some which are neither legitimate nor natural, as are bastards. A bastard is he, which can not tell who is his father, or if he can tell, it is one, whom it is not lawful for him to have to his father, as it is written in the Digests de statu personarum, in the law Vulgo concepti. There is a great difference between the conditions of children: but we, as touching this matter that we have in hand, will neither entreat of children adopted, nor of children legitimate natural, but only of natural children, and bastards, which seem to be more obscure than the other.  
Children natural not legitimate, may be made legitimate, as it is in the Code de Naturalibus filiis. Legen Anastasii. And the ways how they might be made, are described in the same Code, in the law Si quis. But bastards could not be made legitimate. If we will speak of the children of Concubines after the manner of the jews, they were legitimate, as we have before taught. But the Romans counted them not as legitimate, only this they ordained, that they might be made legitimate. Farther, bastards are not in the father's power, neither can they be: but they that are natural, may be, if they be made legitimate. These things I speak, that we might understand in how great a misery bastards are. Wherefore jiphtah could not attain to the inheritance of his father. And these laws were made, that men might be plucked from whoredom, if it were but only for the ignominy of their children. 
chrysostom.  For when they do beget bastards, they hurt them without hope of recovery. Wherefore chrysostom upon the epistle to the romans (when he interpreteth these words: Now is the hour for us to rise from sleep) vehemently inveigheth against whoremongers. Why dost thou sow (saith he) that which is not lawful for thee to reap? Or if thou do gather, it is ignominious unto thee? For infamy will thereby come, both to him which shallbe borne, and to thee also. For he as long as he liveth, shallbe full of ignominy, and thou, both when thou art living and when thou art dead, shalt always be noted of filthy lust, etc. Wherefore it is ordained by the laws, that bastards should not be admitted to the inheritance of their fathers.  
The father when he dieth, may give somewhat unto natural children, yea they succeed, though they be not put in the will, when there are no other children. But yet they succeed not in the whole, but only in two twelve parts, as appeareth in the Code de Naturalibus liberis, 
The ecclesiastical cannons.  in the law Licet patri. But the bastard was so far of from succeeding the father, that he could not desire of him so much as should serve to find him, as it is in Code de incestis nuptiis, in the law ex complexu. But the Ecclesiastical Cannons deal somewhat more gently: for they permit that a bastard should have somewhat given him to find him withal, as it is: Extra, of him which married her, whom before he had polluted with adultery in the chapter Cum haberet. And herein both the laws of god and man do agree. Neither as I have before said, were these laws written of hatred or cruelty against bastards, but that at the least by this means the filthy lusts of men should be kept under.  
Howbeit this I will not overpass, that by the laws of the Romans, the bastard might succeed his mother, as it is had in the Digests ad Senatus consultum Tertul. L. 1. he may also complain of his mother, if she leave him out of her will, as it is had in the digests de inofficioso Testamento. L. 29. which is to be understand, except the mother be noble. And why bastards are not counted in the steed of children, and are deprived of their father's inheritance: 
Augustine.  Augustine besides these reasons which I have before brought, bringeth also an other out of the holy scriptures. For it is written in levit. the .20. chap. He that cometh to the wife of his uncle, shall die without children. But (saith he) many are born also of incest, whose parents are not childless. He answereth, that the Lord so speaketh in the law, because such are not counted for children. Wherefore their fathers are justly said to be without children, although they have children: because it is all one, as if they had none. And because such children are contemned of the father, 
Bastards prove oftentimes worse than other children. chrysostom. plutarch.  neither are they rightly brought up nor chastised, oftentimes they prove worse than the other. chrysostom upon the Epistle to the Hebrews the .12. chapter, in his 29. Homely, exhorteth the people, to think that god doth like a father when he chastiseth us: for the father neglecteth unlawfully begotten children and bastards. Wherefore god when he chasteneth, doth part of a true and lawful father. Plutarch in his Problems the .103. Problem, saith that the Romans had four surnames, so that some were called Cnei, and other some Caii, and those names they noted by two letters only, or by three. Wherefore he demandeth, why Spurius that is a bastard, was written by these two letters Sp. because saith he, the first letter S, signifieth Sine, that is without, & P, Pater that is, a father, because he was borne of an unknown father. Although that may also be applied unto Posthumos, that is such as are borne after their father is dead: but to them it was not contumelious to be called Spurii. For. Sp. Melius, Sp. Cassius and other of that name were very notable citizens. We have hard the law of God, and the civil law, now let us see the Cannons.  
In the decrees distinction .56. chapter. Presbiterorum, 
What the Cannons decree of bastards. chrysostom.  bastards are not suffered to be admitted unto holy orders, unless they were first brought up in monasteries, as though by this means they might be amended. But the Canons which afterward follow, are somewhat more gentle. chrysostom upon matthew in his .4. Homely, as it is in the same place recited, chapter Nunquam, teacheth that so to be borne, ought not to be hurtful unto the children. For if a man have been a thief, a whoremonger, or a murderer, and then repent him, his former life shall not be hurtful unto him: much less ought the sin of the father to be hurtful unto the child, yea rather if the child behave himself well, he shall be so much the more notable, and worthy of more praise, in that he hath not followed the steps of his father. 
Jerome.  Jerome in his Epistle contra joannem Hierosolomitanum ad Pammachium, as in the same decrees appeareth in the chapter Nascitur. Bastards saith he, are not to be contemned: for they have the hand of god to make them, 
Gregory  neither did god disdain to make them, and to give them a soul. etc. Gregory also in the same place in the chapter Satis perversum, saith, that it is a thing unworthy, that the child should be so punished, for the pleasure of the father, that he should not be promoted unto the holy ministry. Jerome in the same place chapter Dominus. If Christ in his genealogy vouchsafed to reckon bastards, why shall not we then admit them to the ministry. & c?  
After these Cannons which are somewhat favourable unto bastards, 
What the father hindereth bastards,  is brought out a strong argument on the contrary part. Whoremongers (say they) do seem to pour in a certain power into the seed, which power passeth also into the children, whereof follow evil inclinations, and thereof are they judged to be worse than other, because when they are children, they are not corrected. Wherefore if they be promoted unto the holy ministry, the church shall receive damage. Yet at the last it is added, in the chap. Cenomanensis, if there be any that are notable, they may be admitted unto holy orders: but yet not that it should be a general rule of all, but only a privilege. And these things are written in the decrees.  
But in the decretals de filiis presbiterorum it is had, that bastards if they be made Monks, may come unto orders, but in such sort that they be not promoted unto dignities, and be not made either abbots or Priors. But if they live without the monastery, the bishop may ordain them, and give them small benefits, but that is by his authority, and (as they commonly call it) by dispensation. But ecclesiastical dignities must not be given them, but by the Pope: for that power he keepeth to himself alone. 
The judgement for promoting of bastards must be left unto the church.  But such releasinges of Popes and bishops tend only to gain. The judgement of these things should have been left unto the church: which ought herein to have a respect to two things, to her own necessity, and to the excellent virtues of him whom it will promote. If the Church shall have great need, and he excel in virtues, the manner of his birth shall nothing let him.  
For Paul to Timothy and to Titus, when he diligently writeth of the election of bishops and priests, forbiddeth nothing of this kind of men. But thou wilt say, in the old law bastards were excluded from the ministry. I grant that, but we are not now bound to that law, & it was made only for the detestation of adultery. But now if they can much profit the church, their election is not to be prohibited. And it is vain which is written in the decretals, that legitimates may be chosen, 
A trifling division of the decretals.  but bastards ought to be rejected, except with dispensation, as it is had in the title de electionibus. For these colours and deceits the Roman bishops have invented to amplify their dominion. But the sentence which I have allowed, agreeth with charity: and we may gather the like of it out of the civil law, where it is entreated of Decuriones, for these were civil judges for private cities and towns. 
Bastards might be made Decuriones.  Wherefore it is decreed that bastards might be made Decuriones, if necessity so required. In the Digests de Decurionibus in the law generaliter, paragrapho. Debet enim. The law therefore would have that order namely of Decuriones to be full. Howbeit if an other legitimately borne, were a suitor together for the same, he should be preferred before the bastard. So think I must we do in the church, that if any man be as good and as apt for the ministry, being legitimately borne, let us have no regard unto the bastard, who must give place in that lawful case. It is added in the law: If they be honest and good, the fault of the birth nothing hindereth them. In the same title in law Spurios, and in the law following. These things have I therefore mentioned that we might understand, by what right jiphtah was of his brethren thrust out, and to see how the civil laws agree with the law of God.   

¶ Whither the son shall bear the iniquity of the father.  
But in this place ariseth a question wayghtier and far more hard, because it seemeth that the son beareth the iniquity of the father. For he that is borne, played not the whoremonger, but the father, whom he could not let. More over in deuteronomy the .5. chap. it is written, and also the same thing is found in Exodus, I will visit the sins of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation. And the same did God repeat unto Moses, when he passed before him. For among his Prophets this also is added: visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third I say, and fourth. And it seemeth marvelous, by what means that may be numbered among the titles of mercy. This thing the Heretics, as the Martionites, Valentinians, and Carpocratians, 
What the Heretics reprove in the old testament.  left not unspoken of, who for that cause rejected the old testament, and affirmed the author thereof to be an evil God, as he which spared the fathers that sinned, and punished the innocent children, being so far from mercy, that he can not forget sin, but reserveth anger, even to the third and fourth generation. The jews also took that in evil part, who in Ezechiel the .18. chap. said: Our fathers have eaten sour grapes, & the children's teeth are set on edge. That was as much as if they should have said: jeroboam erected calves, Manasses setforth idolatry, & must we be punished for them? But the Lord answered by the Prophet: All souls are mine, both the soul of the father, & also the soul of the son. The soul that sinneth, it shall die, and the son shall not bear the iniquity of the father. These things seem not very well to agree together.  
Some think that here must be used a distinction of evils and punishments. 
A distinction of punishments.  For there are some punishments say they, which pertain unto eternal damnation: and there are other, which dure but for a tyme. And they understand the place of Ezechiel before alleged of the first kind of punishments: for as touching eternal salvation or damnation, every one shall bear his own burden. And again the soul which hath sinned, it shall die. Neither do they otherwise understand a place of jeremy in the .31. chap. But as touching punishments which dure but for a time, as are sickness, poverty, banishment, death, etc. they affirm that it is not against the justice of God, but that with these kind of punishments he may punish the son together with the father, and the people with the princes. And in that sort they expound that which is said in the law: I will visit the sins of the fathers upon the children, unto the third and fourth generation. Augustine seemeth sometimes to have allowed this distinction. 
Augustine.  For in his questions upon josua the 8. question, when he reasoneth concerning Achan, which had hidden some of the things that were cursed, for whose sin all the Israelites were miserably afflicted, and for the same cause not only Achan was punished, but also his sons and daughters were put to death together with him: Augustine (I say) saith there, that those punishments may both profit, and also hinder, which thing God himself knoweth, and therefore he tempreth them according to his justice. For god so moderateth them, that they do both afflict the wicked, and are not hurtful to the good. For such is his providence, that those things which seem evil, he can make good: but as touching eternal punishments, because they always are hurtful, every man worthily suffereth them according to his evil desert. No man (saith he) suffereth these punishments for an other man's fault. The same Augustine writeth against the adversary of the law and the Prophets in his .1. book and .16. chap. 
A division of men into regenerate and into those that are not yet regenerate.  There is no doubt (saith he) but that in this life one is vexed for an other. And against julianus the Pelagian is his .6. book the 12. chap. he maketh a division of the estate of people, and saith that some are regenerate in Christ, but other some are not yet regenerate. And the sins of those that are regenerate, are visited unto the third and fourth generation, that is, upon all their posterity. And he alludeth it unto original sin, which was by Adam sowed into all his posterity. But thou wilt say, why is it visited unto the third and fourth generation? The same father answereth, in his 42. question upon Deut. because three joined with four make seven, which is a number of fullness, so that to say upon the third and fourth generation, 
The number of seven is a token of fullness.  is all one, as if he had said upon all generations. Which kind of speaking Amos used, saying: For three transgressions, and for four I will not turn to it. Wherefore Augustine understandeth these words of the law, for visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation, as touching those that are not regenerate. For the law (sayeth he) entreated of those which were under the law. But Ezechiel and jeremy entreat of men regenerate, and of the gift of regeneration which should be given by Christ. But men that are regenerate shallbe judged every man according to his own deserts, and not according to other men's sins. And so the son shall not bear the iniquity of the father, but the soul which hath sinned, it shall die. But before regeneration, original sin infecteth and destroyeth all posterities.  
This distinction of Augustine I disallow not, but I doubt whether it be sufficiently applied unto the meaning of Ezechiel and jeremy. 
Ezechiel and jeremy wrote both the self same words in sundry places.  Both those Prophets wrote these self same words. The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge, when as yet the one was in jewry, and the other carried away into Babilone. Which is a manifest argument, that they spoke both with one and the self same spirit. But Augustine sayeth that the exposition of Ezechiel is to be sought for in the .31. chap. of jeremy. For there after the same words it is added: Behold the days will come, and I will make a new covenant, etc. Wherefore that place is wholly to be applied unto regeneration: and therefore by these words of jeremy, the words of Ezechiel are to be interpreted of those that are regenerate. In this manner that father thinketh this question is fully answered.  
But when I more attentively do weigh the chap. of Ezechiel, I think that he speaketh of the punishments and afflictions of this life. For why complained the people, saying, that the fathers had eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth were set on edge? Did they complain of the pain of hell? No undoubtedly, but because they were led away captive into Babilone and lived in servitude. They complain that God seemeth to deal to hardly with them: because for as much as their fathers were idolaters, yet they which had not sinned, were punished. For those punishments the people lamented: wherefore it was necessary, that the Prophet should answer them of the same punishments. The soul of the father is mine, and the soul of the son is mine. The soul which hath sinned, it shall die. These words therefore have a respect unto the punishments of this life. Although I do not deny, but that it may also be transferred unto spiritual punishments: 
Argumentum a minori ad maius.  but not, unless it be by an argument from the less to the great. And that after this manner, God doth not for an other man's sin punish, with pains which dure, but for a time, those which are utterly innocent, therefore much les will he punish them with spiritual and eternal punishments.  

Jerome.  Jerome when he interpreteth this place of Ezechiel, hath the solution, which Augustine also afterward followed, as in his place we shall declare. But the interpretations do vary, because it is a thing obscure, and the difficulty hereof riseth, because it can not be denied, but that God doth vex some for other men's sakes. For although I'm uncovered the filthiness of his father, yet the curse was transferred to Chanaan his son. And when the Sodomites had grievously sinned, the children were also burnt together with the fathers. And when David had committed adultery, God caused that the son which was borne of the adultery to die. Wherefore in a thing so obscure Jerome bringeth his own interpretation, but he declareth also other men's judgements as touching this question. 
An Allegorical exposition of some.  First he saith that there were very many, which did understand this place of the law. (That God will visit the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third & fourth generation) allegorically of every singular soul, or man. For there are in us certain natural passions, 
Four degrees of sins.  impulsions and violences to evil, or (as other say) first motion's. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Then followeth deliberation, when a man determineth with himself to do evil. Thirdly is performed that which was determined. Fourthly, followeth boasting of the wicked act, when he rejoiceth and hath a pleasure in his sins. So in a manner are numbered four generations: but God is so gentle, that in the first and second generation, that is in the first motions, and in deliberation he saith nothing, and winketh at it, but the third and fourth, that is the perpetrating & boasting he punisheth, when a man both doth evil, and glorieth in his sins, and will not repent. Wherefore they say that God revengeth upon the bows and not upon the roots. For man, as they think, if he neither do evil, nor boast of his evil, may be saved, although otherwise he both lusteth, and deliberateth to commit evil. And in that manner they interpret Paul unto Timothe, when he saith that the woman shallbe saved by procreation of children, so that they abide in the faith, etc. that is: The soul shallbe saved, if it work that which is good, although it have evil motions and cogitations.  
This interpretation do not I allow: first because it is Allegorical, 
The impulsions and first motions of the mind are sins.  when as God especially in the law speaketh simply and manifestly: moreover because if the words of God should be applied unto allegories, they should be made utterly uncertain: lastly, because that which is said is not true. For these impulsions, and first motions are sins, because both they are against the law of God, and also they are condemned of Christ, when he saith in the Gospel: He which seeth a woman and lusteth after her, hath committed fornication already in his heart. And he which is angry with his brother, is worthy of judgement. For God doth not so regard the acts, but that he much more hath a respect unto the mind. Moses at the waters of contention sinned grievously, and yet if we diligently weigh that history, we shall find nothing that he committed evil outwardly. But God saw the incredulity of his heart, and took great vengeance of him. Wherefore those motions and deliberations of the mind are not only sins, but also are grievously punished of God. Wherefore let us leave this interpretation, which Jerome also bringeth not as his own.  
But now to make the matter plain, as touching punishments of this life, 
As touching punishments which dure but for a time that no man suffereth which he hath not deserved.  no man can say he suffereth that which he deserveth not: because no man is pure, no not the child that is but a day old: there is none which hath not deserved even death, why then should men say: Our fathers have eaten sour grapes, etc. when as every man shall bear his own burden, either as touching this life, or as touching eternal life? But God doth not always send these evils which dure but for a time, as pains and punishments, 
God doth not always send those evils which dure but for a time as punishments.  but hath very oftentimes a respect unto others ends, as Christ in john answered of the man borne blind: Neither hath this man sinned, nor his parents, that he should be borne blind, but that the glory of God should be made manifest. Also Peter and Paul, when they were put to death, could not complain that they had not deserved death. Although God, when they were killed, had not a respect unto this, to punish them, 
What God regardeth in the martyrdom of his saints.  but that by their blood might be left a testimony of the Gospel of his son. Wherefore seeing the matter is so, and we be all subject unto sins, there is no cause why we should complain, that God dealeth to severely with us, if we be afflicted for the sins of our parents. For God can so direct those troubles, 
The scourges of the children, profit sometimes the parents.  that they shall pertain not only to his glory, but also to the salvation of our parents. For oftentimes he punisheth the parents in the children, and the prince in the people. For the parents are no les grieved for the punishment of their children, then if they themselves were afflicted. If the children die for the parent's cause, they have no wrong done unto them: for death, is also due unto then, & they should otherwise have died. Wherefore if God will so use their death, he may do it justly. 
The grieves of the children are the grieves of the parents.  Which thing also we may affirm of other calamities. For if the son be vexed with sickness, he deserved the sickness: & if he have lost money, them hath he lost things transitory and unstable, and which were given him on that condition, that they mought easily be taken away again. 
God as touching the regenerate turneth punishments into medicines.  Wherefore if god will with these kinds of calamities punish the parents in the children, he can not be accused of injustice.  
Wherefore Augustine in his questions upon josua the 8. question: by original sin (saith he) many punishments are dew unto us, which yet God converteth into certain medicines, and maketh them very much to profit us, although they seem unto us evil. For if the son had lived, peradventure he would have followed the evil steps of his father, or else committed worser things. wherefore if God take him out of this life, he can not complain that he is ill dealt with. For through the benefits of god his death redoundeth to his profit. For he is taken away, least by malice his heart should change. And undoubtedly we must suffer easy evils, to attain unto great good things. For so the Physicians with a bitter purgation trouble the throat, to restore the sick person to his former health. In like manner when we have deserved punishments, God yet turneth them to good. 
By this means discipline is kept in the world.  And by this means (saith Augustine) a certain discipline is established in the world. For unless it were so, men would continually prove worse and worse. A certain conjunction also and society of mankind is declared, when one after this manner is punished for the sin of an other. For they which pertain unto one kingdom or City, or Church, are after a sort one body among themselves. And in the body one member suffereth for an other. Wherefore seeing this is so in the body, it is not absurd, that the same do chance also in the society of men.  

plutarch.  plutarch in his book de Sera numinis vindicta, hath very well taught this: The eye (saith he) is sick, & the vain of the arm is cut, so the father hath sinned, and the son is punished: the prince hath behaved himself ill, and the people is vexed: and such compassion or suffering together is there in things human. That author justly accuseth the rashness of men, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  which as often as these things do chance, do complain that God dealeth cruelly. For the father (saith he) is either good or evil. If the son of a good father be peradventure afflicted with evil, straightway they cry out that God doth unjustly, neither is it meet that the son should be so miserably handled, which had so good a man to his father. But if the father be evil, and the son come into misery, again they make exclamation, that here also god is unjust. For the son ought not to have been punished, when as the father sinned, wherefore the common people think that the son should by no means be afflicted. But what if the father be evil, and yet all things go prosperously with the son? here also they complain (as he saith) of the injustice of god. For they deny it is just that then the son should live prosperously, which hath so evil a father. These things this man, though he were an Ethnic, writeth very godltly.  

Children are certain parts of the parents  Moreover we must consider, that children are as certain parts of the parents, and have somewhat of the parents in them. Wherefore it is not absurd if God punish the part of the parents in the children. But I will return to Augustine, who saith, the god by this means setteleth discipline in the world, in the public, wealth in the Church, and in the family. Whose saying in any judgement can not be discommended: for if the children be punished for the sins of their parents, they have nothing whereof to complain. They own undoubtedly this duty unto their parents: for of them they have that they are. Wherefore if they leave their life for them, they have no wrong done them. For they render unto them that which they received of them. If god should say unto them: I will use your punishment to the salvation of your parents, they can by no right refuse it. john saith: that every one ought so to love his brother, to be ready to lay even his life for him. And if we must give our life for our brother, how much more ought we to give it for our father? God useth sundry instruments, wherewith he draweth men unto him. Why then should he not use either the sickness, or death of the children either for the chastening, or for the salvation of the parents? Augustine in his .8. 
Augustine. The lesser part justly suffereth punishment for the greater.  question upon josuah, which I have oftentimes alleged, sayeth: That it is just, that the lesser part suffer punishment for the greater, as in that history it happened, because of the sacrilege which Achan committed. A few fell in the battle, and the whole multitude was absolved. Hereby we understand how great the anger and vengeance of God would have been, if the whole multitude had sinned, when as the sin of one man was so exceedingly punished. And plutarch in that book, which a little before I brought: This thing (saith he) also the Captains do in their hosts. If there be any thing commonly committed of all, they put the tenth man to death, that by the punishment of a few, the rest may be absolved: and so one is punished for an other man's fault. 
The manner of punishing the tenth soldier.  But GOD, as it is said, doth no man injury: for he which dieth, was subject unto death, and GOD directeth his death to a good end, namely to help other, that is, that by this means, either the parents or the princes may be revoked unto repentance, or to establish discipline. But those things which we have said, can by no means be understand of spiritual and eternal pains. For as touching them every man shall suffer for his own fault.  
Now let us expound the words of the law. I (sayeth he) am a jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the Fathers upon the children, unto the third and fourth generation, of them that hate me. 
Jerome. Augustine.  These last words Jerome upon Ezechiel the .18. chapter diligently noteth. And Augustine upon josua in the question before alleged. Of those, sayeth GOD, which hate me: as though he should have said, I will not touch the innocents, but will take vengeance of their iniquity, which imitate evil Fathers, and hath me. After the same manner he promiseth to do good unto children, and children's children, even unto a thousand generations. But to what children? Even to those, (sayeth he) that love me. Wherefore though the Father be ungodly, and the son good, the iniquity of the father shall nothing hurt him. But if the father be good, and the son wicked, the godliness of the father shall nothing profit him. And therefore Jerome sayeth: He avengeth the iniquity of the Fathers upon the children, not because they had evil parents, but because they imitate their parents. The words themselves do sufficiently declare, that the law is not to be understand of Original sin, but of that sin which they call actual. For than shall the son bear the iniquity of the Father, when he likewise sinneth as did the Father. Also the words of Ezechiel can not be understand of Original sin, as that which followeth easily declareth. Although this sentence, that the soul which sinneth, it shall die, may be understand of Original sin. 
Every man hath in himself his proper original sin.  For every man hath in himself a corrupt nature, and a prones unto evil. Wherefore every man beareth his own sin. For although that vice were by original drawn of the parents: yet now is it made ours.  
But thou wilt say: seeing in the law it is said, Of them which hate me: and infants, for as much as they hate not God, therefore it can not pertain unto them. I answer. That in act in deed they hate not God, but by corruption of nature, and prones unto evil. So a wolf that is at full age devoureth a sheep. A young wolf which is but a whelp doth it not, not because it hath not the nature of the father, but because it is not able. And thus much as touching the words of the law.  
But why it is said unto the third and fourth generation, and not unto the fift and sixth, we have heard what Augustine hath answered. But in my judgement we may say much more commodiously, that the parents may live unto the third and fourth generation. GOD would therefore so punish the Fathers in the third and fourth generation, that by that punishment of their posterity, some feeling might come unto them, they being yet on live, & that they might see the miseries of their nephews & children's children. For this cause the holy Scripture extendeth those generations no farther. When the posterity are evil, and are punished of GOD, there is no doubt but that the parents are punished also in them. chrysostom upon Genesis the. 29. Homely when he interpreteth these words: Cursed be Chanaan, etc. But he sinned not (sayeth he,) but his father Cham. That is true in deed, he answereth: but Cham was a great deal more sharply touched with that curse, then if it had been pronounced against himself. This is the power and fatherly affection, to be more vexed with the afflictions of their children, then with their own. Wherefore Cham did not only see that his son should be evil and subject unto the curse: but also he saw that he himself should be punished in him.  
This now resteth to be declared, why among the Proprietyes of the mercy of GOD, this also was recited before Moses: Visiting the iniquity of the Fathers upon the children, when as this seemeth rather to pertain unto severity. But it is not so, yea rather if we look more narrowly upon the place, we shall understand that it is a point of mercy. For where the sin was first committed, he might strayghtwaye if he would, justly be revenged. But he is so good that he will defer the vengeance unto the third and fourth generation, and in the mean time calleth back the father to repentance, by admonitions of the Prophets, by sermons and benefits, and many other ways. At the last, when the third and fourth generation is come, and he made never a whit the better, he goeth to stripes, and yet he doth not then use affliction, as the last punishment, but rather as a medicine. Who seeth not that all this is a work of great mercy? Wherefore justly and worthily are these words numbered among the proprietyes of mercy. And it can not be denied, but that the Prophets were oftentimes afflicted together with the people. For Ezechiel and Daniel were led away into captivity, and jeremy was cast into prison, and wonderfully vexed in the time of the siege: and afterward going with the hebrews into egypt, he was slain. For God will have the thing in this manner ordered, that good men, may not only rightly govern their own life, but also in suffering things grievous, they may admonish and bring to amendment the evil. For they are conversant together with them in the same public wealth and Church, and are after a sort members of one body.  

It profiteth the just that they are wrapped in the same punishments with the wicked.  Wherefore the good aught thus to think with themselves: If God afflict the evil, we also shallbe vexed together with them: we shall all be wrapped with the self same punishment. Therefore we must see, that we labour for them, in reproving and praying for them: for their salvation being neglected, shall bring evils also unto us. After this sort we must understand Augustine, when he sayeth, that GOD by this means establisheth discipline among men. Because if the people be afflicted for their kings, and the son for the father: then must they labour and travail one for an other. Neither yet do good men so live without sin, that God can find nothing in them to punish. Although the afflictions which happen unto the godly, 
The afflictions of the godly are not properly punishments.  can not as it is said, be properly called afflictions: but rather exercises of faith. For so God trieth their faith, and whatsoever he doth in them, he turneth it to their good. Moreover he will have them to express in themselves their first begotten brother jesus Christ, which suffered in himself other men's sins. For this also is a certain portion of the Cross of Christ, although they are not so innocent, as Christ was: neither serveth their cross any thing to redeem sins. Daniel in his captivity after this manner confessed his sins. We have sinned (saith he) and done unjustly, etc. He said not: They have sinned, but we. And Isaiah sayeth: All our righteousness are as a cloth stained with flowers of a woman. There is in deed in holy men a certain righteousness, but not such a righteousness as they can boast of, before the judgement seat of God. Wherefore if they suffer any thing, they have no just cause to complain.  
But thou, wilt say: Why is it said that God in them punisheth the sins of other men, when as they also sin? We should say rather that he punisheth their sins, and not the sins of their parents. I answer: Because when god hath much and long time waited, that their father should repent, and it nothing profited, and in the mean time it is come unto the third and fourth generation, at the length he poureth out his anger upon the children, which therefore are said to suffer for their fathers, because unless the malice of their fathers had gone before, their affliction might have been deferred till farther time. But now because they have fallen into the third and fourth generation, the consideration of the justice of god will not suffer the punishment to be deferred any longer. And although they themselves also have deserved those evils, yet because they are so corrected in the third and fourth generation, they own that duty unto their parents.  
And so God feareth the parents, that they should temper themselves from wicked acts: and though they will not for gods sake, or for their own, yet at the least for their posterities sake. It also maketh the children afraid to imitate the sins of their fathers, lest the punishment due unto their fathers be required of them. Neither is it unjust that the children suffer something for their father's sake: for by their fathers they receive inheritances, and are above other honoured and exalted. For god did not only make fortunate David, but also for his sake favoured his posterity. For the kingdom persevered in his family the space of .400. years. But as touching eternal life, 
As touching eternal life the children are not punished for the sins of the fathers.  neither shall the father be punished for the sins of the children, nor the children for the sins of the fathers. Howbeit children obtain many spiritual gifts by good fathers. For Paul in his .1. Epist. to the Cor. the .7. chap. saith: Otherwise your children should be unclean: but now they are holy. Wherefore the children have of holy parents, some holiness, and some spiritual gift, as that place teacheth. And on the contrary part, 
Children obtain some spiritual gifts for their parent's sake.  by evil parents many such good gifts are hindered: neither are they heard of God being evil, and not repentant, when they desire spiritual gifts for their children. Yet by the providence of God it oftentimes cometh to pass, 
Evil parents do sometimes hinder their children of god spiritual gifts.  that of good parents are borne naughty children: and of evil, good, as Ezechias a good king, had to his father Achaza a wicked king. And contrariwise the same Ezechias being a very godly prince, begat Manasses a very ungodly and cruel king. The same also might I say of josias. This therefore cometh so to pass, lest wickedness should increase without measure, 
Why good children are borne of evil parents, & evil of good.  if of evil parents should continually be borne evil children. God putteth to his hand, and maketh the son borne of an evil father, a member of Christ. And therewith all he showeth that his goodness can not be hindered by the parents, though they be never so wicked. furthermore evil children, are borne of good parents, that grace should be the better known. And that the goodness of the children should not be attributed unto nature, which they have drawn of their parents. For god will have it known to be his gift, that we are saved.  
This one thing only is to be added unto the foresaid question: 
It is not lawful for men to punish the sins of the parents in the children.  That it is in deed lawful for god (as it is said) to punish in the children the sins of the fathers: but that is utterly unlawful for men to do. For in Deut. the .24. chap. it is commanded: That the fathers should not be punished for the children, nor the children for the parents. Which is to be understand, so that the father consent not unto the son, or the son unto the father. Wherefore Achan if he had been called unto trial and to the judgement seat, he should be the ordinary law have perished alone, and not his children with him. But GOD hath this his proper law, who would have it otherwise done, although sometimes he observeth this also. For in the book of Numbers: the 26. chap. When Core conspired against Moses, he was destroyed: but his children were not together with him extinguished, 
Samuel came of the posterity of Core.  yea rather they were kept for the holy ministry, and of their posterity was Samuel borne. Amasias' the king was praised, who slew the murderers which killed his father, and slew not their children: for he had a regard unto the law of God. The cause of this prohibition Augustine bringeth: 
Augustine.  God (saith he) may punish the son for the father: because although he afflict him in this world, yet he can save him in the world to come. And this can not man do. Farther, god seeth that the children are not innocentes: but man seeth not that. Although the civil laws are herein a great deal more severe, and do punish the children for the father's sake, as it is in the digests, 
In treason the children are punished for the fathers.  and in the Code, ad I. juliam maiestatis: yet they put not the son to death for the father, but deprive him of all his father's goods, dignities, and honours. Howbeit they left some part for the daughters, which part was called Falcidia, to marry them withal. Otherwise the civil laws agree with the law of god. For in the Code de paenis in the law Sancimus, it is commanded that the punishment be not transferred unto other, either to kinsfolks by affinity, or to kinsfolks by blood, but only to be laid upon the author of the crime. And yet as well this law as the other before, were ordained both of the self same emperors Archadius and Honorius. But the cause why it was so severely decreed against treason, seemeth to be this, to fear men away from this kind of wicked crime. Yet the laws of god decree no such thing of that matter: but this by express words they command, not to kill the son for the father. But for goods they ordain nothing. But our adversaries have transferred this civil law of treason unto Heretics. For they do not only punish the father which is an Heretic, but also they deprive his children of all his goods: how justly, I will not now tell. Of these things I have made mention the more largely: because jiphtah was thrust out of his father's inheritance, and thereby seemed to bear the iniquity of his father. Now will I return unto the History.   

3 Then jiphtah fled from his brethren: and dwelled in the land of Tob: and there gathered idle fellows unto jiphtah, and went out with him.  
4 And in process of time the children of Ammon made war with Israel.  
5 And when the Ammonites began to fight with Israel, the Elders of Gilead went to set jiphtah out of the land of Tob.  
6 And they said unto jiphtah: Come and be our captain, that we may fight with the children of Ammon.  
7 jiphtah answered the Elders of Gilead, did not ye hate me, and expel me out of my father's house? and why then come ye now unto me, when ye are vexed.  
8 And the Elders of Gilead said unto jiphtah: Therefore we turn again unto thee now, that thou mayst go with us, and fight against the children of Ammon, and be our head, over all the inhabitants of Gilead.  
9 Then answered jiphtah unto the Elders of Gilead: If ye bring me home again to fight against the children of Ammon, and if the Lord deliver them before me, shall I be your head?  
10 And the Elders of Gilead said unto jiphtah: The Lord hear between us, if we do not according to thy word.  
11 Then jiphtah went with the Elders of Gilead, and the people made him head and captain over them. And jiphtah spoke all his words before the Lord in Mizpah.  
The land whereunto jiphtah fled, was called Tob, 
Why the land● was called Tob.  namely of the name of the possessor thereof, otherwise Tob signifieth good. But here it is the proper name of the Lord of that land.  
Idle men. That is vain. This word signifieth poor men, and such as were oppressed for debt. So also there came unto David, when he fled from Saul, men that were in debt, and heavy of heart.  
And they went out with him. Namely to war against the enemies of the people of God: and they lived of the spoil. For jiphtah being a man banished and driven out of his country, had nothing wherewith to maintain soldiers.  
And the children of Ammon fought. We have told that the Ammonites made war against the Israelites, which is understand to have been after jiphtah departed from his father's house: and when he should go into the land of Tob, he moved war against those Ammonites, and out of their borders took preys and booties. Therefore, when the Gileadites were oppressed, they came unto jiphtah, to bring him home again, and by his conduct to defend the city from their enemies. They desire to have him to be their head: because when they were grievously oppressed of their enemies, they judged it expedient, that there should be one to govern their things. And first they had decreed among themselves, (as we have heard) that he should be their captain, which first should fight against their enemies: but whither they did that by their own judgement and civil reason, or by the oracle of God, the history mentioneth not. But the act or condition which the Gileadites ordained, was fulfilled by jiphtah: for he with a few soldiers assailed his enemies. Therefore they seeing that they were bound to stand to their covenant, came unto jiphtah and chose him captain, because he first of all began the battle against the Ammonites.  
This is worthy to be marked, that the Gileadites call not jiphtah king, 
jiphtah a●oli●ted captain, & not king.  but only captain or ruler. Wherefore they are not to be accused as the Sechemites were. For they did choose Abimelech king, but these men constitute jiphtah captain, to fight against their enemies now for the present time, and also hereafter when opportunity should serve. And undoubtedly they do well and wisely in choosing jiphtah: for he was a man expert and valiant in wars.  
But god had with himself before in secret decreed, that he should be judge over all Israel, which manifestly appeareth by those words which we shall afterward hear: And the spirit of the Lord came upon jiphtah. Farther, we must consider, that jiphtah therefore fled, because his brethren had thrust him out of his father's inheritance, neither left they him any thing to defend his life with all: wherefore he had rather fly, and live in exile, then to live with ignominy in his country. This undoubtedly came of a noble stout courage, that he would not live there, where he continually heard his birth upbraided unto him, and where all men counted him for a bastard. Therefore he got him to an other place, and exercised the art of warfare. It is also possible, that that matter came in controversy, and the judges, to gratify the legitimate brethren, did not only judge that he should be deprived of his father's goods, 
The law commanded not to banish bastards.  but also be thrust out of the city, and seemeth to me very probable. For when the Gileadits came unto him, and of their own accord offered unto him the pryncipalytye, he answered: Did not ye expel me out of the city? These words declare that jiphtah was handled more severely, than the law commanded. For the law commanded not to banish bastards. The Gileadites answer that they did so in deed, but as before they could expel him, so also now it was in their power, to call him home again and make him ruler. But now, saith jiphtah, you call me again when ye are in misery. As though he would have said, otherwise ye would not have called me again. It is so, say they, and therefore we come unto thee, that thou mayst fight against our enemies: because we are afflicted.  
But in that it is written we are turned again, we must not so understand it, as though they had before been with jiphtah, but to turn again, is in this place to be referred unto the mind: as though it should have been said, we have changed our counsel & purpose. Then jiphtah, like a wise man, would not be satisfied with these words, but required the covenants of the principality to be confirmed If I saith he, shall put myself in danger, and god shall give unto me the victory, shall I be your head? He did not straight way give credit to their first words: because he feared lest they would not keep promise, which had before done him such hurt: neither worketh he these things privily with them, but in a place most famous, 
What place Mizpa was.  namely in Mizpa. There in the old time the kings of Chanaan assembled against josua, whom when he had vanquished, & returned with the victory, he built in the same place an altar to the Lord. Wherefore it was a custom from that time, that they which should take war in hand should assemble thither: whereunto this also is to be added, that jiphtah (as we shall afterward understand) dwelled there. He would also have them to swear, that the promises might be the more certain, as by that appeareth which followeth: God hear between me and you. For to swear is nothing else, then to call God for a witness of those things, which either we affirm, or deny.  
But the request of jiphtah is not ambitious. For that vice than hath place, when the office of a magistrate is sought by bribery, 
jiphtah is not guilty or ambition.  deceit, corruption and evil arts. But when a man seeth himself to be called unto it, and that he may profit the pub. wealth, and understandeth that he can obtain the office of a magistrate upon an honest condition, it can not be said that he doth it ambiciouslye. jiphtah is now chosen, to endanger himself for his country, to fight against the enemies of god, 
A comparison between Abimelech and jiphtah.  he useth no bribery nor deceat: Wherefore he is far from ambition. But Abimelech did far otherwise behave himself, he slew his brethren, did violence unto the Sechemites, and took away the holy money.  
But jiphtah although he were reproachfully handled of his own friends, yet he slayeth them not, neither did he sollicyte the Gileadites to create him ruler, only he promiseth that he will go to the battle, so that they would perform that which of their own accord they offered.  

A question, whether these men's doings were lawful.  But here may justly be demanded, how it was lawful for them to give the principality unto jiphtah, or for him to take it upon him, being Mamzer. For the law commanded that no Mamzer should not enter into the congregation of god which was, either to take upon him any sacred ministry, or else the office of a magistrate. Undoubtedly none of the Hebrew, Greek and latin interpreters, that I know of, once marked this doubt. But I think herein may two reasons be alleged. first, although the law seemeth to be violated, yet god, who was the author of the law, would at thime time by this privilege have infringed. And we may understand that they were admonished by an oracle, to choose him prince, which should first set upon the enemies, whatsoever he were. This if they received by the inspiration of god, then were they free from the law: for they might think with themselves, that God made the law for men, and not for himself. This is a singular privilege of god, wherein he commanded that whosoever fought first, should be made the head. jiphtah fought: Wherefore by the covenant and judgement of God, it was necessary that he should be chosen the head. But what if without any oracle they had determined this thing only by judgement among themselves? Sinned they or no in making a bastard their captain? No verily. For this is to be observed in all precepts, 
What is to be done when two precepts for one time are contrary one to an other.  aswell ceremonial as judicial and moral, when two precepts of god do seem to be contrary one to an other, so that the one is a let unto the other, that they cannot both be observed at one time, yea rather it is necessary that the one of them be for that time omitted, then that which shallbe judged to be more weighty and better is to be retained. And yet in the mean time is not that other which is counted of les value violated: because there in is nothing done against the will of god. The law commandeth every man to defend the health of his neighbour, & if a man be magistrate, 
A similitude.  to defend his city by munitions. The same law commandeth not to labour on the Sabaoth day. The enemy beisegeth the city and that on the Sabaoth day, because he knoweth that that law is laid upon the citizens. Here seemeth contrariety of precepts: for on the one part health is to be defended, and on the other part the Sabaoth is to be observed. The Machabites judged it best to fight, because the health of the public wealth seemed greater and of antiquity, 
another similitude.  than the ceremony of the Sabaoth. Also the law is to feed the hungry, and an other law commandeth, that the show bread should be eaten of none, but of the priests only. David being hungry cometh unto the priest, he hath nothing but the show bread: wherefore two contrary precepts come together. But the wise priest followeth and observeth that which is the greater, namely to feed the hungry, and bringeth forth the show bread, and helpeth David. Also there is an other law, 
The three similitude.  that we must minister weapons unto the Magistrate, For he must be helped of his subjects. And it is contrarily ordained that things consecrated unto god shall not be transferred to other uses. David the king's son in law, and his captain which made wars for him, as the chief of his warfare, was then unarmed, the priest had no weapon at hand, but only the sword of Goliath. Here are two precepts which seem contrary, the priest followeth the one, & giveth unto the magistrate the sword, because he judged it better to arm the magistrate, then to observe the ceremony. There is also a law that the church should not be without ministers, so that it should be destitute of them. 
The fourth similitude  And there is an other law in Paul that Neophytus, that is, a man newly entered into Christian religion, should not be made a bishop. The church of Milan was without a bishop, neither could it find a meet bishop, which was both pure from the sect of the Arrians, and there withal had also great authority and doctrine of god. There is none but Ambrose, but he is Neophitus & Catechumenus. 
Ambrose a Neophyte and newly instructed in religion is made a bishop.  Here do two laws meet together, which in show seem contrary: but it was meet that the less law should give place unto the greater. For Christ so taught, when by the sentence of the prophet he said: I will have mercy and not Sacrifice. And yet he doth not say that he will not have sacrifice, but if two precepts meet together, whereof the one is of mercy, and the other of sacrifice, he testifieth that he had rather have mercy then sacrifice. So it seemeth was now done as touching jiphtah, that when two laws urged, the one to defend the city from strangers: and the other that a bastard should not be made a Magistrate, that law was to be observed, which served best for the safety of the city.   

12 Then jiphtah sent messengers unto the king of the children of Ammon, saying: what hast thou to do with me that thou art come against me, to fight in my land?  
13 And the king of the children of Ammon answered unto the messengers of jiphtah: because Israel took my land, when they came from Egipte, from Arnon, even to jaboc, and unto jarden, now therefore restore them with peace.  
14 Yet jiphtah sent messengers again unto the king of the children of Ammon.  
15 And said unto him: Thus saith jiphtah, Israel took not the land of Moab, nor the land of the children of Ammon.  
16 But when Israel came up from Egipte, and walked thorough the wilderness, even to the Sea Suph, than they came to Cades.  
17 And Israel sent messengers unto the king of Edom saying: Let me, I pray thee, go thorough thy land. But the King of Edome would not consent. And also they sent unto the King of Moab, but he would not. Therefore Israel abode in Cades.  
18. Then they went thorough the wilderness, and compassed the Land of Edome, and the Land of Moab, and came by the east side of the Land of Moab, and pitched beyond Arnon: neither came they within the coast of Moab. For Arnon was the border of Moab.  
19 Wherefore Israel sent messengers unto Sihon king of the Ammorhites, and king of Hebron, and Israel said unto him: Let us pass, we pray thee, by thy land into our place.  
20 But Sihon trusted not Israel, to go through his coast, but Sihon gathered together all his people, and pitched in jaaz, and fought against Israel.  
21. And the Lord GOD of Israel gave Sihon and all his people into the hands of Israel, and they smote them: so Israel possessed all the land of the Ammorrhites, the inhabitants of that country.  
22 And they possessed all the coast of the Ammorhites from Arnon even to jaboc, and from the wilderness even unto jordan.  
23 Now therefore the Lord GOD of Israel hath cast out the Ammorhites before his people Israel, and shouldest thou possess it?  
24 wouldst not thou possess that which Chemos thy God giveth thee to possess? So whomsoever the Lord our God driveth out before us, them will we possess.  
25. And art thou now far better than Balac the son of Zippor king of Moab? Did not he strive with Israel? Did not he fight against them?  
26. When Israel dwelt in Hesbon and in her towns, and in Aroer, and in her Towns, and in all the Cities that are by the coasts of Arnon .300. years? Why did ye not then recover them in that space?  
27 Wherefore I have not offended thee: but thou dost me wrong to war against me. The Lord the judge be judge this day between the children of Israel, and the children of Ammon.  
28 Howbeit the king of the children of Ammon hearkened not unto the words of jiphtaph, which he had sent him.  
When jiphtah by his messengers saith unto the king of Ammon: what hast thou to do with me? he useth a phrase very much used of the hebrews. He inquireth the cause, as though he would have said: why invadest thou our lands? what discord or injuries are there between thee and me? The king of the Ammonites answered, that he therefore made war, because the Israelites did him injury, which took away his lands, namely from the borders of Arnon, even to jaboc and jarden. He complaineth that all that coast was taken from him, which was between those rivers. This he pretendeth to be the cause of the war. And he desired that they would restore peaceably, that is, without war, that which they had taken away from him. He seemeth to promise that he will leave of from war, if the Israelites would perform this. jiphtah denieth that the thing is so: We have not taken away (saith he) your land. And bringeth a reason: Because when the Israelites came up out of Egypt, they of their own will sent messengers unto the king of Edom, that they might have leave to pass through his borders: which thing he would not let them do: so far is it of that we did them injury. The people abode in Cades: so much tempered they themselves from violence and weapons. They went on the side of the land of Edom: for the Edomites would not permit Israel, to go strait through the midst of their country. Wherefore my people rather journeyed with great labour, then that they were troublesome unto any man. And pitched beyond Arnon. There were the ends of Moab Wherefore ye can not complain that we did any man injury. Therefore when the Israelites saw that they could not lead their host through the borders of Edom or Moab, they sent unto Sihon king of the Amorhites: But he would not: neither did he only deny them passage through his borders, but also assembled an host, and pursued them. And the battle being joined, God delivered him in to the hands of the Israelites. 
The Israelites possessed the land by the right of war.  Wherefore (saith he) we have done thee no wrong: for this land we possess by the right of war. Sihon assailed us with his power, and the victory fell on our side: wherefore both he, and all his land by the right of war came into our power.  
And the Lord delivered. Wherefore, forasmuch as Israel by the right of war succeeded Sihon, that land which thou desirest, is not thine, but in the old time pertained unto Sihon the king. Therefore when we occupied this land, thou didst not possess it, but the Amorhites.  
Neither do we possess this land by the right of war only, 
They also possessed it by the gift of God.  but also by the gift of God: for the Lord our God, which is Lord of all kingdoms, hath given it to us, and delivered it into our power. This is the second reason that jiptah useth: for by the first he only showeth that those places came unto him by the right of war, without any wrong doing. But some man might say: 
It is well perceived that god gave it because he drove out the Ammonits'.  how knowest thou that God gave thee this land: Because (saith he) he expelled the old inhabiters the Amorhites before us: and wilt thou succeed the Amorhites? as though he would say, by what right? He bringeth an argument a simili, that is from the like. You (saith he) worship the God Chemos, and you think you have your land by his benefit, and ye believe that ye possess it by very good right: So we have received our land, not from an idol as you have, but from the true God, 
Chemos' the god of he Ammonites.  and we retain it by very good right. He calleth not Chemos' god, because he believed that idol to be a god: but speaketh in this manner, because they judged that it was so.  
Art thou better than Balac the son of Zippor? 
They possessed also by the right of prescription.  This is the third reason. We possess it (saith they) not only by the right of war or gift, but also by the right of prescription: for we have had it now in our hands this .300. years, and Balac though he were a mighty Prince, and other also, never required it again: wherefore then dost thou demand it again, especially seeing we have had it so long time? That which we translate, Art thou better? in Hebrew it is Tob tob. For because they want the comparative degree, they use in steed of it a repetition of the positive degree.  

Why Balac fought against the Israelites.  Balac of whom he speaketh, was he which hired Bileam to curse the jews. And when he fought against the Israelites, he did not therefore fight, because he would wrest from them that land: this was only his intent, that they should not enter into his borders.  

Hesbon.  Hesbon was the kingly City of Sihon. There dwelled Israel and in all her towns .300. years, and now at the last demandest thou it again? If a man will count the number of the years even to this time, he shall not fully find .300. years, but only .270. But so use they to do which prescribe any thing by time, to add somewhat above the just number. Although the scripture also is wont in supputations, many times to follow the greater number. And .270. years come near unto .300. years, then to .200. years. And for that cause it seemeth that the number should be put whole.  
Wherefore jiphtah concludeth after this manner: I have not offended thee. Because thou art the occasion of the war, and have showed thee my reasons: now resteth to put the matter in God's hand, he will judge best. This was the message of jiphtah.  

We must first entreat by messengers, before we go to weapons. Titus Livius.  This Oration, as far as it appeareth, pertaineth unto the judicial kind, and entreateth of possession, and the reasons are laid forth. But now let us mark that jiphtah before he moveth battle, sendeth messengers before. That is a custom very laudable: For Titus Livius writeth in his first book, that it was the manner of Rome, that before war was proclaimed against their enemies, messengers were sent to complain of the injuries, and to require again the things taken away. And if by their message they nothing profited, they returned unto the Senate: who understanding the matter, proclaimed war by the public assent. For wise men judged it not best, rashly and suddenly to fall to wars. So jiphtah, though he were a warlike and valiant man, yet would he govern the matter wisely and moderately: For he was not so light brained as many now adays are, who first prepare themselves to battle, and make a bragging, before any man know that there is any war proclaimed. God thus ordained in the .27. chap. of Deut. when thou shalt come to any City, thou shalt first offer peace. So jiphtah assayeth first to compose the matter by words, before he goeth to hand strokes. The king of Ammon allegeth a cause in deed, but it is but a feigned cause: for first it was not the land of Ammon, but of Moab, and the Amorhites drove them out, as the second chap. of Deut. testifieth. For Israel had none of their lands. For God had before said that he would give nothing unto the Israelites, of that which pertained either to the Edomites, or to the Ammonites, or to the Moabites: and when they offered no wrong unto any man, Sihon the king of the Amorhites pursued them with an host, and assayed to destroy them: but God gave the victory, wherein both Sihon was slain, and his kingdom came to the Israelites. Wherefore it can not seem that they did wrong unto the Ammonites: for that land at that time longed to the Amorhites, which they before had taken away from the Moabites.  

Wither the Israelites sent messengers unto the Moabites or no.  But in this place ariseth a doubt: for it is written that the Israelites sent messengers unto the Moabites, and that is not found in the .21. chap. of Numb. The Hebrew interpreters say, that that may be gathered out of the .2. chap. of Deutr. where it is after this sort written: I sent messengers unto Sihon the king of the Amorhites with words of peace, saying: Let us pass through thy land, and we will go by the high way, we will not decline neither to the right hand nor to the left. Sel us meat for money, for to eat, give us water for money to drink. Only, give us leave to pass through, as did the children of Esau, which dwell in Seir, and the Moabites which dwell in Are.  
There are three principal points in this message: 
What were the chief points of I phtahs message.  for first jiphtah answereth that he possesseth this land by the right of war, secondly by gift, & lastly by prescription, I think it good to examine these things singularly and apart.   

¶ Of things which are taken by the right of wars.  
AS touching the first, we learn that it may be, that some thing may be claimed by the right of war, which may be confirmed both by man's laws, and by the laws of God. But I will begin with man's laws. In the Digests de captivis et postliminio reversis in the law Postliminium: 
Postliminium, a law by 〈…〉 we receive again 〈◊〉 ●hich● we lost in wars.  The things that we have lost in war, or in affairs of war, if we afterward recover the same again, we shall possess them by the law Postliminium. For so long as they are not recovered, they are possessed of our enemies. And this right is toward those, which are declared to be enemies. But such were declared to be enemies, against whom the people of Rome publicly proclaimed war, or they which publicly prohibited war against the people of Rome, as it is had in the same title, in the law Hosts. For Pirates or thieves cannot by this means attain to be owners, or possess any thing by the law of war. For war ought to be made, to the end to attain something by the right of war. And in the Digests de acquirendo rerum dominio, in the law Naturale, paragrapho the last. Such things as are taken from enemies, by the common law of all men, agreeing unto natural reason, are straightway made theirs which take them. And thus the laws of man as touching this thing, are very manifest.  
So is it also by the laws of God. Abraham, as it manifestly appeareth in the book of Genesis the .14. chap. made war against the .v. kings, which had led away Lot prisoner. The battle being finished, their pray came into the hands and power of Abraham: which may easily be proved, because of that pray he gave tithes unto Melchisedech. But it had not been lawful for him to have given tithes of an other man's goods: therefore they were his own, of which he gave. Wherefore we must believe that that pray was truly in his possession. For in that he gave it to the king of Sodom, it was of his mere liberality: for he was not thereunto compelled by the law. I could make mention, what things josua, Othoniel, David, Solomon, and many other more possessed by the right of war. For when those Princes had the victory, 
War is a just work to attain possession  the things taken from their enemies, came into their possession. But it is not sufficient to make war, to claim something by the right thereof, but the war also must be just. Because unless it be just, it is not war, but robbery.  
But how shall we know when war is just or unjust? 
Whereby just war is known from unjust. Augustine.  Augustine (as he is alleged in th' .23. Question .2. chap. Notandum) writeth that his war between Sihon and the Israelites was just. For they desired to pass without hurt, through his kingdom, which thing by human fellowship should not have been denied them, especial seeing they had faithfully promised, not to be troublesome to any man. This sentence of Augustine, the Gloser goeth about to defend, and that by civil laws. In the Digests de aqua plwia cohercenda, in the law in summa, in the Paragraphe item varus, something is permitted in an other man's ground, so that it be done without the hurt of the possessor. And in the Code D● Seruitutibus, in the law per agrum, Maximianus and Diocletianus do thus ordain: That no man can prohibit thee to use the common high way. And that thing only did the Israelites desire: wherefore being repulsed, they justly took war in hand. So much saith the Gloser, 
Wither a wa● ought to be given unto an ho●t  whose reason doth not so fully satisfy me. For that which Augustine speaketh of private men, may easily be admitted, and these things which are brought out of the civil law, do seem also to be written concerning private men. But if a man will lead an host through an other man's country, and if they faithfully promise, not to be troublesome, yet, whether a way ought straightway to be granted him, or whether he ought to be believed, it is not certain. They promise (thou wilt say) that their host shall do no harm, but if they stand not to their promises, then shall the land be in their power. Undoubtedly julius caesar would not permit the Heluecians to pass thorough his Province, although they promised, that they would pass without doing injury or hurt. 
The israelites taught justly against Sihon.  But I say that the war which the Israelites made against Sihon, was just, but not therefore because he denied them leave to pass through his country, but because he came out of his borders with his host, and willingly offered wrong unto the Israelites. For every man ought to defend both himself and his against violence. That which Augustine bringeth, hath some show, yet his reason is not firm. For how could Sihon know certainly, whither the Isralites would do him no hurt, especially they being so many in number? For there were six hundred, three score & six thousand armed soldiers, & well appointed to the battle. He might peradventure have permitted them to have passed. and that safely, although not all of them together, but by bands. But seeing the first reason before alleged is sufficient, we must not much labour for Augustine's sake.  

What manner of war is just.  But now I will generally declare, what manner of war is counted just. Such a war is counted just, which is taken in hand at the commandment of the Magistrate, either to demand things again, or else to put away injuries, or to revenge them, as it is had in the .23. question, the .2. chap. justum, and they are the words of Isidorus. 
Isidorus  For first we must beware that war be not taken in hand by the authority of a private man. But the causes wherefore war may justly be made, are these, to require things taken away, or else to repulse injury. Whereunto is agreeable that which Augustine writeth in the same place in the chapter Dominus: 
Augustine.  Just war is that which is taken in hand to revenge injuries. After this manner war is justly proclaimed against Cities, when they will not either render things taken away, or amend those things which of theirs was unjustly done. For if they will not punish the guilty, it is lawful for other to make war against them. So all Israel took war in hand against Benjamin, that a most filthy wicked crime should not remain unpunished. But Augustine addeth, that those wars also do in especial seem just, which are taken in hand by the commandment of God, as are many which were done in the old Testament. For if God command once to make war, we must not seek for any other cause of justice. For God knoweth very well what is to be rendered unto every man. For then both captain and soldiers are not so much to be counted authors of the war, as ministers of God & of his law. And therefore when the people are after this manner called to war, they ought not to neglect the commandment. 
Augustine  Wherefore the same Augustine in his .205. epistle to Bonifacius the Earl, a man of war, which at that time governed Africa under Cesar: Thou oughtest not (saith he) to think, that they which with weapons serve the public wealth, can not please God. This was the proposition, whereof afterward he bringeth reasons. For David saith he, made many wars, and yet was he dearly beloved of God.  
And undoubtedly I could bring forth very many examples out of the old testament. But the Anabaptists cry, that the old Testament pertaineth nothing unto us. I will therefore make mention of those things which Augustine allegeth out of the new Testament. The Centurion came unto Christ, and desired him to heal his servant which was sick: but Christ said he would come to his house. The Centurion said: I am not worthy that thou shouldest come under my roof: but only say the word, & my servant shallbe healed. And other words which are red in the .8. chapter of Matthew. At the last Christ answered, that he found not so much faith in Israel, no not in those which seemed most holy. And the same man was a Centurion, and had soldiers under him: unto whom for all that Christ ascribeth a very good and most excellent faith. In the Acts also of the Apostles, the ten chapter, it is written that Cornelius so lived in warfare, that the Angel testified of him, that his prayers were heard of God. Yea & God also so regarded him, that at Peter's hand he heard the Gospel, was baptized, and received the holy ghost. And the Soldiers when they came unto john, to be baptized of him, as it is in the third chapter of Luke, asked what they should do. john answered, ye shall do violence unto no man: be ye content with your wages. Neither called he them back from warfare, but rather confirmed them, when he commanded them to be content with their wages. The same Augustine against Faustus in his xxii book, and lxxiiii chapter saith: The Lord was tempted of the Herodians, whither it were lawful to give tribute unto Cesar, and he answered: give unto Cesar that which is Caesar's, and the things that are of God, to God. By which words he would signify nothing else, but that tributes are to be given unto Princes. And tributes are given, that Princes should use the sword, defend the right of the public wealth, and make war, when need shall require. Which thing if it had not been lawful, the Lord would never have commanded them to pay tributes unto them.  
But to return to the Epistle of Augustine. In making of just war, saith he, 
What things are to be taken heed of in just wars.  many things are to be taken heed of. For it is not sufficient that the war be just, except also the war be justly handled. Wherefore he admonisheth his Earl: when, saith he, thou puttest on thine armour, remember that thy strength is the gift of God, and determine with thyself not to abuse that gift against God. Yea rather do this, fight for his laws and name, let promises be kept even with enemies, but much more with friends, for whom thou makest war. By which words he reprehendeth those Soldiers, which are more grievous in Cities, than the very enemies, of which we see in our days a great many more than we would, which when they are in their places where they winter, it is wonderful to see how they handle the Citizens, and the men of the country: it is horrible to see what filthy and abominable things they commit. He addeth also the third caution. Think with thyself that war must not be made but for necessity. Wherefore let the mind always be inclined unto peace. Make war, because thou canst not otherwise do: but if thou canst make peace, refuse it not.  
War is taken in hand only to amend things amiss. Yea, and the Apostles afflicted certain, that they might become the better. Paul said unto the Corrinthians, deliver such a one to Satan to the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved. And to Timothe he saith of Hymeneus & Alexander, I have delivered them to Satan, to learn not to curse. So ought they also to restrain Princes, that they may be made better. Augustine also in his xix 
Augustine.  book De civitate dei, saith, that wars though they be never so just, yet unto godly men, they seem both troublesome and grievous: for besides other things which the nature of man escheweth, they shall see the iniquity of their adversaries side, for which they are compelled to fight: and they cannot but be sorry for it. And in the Epistle before alleged: Rage not, saith he, nor wax not insolent against those that submit themselves, but show mercy to those that are overcome. Wherefore Virgil saith: Spare them that submit themselves, 
Virgil.  and destroy the proud.  
Moreover he admonisheth the same Earl, to beware of vices, which are wont to follow hosts, namely of filthy lust, of ravenous pilling, and of drunkenness. For it is a thing most vile for thee therefore to make war, to amend the vices of others, when as thou in the mean time art a great deal more vicious, and much more art overcome both with affections and diseases, than they are which are overcome.  
For in war we reprove not the end, but the desire to hurt, the cruelty of avengement, the outrageousness of rebelling, and the lust of bearing dominion. These things saith he, are condemned. For they, which forsaking such vices do make just war, are the Ministers of God and of the laws. The same father against Faustus Manicheus: This order saith he, is to be kept, that the war be proclaimed, either of God, or of Princes, to break the pride of man, and to came the stubborn.  
Farther, the Soldiers ought to be persuaded, that the war is justly made, and not taken in hand against the word of God: otherwise let them not fight. Neither do I to this end speak these things, because I would have Soldiers to understand the secrets of Princes, but that knowing & wittingly they suffer not themselves to fight against true and just causes. Yet it may be (saith Augustine) that the Prince may make war against his conscience, and yet his Soldiers nothing offend, so long as they obey the ordinary power. For the people must obey their Prince. And in their so doing, it may be doubtful unto them, whether their Prince make war contrary to the commandment of God. But they are excused, so long as they obey their own Prince in a doubtful cause, their own Prince I say, and not a strange Prince. Wherefore those hired Soldiers can not be excused, which having no respect unto the cause, 
Against hired Soldiers.  but only for money and rewards sake do serve strange Princes. Wherefore jiphtah thus reasoned, as touching the first point of his Oration, we have taken the land by the right of war: therefore thou unjustly requirest the same of us.  
The next point is, our God hath given it unto us, which is the Lord and distributer of all things human. He brinketh his argument from the gift of God. 
God is the distributer of kingdoms. Virgil.  And that God might give and distribute kingdoms, the very Ethnic authors also saw. And therefore in Virgil Aeneas doth so often boast, that he by the commandment of God went into Italy, and for that cause would not abide either at Carthage, or in Sicilia, when he mought have obtained either of those kingdoms. 
Augustine  Augustine in his .v. book De civitate dei, the xxviii chap. Of kingdoms saith he, and Provinces it is certain that God distributeth them, both when, and how much, and to whom he will: and that by secret judgements, but not unjust. In the book of Genesis, God promised unto Abraham and his posterity, the land of Chanaan: but he promised it after four hundred years. Now, saith he, I will not give it, for as yet the sins of the Chananites are not full. I will not cast them out now, but I will tarry till their iniquity be come to the highest: afterward I will bring you in. Also in the second chapter of deuteronomy, it is written that the Horites dwelled in mount Seir, which were men expert in wars and very valiant, whom God saith he drove out of those mountains, that the Children of Esau might possess the land. And in the same chapter he testifieth that he did cast out the people of Emim, & gave their kingdoms unto the Ammonites, and drove out Zanzumim out of their places, and placed the Moabites there.  
If thou wilt say, that this was done by God peculiarly against these nacious, because the Edomites had their offspring of Esau, the Ammonites and Moabites of Lot, which was kinsman unto Abraham, and had together with him accomplished most dangerous viages: I answer, the same may be said also in the same place of other nations, which came not of Abrahrm. The Capadocians drove out the Hevites which were the first inhabiters, who going out of Capadocia, 
How regions are said to be divided by lot.  destroyed them, and in their place inhabited those Regions. And in Deuteronomy the xxxii chapter it is written, when God by lot divided the Gentiles, and the people according to the number of the Children of Israel. In that it is said to be done by lot, all that is to be referred unto our understanding, which see not the causes of things. But with God nothing is done by lot. God hath distributed the nations according to the number of the children of Israel. For the Israelites were not yet increased, when God put the people in those Regions, who at the last gave place unto the Israelites when they came.  
Neither ought we to be offended, if by this distribution oftentimes fertile and fat lands happen unto the ungodly. For Augustine in his .4. 
Augustine.  book De civitate dei, the xxxiii chapter, saith: That gifts which dure but for a time, happen both to the just and unjust. For God maketh his sun to shine, both upon the good and the evil, and raineth upon the just and unjust. But by this common benefit the godly have this commodity only, that they understand that these things are not the chiefest gifts which we ought to look for, because these are common both to the good and to the evil. But the godly wait for other more excellent, which are not common to the good and evil. Yea and Danyel saith: The name of the Lord be blessed for ever: for it is he which transferreth kingdoms, and driveth out the first inhabiters, and bringeth in other. Neither doth he only bring men into Provinces, but also setteth Angels to rule over them, as we there read of the Prince of the Persians and Grecians. And he hath not only divided men by lands, but also by tongues and manners. Farther, we must remember that these mutations were not done only at the beginning, but also in the latter times. For the French men possessed Gallia, and the English saxons Britain. but the Britanes being cast out by them, found new places in Gallia by power and violence, and that part which they obtained, they called Britain of themselves. The men of Gallia also of late, going out of their own borders, possessed a great part of Italy. The Huns subdued unto themselves the Pannonites, and called the Country Hungaria. So God distributeth kingdoms, casteth out some, and bringeth in other some, as it seemeth good unto his just judgement, which is secret. For the earth is the Lords, and the fullness thereof. This distribution chanced even from the beginning to the sons of Noah, and afterward to those which builded the Tower of Babel: for God dispersed them throughout the whole world.  
Now I will declare by what means God is wont to give kingdoms. 
God distributeth kingdoms of his mere liberality.  He giveth them of his own liberality, no right compelling him thereunto. That is the true manner of gift, which otherwise is not a gift, unless it be free. And yet nothing letteth, but that God by the duties and obedience of godly men, may be provoked to give. He giveth in deed often times many things unto godly men, but yet of no duty. For there hath been none at any time so godly, that he could desire any thing of God, as his own by right. For he must do his duty, though God give nothing. And yet is a gift a certain reward, which although it be free, and given without any right compelling thereunto, nevertheless, because it is after a sort bestowed upon duties, it hath a show of a reward. So in Ezechiel God gave a gift unto the king of Babylon. Because (saith he) he laboured in the siege of Tire, I will give unto him the land of Egypt.  
There are also amongst men recompenses, 
A gift in way● of reward,  when one office is recompensed with an other office. These also are voluntary, neither can they be demanded by judicial action, and therefore they are counted among gifts. But we have nothing which we can give unto him. 
We have nothing to give unto God.  Wherefore if we attempt to bring any thing unto him, we render unto him his own. And therefore there is no respect of merit to be referred in us toward him. Wherefore God giveth liberally, no law compelling him thereunto.  

Gifts may be revoked.  But it may be demanded, whether such gifts may be revoked? Why should they not? when as the gifts of men also are sometimes revoked, as it is in the Code De revocatione donacionum. First, if they have conditions annexed to them, which have not been performed. And after that manner undoubtedly God gave the land of Chanaan to the Children of Israel, namely that they should worship him, not only in ceremonies, but also in good manners and holiness. But seeing this condition was not performed, God justly revoked his gift, and led them away captive, and gave the land unto the babylonians, Assyrians, Egyptians, and Romans.  
A great ingratitude also of him that is endued with the gift, debilitateth the gift: for if he be so ingrate, that he will be contumelious and reproachful unto the giver, the gift is then revoked. So God in Ezechiel complaineth: I have clothed thee with vestures and garments of sundry colours: thou haste made those proper unto Idols, and haste given them to Baal. Therefore will I take away my garments from thee, 
Gifts of God are without repentance.  and my clothings of sundry colours. etc. But thou wilt say, the gifts and vocation of God are without repentance, as it is written to the Romans. I grant that: but the changing is in us, and not in God. For if we shall continue thankful, and stand to the conditions, the gift should be firm and ratified. Farther, Paul in that sentence spoke of gifts and calling, which come unto men by the eternal predestination of God, and not of those which are given but only for a time. Wherefore seeing God had not for the causes before rehearsed, cast out the Israelites from the land of Chanaan, the gift remained ratified and whole. And jiphtahs' argument drawn of it, hath his strength and sure foundation. Moreover it may also seem that God gave that land unto the Israelites in the name of a dowry: for he would after a sort wed unto himself the Church of the jews, 
The land was given unto the Israelits with out any injury to the Chananites.  and give unto it somewhat for a dowry. And yet gave he not that land unto them, to the injury of the Chananites. For they were ungodly, and defiled with most grievous wicked acts, as it appeareth in the twenty chap. of Numbers. Neither could they complain that they were cast out wrongfully: wherefore jiphtah doth very well make his argument from the gift of God.  
He addeth farther the third argument, derived from prescription: We have now (saith he) possessed this land three hundred years. Therefore thou dost us injury, in requiring it now of us at the last.   

¶ Of Prescription.  

Why the law of prescription was brought in  HEreby we gather that the right of prescription is no new thing, but a thing grafted of God himself in the hearts of men.  
But why it was found out, I will in few words declare. It may be, that a man may possess an other man's thing unwittingly. As for example: There is an heir which succeedeth him that is dead, and among his goods he findeth somethings that were usurped by the former, while he lived, or received for a pledge, which he being ignorant of, possesseth all those things with a good mind. And so being ignorant and unwitting, possesseth an other man's thing as his own. What then? shall the heir never seek for the just possession thereof? If the true owner do never require his thing, ought the ignorant to defraud the heir for ever, that he should never possess again that thing as his own? For if the owner never demand his own thing again, that is to be ascribed unto his own sloth and slouggishe negligence. Wherefore in detestation of such slouggishnes, and in commendation of an upright faith, and lastly for public peace sake, the law of prescription was found out. jiphtah now useth this law against the Ammonites.  
We saith he, have possessed this land this three hundred years. Why then dost thou make this garboil and tumult against us? Except some certain time were appointed, within the space whereof, and not beyond, things might be demanded again, the possession of all things should be uncertain: but from that human things doth wonderfully abhor. Wherefore this evil is remedied by the right of prescription. 
The definition of prescription.  And it is defined in the Digests de usucapionibus, law iii that it is an addiction or claim of dominion by continuation of possession, by the time appointed by the law. The definition is plain and manifest. But in these days they make a difference between prescription and usucapione, when yet in the Digests, and among the old Lawyers they were not separated.  
In the time of Antonius Pius (as I remember) these began first to be separated, so that usucapio taketh place in things movable, 
What difference is between prescription and usucapio.  and prescription in things unmovable. But thus much by the way. But in our history this is to be marked, that jiphtah doth wisely divide his arguments: for he doth not first place the law of prescription, but before all things he objecteth the right of war, afterward the gift of the true God: and his cause being so confirmed, at the last he useth the law of prescription. And that he doth therefore, because a possession continued, doth not by itself and alone prescribe: 
What things are required to the right of prescription.  but it hath need of a good title, and an upright faith. A good title is, that the thing be gotten by right order and lawful manner. For he that hath gotten any thing by theft or rapine, although he have long possessed it, yet it prescribeth not. But if both the title be good, and his faith upright, and continuance of time be added, the prescription is firm and good. If we have gotten any thing, either by buying, or by gift, or by inheritance, or such like ways, the title is good: but farther we have need of an upright faith, whereby we are assured in ourselves, that no man's right is injured, and that we know that there is nothing which may by just means let us. Wherefore jiphtah hath a good title, the right of war, and the gift of God. He possesseth also with an upright faith, because he meaneth neither fraud nor rapine. Wherefore he very well useth the law of prescription.  
But the time of prescription in things movable, 
Of the time of prescription.  is as touching our civil laws three years: but in things unmovable, ten or twenty years, if ignorance happen not. For if the owner know that it is his own thing which is possessed of an other, and he hold his peace so long, he cannot afterward demand it again. And the law seemeth justly to punish such negligence. But if the owner be ignorant, the time is farther prorogued, namely to thirty or forty years. And this is done when ignorance happeneth, and that he possesseth it for himself, and not for an other: otherwise it is no prescription. Howbeit this we must know by the way, that the Ecclesiastical Canons, as touching prescription, do differ from the civil laws. For they, as we have said, do appoint thirty years, though the possessor be of an evil faith. For they determine that evil faith cannot let prescription. But as it is had in the vi De regulis juris, chapter Possessor. A possessor of an evil faith, prescribeth by longnes of tyme. For we should have a respect unto the word of God, and with what conscience a man may possess any thing. These things have I alleged, that we might understand, how jiphtah useth the law of prescription.   

¶ Of Custom.  
NOw because allthings are certain and manifest, I might return unto the history. But yet I think it good somewhat to speak, although briefly, of Custom, because it hath great affinity with prescription, and because our adversaries do stir up great tumults, because of it, and would utterly oppress us with Customs.  

What custom is firm.  Custom (as it is had Extra. de Consuet. chapter the last) ought to be agreeable unto reason, and lawfully prescribed. The civil laws assign unto custom ten or twenty years, the Canons, thirty or forty years. But most firm is that custom, 
Custom against the word of God, is of no force.  the memory of whose beginning is not extant among men. And this aught to be firm, that those things which are against the word of God, do by no means prescribe. Wherefore that which the Papists affirm, namely that the Communion hath been given but under one kind this four hundredth or five hundredth years: because it is manifestly against the word of God, they cannot prove that it is prescribed by custom. For such a thing is not (as you would say) prescriptable. By which self same means they can not bring the custom of the sole life of Ministers, as prescript: for it was at the beginning extort by violence, 
Hostiensis.  and it is against the word of God: although Hostiensis saith, that the power of Custom is so great, that it compelleth Priests to sole life, 
What custom is vicious.  in the distinction xxiii chapter Placuit. But, as the civil laws determine, that Custom is vicious, which either is against nature, or else against the common law. But that which I have affirmed, hath his foundation in the holy Scriptures. For when Christ said unto the Phariseis: Hypocrites, why violate ye the commandment of God, because of your own tradition? For God saith: Honour thy father, and thy mother. But you say: whosoever saith to father or mother: The gift. etc. they might have prescribed unto him custom, but it was not lawful, because it was manifestly against the word of God.  
In the country of Taurus there was a custom, to kill strangers and gests. The Persians had a custom, never to deliberate of weighty matters, but in feasts, and when they were drunk. Among the Sauromates there was a custom, that when they were drinking, they sold their daughters. These prescribe not, when as they are manifestly vicious and evil. But that custom prescribeth, which is neither against the word of God, nor the law of nature, nor the common law. For the right of custom cometh of the approbation, and secret assent of the people. Otherwise, why are we bound unto laws? but because they were made, 
What difference is between a law and a custom. Aristotle.  the people consenting and agreeing unto them? For this is the difference between a custom and a law, because in the one is a secret assent, but in the other an open assent. Wherefore such customs cannot be revoked without danger. Aristotle in Politicis admonisheth, that men which have learned to do sinister things, ought not to be compelled to do things dextere. Wherefore in things indifferent, and of no great value, custom is to be retained. It is an old Proverb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Law and Country. For every region hath certain customs of their own, which cannot easily be changed. But as it is said, when they are against the word of God, or against nature, or the common law, they do not prescribe. For then are they not customs, but beastly cruelties.  
It is very well read in the Digests, De legibus & Senatusconsultis, in the law de quibus: 
Augustine.  Custom without reason, hath no force. And in the decrees, distinction the viii chapter Veritate, Augustine saith: The truth being found out, let custom give place: let no man presume to prefer custom before truth and reason. And in the next Canon, Christ said: I am the way, the truth and the life, he said not, 
Cyprian. Aquarii were they which in the Eucharist, used water in steed of wine.  I am the custom. Cyprian against the * Aquarii. Let all custom, though it be never so ancient, give place unto the truth, otherwise Peter when he was reprehended of Paul to the Galathians, might have claimed custom, but he assented rather, that custom should give place unto the truth. Cyprian in the same Epistle against the Aquarii: Custom (saith he) without truth, is the ancientness of error: and the more it obtaineth, the more grievous it is. Let the Papists therefore cease to brag of their customs, which are altogether full both of error and also of ungodliness.  
Moreover to establish a custom it is not sufficient, that some men do a thing, or that a thing be often done, unless it be so done, that it be received into a use, 
What establisheth custom.  & an institution to be observed. For many things are done either rashly or of necessity, which yet we will not have drawn into a custom. In the digests de Itinere, & actu privato, in the law .1. and last. Grant that I go through the field once, and again, and the third time, because peradventure the high way is so foul, that a man can not pass thorough it. Whither, because I sometimes go and return through thy field, do I therefore get unto myself in it the right of dominion & servitude? No: for I intended not with that mind to go thorough thy field, but because I was of necessity compelled thereunto. In the decrees distinction the .1. chap. Consuetudo: Custom is said to be a certain right, instituted by manners, which is taken for a law, when a law faileth. 
What custom is.  When in the first times of the Church, when tyrants persecuted Christian religion, godly men through fear were compelled to assemble together in houses and caves by night, and in the dark, this assembly was by a certain right & manner then instituted, counted lawful. But if we would, now that the Church is constituted, worship God after the same manner, we should both be derided & laughed at, & also it were not to be suffered. For they used not that manner, to the end they would have it drawn into a custom, or that it should be an institution which other men should follow. Ambrose being Catechumenus, that is, newly converted to the Christian faith, and not baptized, was chosen Bishop of Milan, and Nectarius of Constantinople and peradventure other. Yet is it not lawful for us now to follow the same custom, and to elect a Bishop, which neither hath seen sacred services, nor hath been washed with the water of Baptism. But they did so. They did so in deed, but compelled by necessity: because they had no other, which were both learned & endued with authority, whom they might oppose against the Arrians.  
So is that easily confuted, 
An answer to an example of Eusebius.  which they are wont to bring out of the History of Eusebius, for the communicating under one kind, that Serapion sent a child, and commanded the bread to be dipped in the wine. I could in deed expound that place otherwise: but at this time it shallbe sufficient to say, that that was not therefore so done then, thereby to bring in a custom which should be imitated of others. Wherefore custom is not made by examples, but by the assent, approbation, and institution of the people. Otherwise there are in many places drunkenness and night robbynges. But these things, because they are not allowed of the people, as institutions to be observed, have not the power of a custom.  
And that the thing may the better be understand, 
another definition of custom. Hostiensis.  I will bring a definition of custom, which I found in Hostiensis, in the title de Consuetudine. It is an use (saith he) agreeing with reason, allowed by the common institution of them that use it, whose beginning is time out of mind, or which is by a just time prescribed and confirmed, so that it is by no contrary act interrupted, but allowed with contradictory judgement. This is (as he thinketh) a full definition. But in that he saith: That that use aught to be agreeing with reason, it is not sufficient, but first it is to be said, that it ought to agree with the word of God, for that is to be counted for the chiefest reason. Afterward, it must be allowed by the institution of the people: for as much as it is not sufficient, that it be done either rashly, or of necessity, or for some other cause, but it ought also to be allowed by the assent and institution of the people, and of whose beginning there is no mention, or that it is prescribed by a just time, and appointed by the laws, neither is interrupted by any contrary action. For if the judge or prince shall give judgement against it, the custom is broken, as it also happeneth in prescription, when a man is cast out of his possession, or the matter is called into law, & the matter is in plead, the prescription is broken. Also the allowing of the contradictory judgement ought to be had, that is, that when one part allegeth the custom, and an other part denieth it, if it be pronounced on the custom side, that doth confirm it. But all these things, as I have before said must be revoked unto the rule of the word of God.  

A custom that is burdenous to the Church is not to be suffered. Augustine.  Now this only is to be added, which is had, Extra de Consuet. chap. 1. that a custom can not be suffered, if it be burdenous to the Church. Augustine also complained, that in his time were so many new ceremonies & rites brought in, that the Church was grievously burdened, and the state of Christians, at the time was nothing at all more tolerable then in the old time the state of the jews was. That also we lay against our adversaries: that the Church should not be burdened. This is their own law. Why do they not acknowledge their own words? These things have I therefore mentioned that we might understand how firm an argument jiphtah used of Prescription, namely that the Israelites possessed that land .300. years: which is much more firm and of greater force, then if they had possessed it but .30. or .40. years. Now let us go to the other part of the chap. wherein jyphtahs' victory against the Ammonites is described.   

29 Then the spirit of the Lord came upon jiphtah: and he passed over to Gilead, & to Manasseh, he passed over also Mizpa Gilead, & from Mizpa Gilead he went to the children of Ammon.  
30 And jiphtah vowed a vow unto the Lord, and said: If thou shalt deliver the children of Ammon into mine hand.  
31 Then that thing that cometh out of the doors of my house to meet me, when I return in peace from the children of Ammon, shall be the Lords, or I will offer it for a  offering.  
32 And so jiphtah went unto the children of Ammon, to fight against them, and the Lord delivered them into his hands.  
33 And he smote them from Aroer, even till thou come to Minnith, twenty Cities, and even to Abel, a very great region of vineyards: Thus the children of Ammon were humbled before the children of Israel.  

Two Mizpas  Mizpa Gilead, is an other City, differing from that Mizpa which lay in the tribe of judah. The spirit of the Lord, which is said to have come upon jiphtah, was the spirit of strength. For there are sundry gifts of the spirit, as of Wisdom, of Understanding of Counsel, etc. Among which, also is reckoned the spirit of strength. Wherefore the Lord gave unto jiphtah this spirit, that is, all warlike might, as well of the mind as of the body, that he might valiantly execute that war. But we know that those gifts, which in schools are called gratuita that is free gifts, 
Fre gifts justify not.  do not justify: for they happen as well to the evil as to the good. But the spirit of god is three manner of ways in men. First, in that he is god: for so he is infinite, & is every where. Secondly he is in men by free gifts, namely of miracles, 
The holy ghost is thr●● manner of ways in men  wisdom, strength, etc. And these two ways he is as well in the evil as in the good. But the third way he is men by sanctification, and renovation. And this dwelling of the spirit of God is to be wished for of all the godly. God had before ordained jiphtah to he head over all the people of Israel: but that was unknown unto the people. And the Gileadites when they made jiphtah their captain, thought nothing of a judge which should govern all Israel. Here God showeth his judgement, when he inspired him with the gift of strength, that all men might understand that God had chosen him to be captain. Neither yet do I thus say, that jiphtah had the spirit of strength, as though he had not also the spirit of sanctification, for as much as he might have both. But being moved with this spirit of strength, he went out with a great courage, and finished the thing valiantly. 
Captains w●r wont to vow.  But before he went to handstrokes, he vowed a vow unto god, as the History declareth. It was the manner of Captains, that when they should make any great war, they vowed something to God, so that they got the victory. In Levi we read oftentimes, that the Roman Captains vowed rich spoils, prays, temples, and such like, either unto jupiter, or unto Apollo, or to other Gods. So the people of god (as it is written in the book of Numbers:) when king Adar invaded them, they vowed to make his land Cherem. Now also jiphtah voweth: but his vow is confused, and defineth no certain thing.  
What soever (saith he) shall come forth, that shallbe the Lords, and shallbe sacrificed. There are some expositors, which think this letter Vau otherwise a copulative, to make in this place a disjunction: as though he should have said: Either it shallbe sacrified unto the Lord, if it be of that kind, that it may be sacrificed: or if it be not, yet it shallbe the Lords, that is, it shallbe dedicated unto the Lord. And in deed D. Kimhi is of that opinion. 
Kimhi.  The like manner of speaking is there in these words: If a man strike father and mother, he shall die the death: for there also Vau is a disjunctive. And the meaning is. If a man strike either father or mother, etc. Herein what I think I do not declare, I will afterward entreat more largely of this matter. It is not gathered by these words, 
jiphtah vowed not by the inspiration of the holy ghost.  the jiphtah made this vow by the inspiration of the holy ghost. The spirit in deed moved him, valiantly to achieve the enterprise, yet we read not that it moved him, to make a vow.  
The Latin translation hath: That which shall first come forth, but the word first is not in the Hebrew, but must needs be understand: otherwise he had bound all things that should come forth of his house. But as I have said it is an ambigous & confused vow. For what if such a thing should have met him as might neither have been sacrificed, nor dedicated to the Lord? What if a dog had met jiphtah at his return, as it is a loving beast, and oftentimes meeteth his Lord returning home. But it is an unclean beast, neither may it be sacrificed, nor redeemed with any price. It is wonderful that so great a Captain was so ignorant of the law of God, that he vowed not more distinctly. It may be said that the Israelites had so long time worshipped Baal under the Ammonites, and other nations, that they had forgotten the worshipping of the true God. But especially jiphtah which was both a bastard, and a banished man, and also a man of war, which kind of men do not so much think upon the laws. Wherefore he voweth, but not according to the prescript of the law. 
It was lawful to vow men also unto God.  But we must know that it was lawful for the jews to vow men also unto GOD, and to dedicate them unto him. Yea and the redemption of man is seized in the law by the variety of kind and age. Hanna the mother of Samuel dedicated him from a child to the divine worshipping, and it is very likely that Helkana her husband allowed the vow.  
But that which Interpreters say of the virginity of the daughter of jiphtah, it cannot be gathered by the words of the history. Yea rather it is not true: although some Rabines were of that opinion, but yet without example and testimony of the word of God, I know that that Hanna, of whom Luke maketh mention, was daily in prayers, and other women for prayers sake, watched continually at the Tabernacle, and that the sons of Hely accompanied with divers of them, but the scripture testifieth not of any that vowed chastity, neither did God in the old Testament ever speak any thing of this kind of vow. Wherefore this sentence: And I will offer it for a  offering, is an interpretation, for it expoundeth and contracteth the first part of the Oration: It shallbe the Lords. How shall it be the Lords? He declareth how, when he addeth: And I will offer it for a  offering. Other make Vau a disjunctive, 
The vow of jiphtah was unwarly made  as I have before touched. But that is not certain. Neither is the vow therefore excused, but that it was unwarely made. For there mought easily have met him a dog (as I before admonished) which could neither be sacrificed unto GOD, nor dedicated unto him.  
He went forth and smote. The victory is not here only described, but also amplified, namely that there fell many in that battle, and that he overthrew twenty Cities, and subdued under him the Ammonites.   

34 Then jiphtah coming to Mizpa to his house, behold his daughter came out to meet him with timbrels and dances which was his only child, and of himself he had neither other son nor other daughter.  
35 And when he saw her, he rend his garments and said: Alas, Alas my daughter, thou hast brought me low, and thou art among them that trouble me. For I have opened my mouth unto the Lord and can not go back.  
36 And she answered him: My father, if thou hast opened thy mouth unto the Lord, do unto me as thou hast promised, seeing that the Lord hath avenged thee of thine enemies the children of Ammon.  
37 And she said more over unto her father. Do thus much for me: suffer me two months, that I may go down to the mountains and bewail my virginity, I and my friends.  
38 And he said. Go: And he sent her away two months. So she went with her friends, and lamented her virginity upon the mountains.  
39 But after the end of two months she returned to her father, who did to her according to the vow, which he had vowed. Wherefore she had known no man, and it was a custom in Israel.  
40 The daughters of Israel went from time to time to lament the daughter of jiphtah the Gileadite, four days in a year.  
When he had gotten the victory against his enemies, he returned home to Mizpa: for there he dwelled. And therefore we heard before how he made the covenant with the Gileadites before the Lord in Mizpa. Here let us note with how great a moderation godly princes in those times made wars, they prolonged them no longer than necessity required, but as soon as their enemies were tamed, they straightway returned home. So also the dictator among the Romans, his enemies being vanquished and all things accomplished according to his mind, he strait way forsook his office of a Magistrate. jiphtah is said not to have had other children of himself: because peradventure he had by his wife children in law. Yea and he might have children which were adopted. Of himself he had begotten only this daughter. And this is put in, that we might understand how heard and bitter it was unto him, to slay his only daughter. 
Things nobly done of princes were publicly song.  She went out to meet her father by the way with tyrants and dances, to rejoice for his victory, and to sing a song of victory, for so were the things that were nobly done by princes wont to be celebrated with dances and songs. The maiden also when Saul returned, came and met him with rejoicing. And undoubtedly such rejoicings were nothing else then public giving of thanks.  
In that it is said, thou hast brought me low, In Hebrew it is expressed by this verb Caraa: as though it should have been said, thou hast thrust me done or thou hast humbled me: of late I was puffed up with the victory which I obtained against mine enemies, but thou hast thrust me down, yea rather thou hast utterly destroyed me and brought me to nothing, for as much as my posterity is undone, mine enemies did grievously vex me: and now thou my daughter also art one of them which trouble and afflict me.  
I have opened my mouth. This is a circumscription or description of the vow. He tore his garments, after the manner of the hebrews, when they saw that they were overwhelmed with any grievous calamity unlooked for, 
What the fearing of garments signifieth.  they tore their garments, signifying that they were now subject unto the anger of God, and not worthy to be covered with garments. I have opened my mouth (saith he.) The law of God in the book of Numbers, the .30. chapter entreating of Vows, useth such a form of speaking, whereby might be understand, 
What to open the mouth in vowing signifieth.  that the vow was conceived, not only in mind and purpose, but also outwardly expressed by words. Wherefore they were called calves of the lips, which a man had promised to God, not only in mind, but also in voice. And I can not go back (sayeth he.) It is marvelous why he should say so. For in the last chapter of Leviticus are many things written of the redeeming of vows, which I will thus gather into a few. If any had vowed a man, it was lawful to redeem him with a price, and there was an estimation set. And therefore it was called the vow of estimation. For they vowed either themselves, or their servants, or their children, and it was lawful for every man to vow them which he had in his power. From twenty years upward to sixty, they paid for the male fifty sickles, for the female .30. From five years upward to twenty, for the male they paid twenty sickles, and for the female ten. If a man had vowed a house unto GOD, and would redeem it, the house was esteemed, and the redeemer added the fifth part besides the price. If a man had vowed a field, the estimation was taken of the seed thereof, an Homer of Barley was esteemed at fifty sickles of Silver. And how much nearer the year of jubilee was, so much the more was there abated of the price. A clean beast being once vowed aught utterly to be sacrificed, neither mought it be redeemed: but if it had been unclean, it might have been redeemed.  
Wherefore seeing GOD did so diligently provide for the redeeming of vows, how doth jiphtah say, that his vow can not be revoked? This may be answered two ways. first it might be, that jiphtah as he was a man of war, so was he ignorant of this manner of redeeming of vows. 
Note the two manner of vows.  another way it may be answered, that he promised not the vow of estimation, but Cherem, that is a curse. And this kind of vow never returned to his owner, neither could it be converted to a profane use. 
Two kinds of the vow Cherem.  A field after this manner dedicated, was always appointed for the tabernacle: yea and asses and horses served the Lord, neither could they be redeemed. So if a man had vowed to be a Nazarite all his life time, he was never redeemed: although that were not in use. And unto this kind of vow pertained, if a man had made himself Cherem, because he never returned into liberty. With such a vow was the City of jericho bound, neither was it lawful for the jews to touch any of the things that were without life, pertaining to the City which were under this vow. Therefore Achan sinned most grievously, which took to himself some part thereof. But there was an other kind of Cherem, which was not vowed but vowed to the death unto the Lord, and what soever was after this manner vowed unto the Lord, the same aught without redemption to be slain: so were the Amalekites vowed, and Saul most bitterly reprehended, because he had spared Agag their king, and saved some of their oxen on live. Wherefore it may be that jiphtah vowed, that whatsoever thing met him first out of his house when he returned, should be slain. But he was very much deceived: for this kind of vow had not place, but in wicked men, and such as were declared to be the enemies of God: therefore he was not bound by this law of vows to slay his daughter. Wherefore in that he sayeth, I can not call back, if we understand it generally of vows, it is not true, because it was lawful to redeem them, but if we have a respect unto Cherem, the person vowed aught to be slain, if the vow had been of force: which thing could not have place in this maiden, because she was not declared to be the enemy of God.  
My father, If thou hast opened thy mouth. The godliness and obedience of this daughter is very much commended: she obeyeth her father, and confirmeth the vow. Do (saith she) as thou hast promised. For this was a great obedience, and therefore she is praised of the fathers, 
Augustine. Ambrose.  Augustine I say and Ambrose. She mought have justly not obeyed, seeing her father had vowed so rashly, but it easily appeareth, what she had a respect unto, for it is added: Seeing the Lord hath avenged thee of thine enemies. She had a regard only to the glory of GOD, as though she should have said:  the Lord hath given thee the victory over thine enemies, it is not grievous to me to die. And God, seeing he hath heard thee, seemeth to have allowed the vow.  
But here ariseth a doubt: Why God heard this vow, when as it was unadvisedly vowed. I answer. I doubt not but that God gave the victory: but that it was given for the vow, it is not found by the words of the History: otherwise we should be compelled to allow this vow. The daughter doth in deed obey the father, but in the mean time she requireth a little space, namely of two months, that she might together with her fellow virgins comfort herself, and bewail her virginity. But how is it said: That she would descend to the mountains? For we go up to mountains, & not go down. Peradventure jiphtahs' house was situate upon a mountain, and the maiden desired leave to descend to the little hills under it: or peradventure she asked leave to go to an other mountain, unto which she should go by a valley, and so we must understand that she first descended, 
What was the bewailing of virginity.  and then afterward ascended. She bewailed her virginity. Because that seemed a heavy and lamentable thing, that a virgin should die, leaving no children behind her. For it was a certain curse, if any died without children. God had at the beginning commanded men to multiply and fill the earth. Farther, the hebrews endeavoured to augment the holy public wealth. They hoped also that Messiah should be borne of their stock.  

Ambrose. Two friends of Pythagoras school.  She returned at the time appointed. Ambrose saith: That those two Pithagorians were much to be praised, of which the one gave himself for a pledge for his fellow, which was condemned to death: and the other for his friends sake faithfully returned to death at the time appointed: but much more is this maid to be commended, which after two months returned to her father, to be slain, because she seemed to do that only of a zeal to godliness, and the worshipping of God.  
And it was a custom in Israel. The Hebrew word is Choke and it signifieth a law not written, but a custom unwritten.  
From time to tyme. That is from year to year: for it was a certain yearly assembly. This Hebrew word Littenoth signifieth to speak, to mourn, and to comfort. The daughters of Israel went every year and bewailed, and seemed to lament, because that maiden was slain: for they would not have so great a thing to be put in oblivion. And peradventure they did it to admonish the parents, not to bind themselves hereafter with such a vow.   

¶ Of the Vow of jiphtah.  

Whether jiphtah sinned in vowing.  HEre seemeth to be demanded, whether jiphtah sinned in so vowing, and in fulfilling his vow. It is a heard question, because it pertaineth not to the law, but to the act. We know that in those times it was lawful to vow, but what is to be thought of this act, nothing can be gathered by the words. It is possible that he so vowed by the inspiration of GOD, which being a singular example, ought not to be driven into imitation. As there are very many of this kind in the holy Scriptures. There are which contend that jiphtah did not in very deed offer his daughter, but only punished her with civil death, namely in separating her from the common conversation, so that she lived only to god, giving herself to prayers only, and living a part from other men. And they seem to affirm that the vow was Cheren, but not such, that the maiden should be bounds to be killed: but that she should live dedicated to God, and should continually give herself to the worshipping of god. And even as a field or house vowed with this vow Cherem, could not be revoked unto the first owner: so say they, this maiden being once dedicated unto the Lord, could not return to her old estate.  
David Kimhi in defending this sentence bringeth these reasons. First he weigheth the words of jiphtah, what soever cometh out of my house, shallbe the Lords, & I will offer it for a  offering. This letter Vau being a conjunction copulative, as we have before said, he thinketh to make a proposition disjunctive: as if it should have been said: If it be such a thing as may be sacrificed, it shallbe sacrificed: but if otherwise, it shallbe the Lords, & it shallbe dedicated unto him. Farther he saith that the maiden desired space, to bewail her virginity: neither is it written to bewail her soul or life. Wherefore it seemeth that she bewailed this only, that she should want a husband & children. But if she should have been offered up, she ought chief to have lamented for her life. Lastly saith he that the very words of the history declare this thing. For it is not said the jiphtah sacrificed her: but did according to his vow. If he had killed her, it should have been written, And he offered her a  offering to the Lord. Of the same opinion is R. L. been Gerson, & he addeth, 
R.L. been Gerson.  that it is written in the text, And she knew no man. As though hereby might be understand, what kind of sacrifice that was. And he thinketh the jiphtah builded a house for her, where she should live alone, & he permitted her fellow virgins once in a year to go and see her, and bewail her virginity together with her. And afterward he addeth that a man so dedicated, ought not to live without a wife, because the man is not subject unto the wife. Samuel, although he were dedicated unto the Lord by the decree of his mother, yet had he wife and children. But a woman being so dedicated could not marry: because it was necessary that she should serve her husband, and if he removed any whether, she should go together with him. And therefore it is written, that jiphtah did unto her according unto his vow, and she knew no man.  
The same sentence Lyranus embraceth, 
Lyra.  and there are of the new writers which are of great learning, which do follow this interpretation. But Lyranus pondereth these words. And the spirit of the Lord came upon him, and he saith. That that spirit would not have suffered jiphtah to commit this murder. Farther he writeth, that there were two months space given, so that he mought ask counsel of the Priests. But it is, not very likely, that he asked not then Counsel of so weighty a matter, or that they told him not that he might have redeemed his vow. Neither is it probable that this jiphtah constituted any thing rashly. when as the Epistle to the hebrews calleth him holy. If thou wilt say: He did unto her as he had vowed, but he had vowed a Sacrifice, and to offer what soever met him, they will answer: He vowed in deed, but upon this condition, so that it were lawful. But when his daughter met him, either he learned, or else he understood that it was not lawful. Wherefore if he had killed her, he had not accomplished his vow, but should have contaminated himself. But on the contrary part it seemeth wonderful that he was so abashed, and rent his garments, if the maiden should not have been offered up. Farther, what should the virgins have lamented her? For if she should not have been slain, there seemed no just cause of mourning. Moreover if her virginity should have been offered unto GOD, it should have been given with a willing mind and not with an unwilling mind: 
What is chief regarded in vows.  and in rendering vows this thing was chiefly regarded, to render them willingly and with a chierefull mind. Besides these things, jiphtah had no example in the scriptures, that it was lawful for the father to bind his daughter by a vow, to keep her virginity: but God contraryly promiseth abundance of children unto the observers of the law, in Deuteronomy the .7. and Exodus the .23. Wherefore that which God promised in the place of a great benefit, the same could not be hindered by a vow. furthermore, the arguments of the Rabines are cold and weak, as afterward shallbe more abundantly declared.  
Paul in his .1. Epistle to the Corinthians the .7. chapter writeth: If the father shall determine firmly in his heart, having power over his own will, to keep his virgin unmarried, he doth well, etc. Why writeth he having power over his own will? If the maiden herself will, the father may keep her unmarried, so that she consent. But jiphtah knew nothing of the will of his daughter, when he vowed, wherefore he ought not to think his vow to be ratified, when his daughter met him. And if this kind of vow was not firm in the new testament, it was of much les value in the old Testament, where the vow of virginity was not known. But of this thing I have spoken more in my little book of Vows.  
There were other which thought that jiphtah did in very deed offer the maiden, which in these times ought not to seem so new and unaccustomed a thing. For God required of Abraham to offer his son, and such a vow was thought of many to be most acceptable unto God, and that opinion also did spread abroad among the ethnics wherefore, this sentence is often spoken: Thou hast assuaged the winds with blood, & with the virgin slain. There are works of poets which make mention of Polyxena & Iphigenia: & also Histories of the Curtians and Decians. And undoubtedly with this exposition agreeth the Chaldey Paraphrast, which among the hebrews is in a manner in the same estimation and authority that the holy scriptures are in. That Paraphrast saith, that the maiden was immolated: & reproveth jiphtah, because he asked not counsel of the high priest. And the same thing do all the ancient Rabines think, which also reprehend the high priest, because he of his own accord went not unto jiphtah. josephus also is of their opinion. 
josephus. chrysostom. Jerome.  chrysostom also writeth many things of this matter, but altogether far from the History: he followeth allegories, so that in a manner no certainty can be gathered out of him. But Jerome writeth against himself. In his Epistle to julianus, he saith that jiphtah was numbered among the saints, because he offered his daughter. But in his .1. book against iovinianus he writeth, after the mind of the hebrews, that because he made an evil vow by the dispensation of god, he felt his error in the death of his daughter. For there mought have met him either a dog, or an ass, which had hen wicked to have offered: and so in one place he praiseth that, which in an other place he dispraiseth.  

Ambrose.  Ambrose in his .3. book de Virginitate saith, that the maiden was in very deed immolated, & he writeth the jiphtah vowed not before the battle, but in the fight, & in the very conflict, when things were doubtful. And he addeth: I do not allow the murder, but I see a laudable fear, that he would not violate his promise that he had made. And he saith moreover, that this act is to be conferred with the work of Abraham. For Abraham, when he was about to kill his son, the Lord cried out unto him: Now I know, that thou lovest me. And he concludeth, that after the same manner may jiphtah be praised, because he showed by his example, that the oracle of god, wherein he commanded the vows should be performed, was to be preferred before children, although the only begotten child should be killed. But he demandeth, whether God have a respect unto persons, which letted Abraham, that he should not offer up his son, but with stood not jiphtah. He denieth the God accepteth persons, but it behoved (saith he) to declare unto Abraham, that he delighted not in human sacrifices. Afterward succeeded the law, which in Deut. & Levi. prohibited the immolation of children. Wherefore the will of god was already declared both in Abraham, & in the law, wherefore there needed no new oracle, or new prohibition. furthermore, he noted that in jiphtah was not that perfection which was in Abraham. For Abraham wept not, tore not his garments, deferred not two months, but straightway went, and Isaac followed him. Therefore it is no marvel (saith he) if God prohibited not jiphtah, for so much as he would punish his long tarrying.  
And in his third book de officiis the .12. chapter, he writeth: I will never be persuaded but that jiphtah vowed unadvisedly, for so much as he afterward repent. And he addeth that in deed he alloweth not the act, but he sayeth that in a godly fear he fulfilled his vow, but in such sort, that he appointed his posterity to lament it. He sayeth farther, I can not accuse the man, because it was necessary for him to pay that which he had vowed, but it is a miserable necessity (sayeth he) which is paid with parricide: and it is better not to vow, that thing which he will not, unto whom thou vowest. And straight way he saith: All promises are not to be kept: for even god also sometimes changeth his will. By which words he alludeth unto the place which is written in Numbers the .14. chapter, of the prayers of Moses.  
Wherefore Ambrose is utterly of that sentence, to think that the maiden was offered: and for that cause (as I have said) preferreth her before the two Pithagorians. And of her he sayeth in his exhortation to virgins: She paid with her blood the unadvised vow of her father. And upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians the .15. chapter he saith: In a thing which could not be acceptable, he was found faithful, offering his daughter, as he had foolishly vowed. And again. The act is not allowed, but the perseverance of faith is worthy to be brought forth for an example to follow.  
But these words of Ambrose are not so lightly to be passed over: 
What things are to be noted in the words of Ambrose.  for they can not be simply allowed, and as they be spoken of him. Yet have I brought them, to show that he thought that the maiden was offered in very deed. But in his words this first I mark, that he affirmeth a certain godly fear to be in jiphtah, whereby he was led to perform his vow: and that children were not to be preferred before Religion: thirdly that jiphtah was found faithful in that thing, which could not be acceptable unto God. Lastly that his perseverance of faith is brought forth for an example to follow.  
As touching the first, I know not, how that may seem a godly fear, which driveth a man to parricide: for he calleth that killing parricide, 
Godly fear driveth not a man to commit parricide.  and that three or four times. There are in deed affections in us which are grafted by god, but yet to virtues, and to do well. A fear, to eschew sins. An anger, to punish wicked acts, etc. Wherefore fear, when it is applied unto virtue, may be called godly: but if it serve for vice, it can not seem godly, yea rather, 
What affections are to be counted godly.  it hath a certain manner of ungodliness. Otherwise the endeavour of Idolaters might be praised: for we see them diligently labour to worship god, but because they apply not themselves to the sincere worshipping of God, their endeavour can not be called godly. So when that fear of jiphtah drove him to commit parricide, how could it be godly? If thou wilt say that by parricide he understandeth not the sin, or the wicked act, but the immolation of his daughter: I will demand, why he saith that he alloweth not the act? undoubtedly if he can not allow it, then perceiveth he that it is sin.  
But in that he saith: That the love of children is les to be esteemed them Religion. That is true: but that was no religion, but a foolish unadvised, and rash vow. Neither is the love of children to be les esteemed than such religion.  
Thirdly he sayeth, that he was found faithful. But what fidelity is there in that thing, which could not be acceptable to God? If my servant should do that which I had forbidden him, can he therein seem faithful?  
But in that he calleth the unchangeable mind of jiphtah constancy, in my judgement he erreth, when as rather it was wilfulness, whereby he would needs fulfil that which he had unadvisedly vowed: neither can perseverance in an evil thing be called constancy. He attributeth unto him a fear, which also he calleth a godly fear, and yet afterward he saith that he repented. If he repented him, he did against his conscience: but no man ought to do any thing against it. For what is not of faith, is sin. Farther, if he repented, why amended he not his fault? For if any thing had been done rashly, that aught to have been amended. If GOD (as he sayeth) do sometimes change his sentence, why then is it not lawful for us to change a sentence that is not right? afterward he saith: he can not but praise jiphtah. But what will he praise? An uncircumspect vow? But that ought rather to be reprehended. What, will he praise the performance of the vow? But that he calleth parricide, neither can that be praised. I say therefore that Ambrose affirmeth, that the maiden was in very deed immolated: and yet are not all his words to be allowed.  

Augustine.  Let us hear now what Augustine sayeth of this thing. In his question 29. upon this book he writeth that out of this place, the enemies of the old Testament, snatch occasion to speak evil of GOD the creator of the world. For they called him both an evil GOD, and a cruel. Such were the Manichees, Valentinians, Marcionites, and such like pestilences. When he delighteth (say they) in the blood of man, how can he not but be cruel? Augustine answereth: 
God rejoiceth not in blood.  So far is it of that GOD rejoiceth in the blood of man, that he rejoiceth not even in the blood of beasts: only he suffered for a time that sacrifices of beasts should be offered, by little and little to instruct men. But what the Sacrifices of the Elders signified, which served to their erudition in that place, 
What the sacrifices of the Elders signified.  he declareth not, but I will in few words show it. First was set forth in those Sacrifices, that the reward of sin is death. And that did he after a sort testify, which brought the Sacrifice, namely that he had deserved to be killed, but by the goodness of GOD his death was transferred to the Sacrifice. By this means were the Elders instructed, that they should eschew sins. Farther, those Sacrifices directed the minds of men unto Christ, and they were certain visible sermons of him, and taught that Christ should be that Sacrifice which should take away the sins of the world, and upon whom our death and damnation should be transferred.  

God mought have required human sacrifices.  Wherefore GOD of himself delighted not in blood, but by this schooling he instructed his people. Yea if he had delighted in Sacrifices, he mought have required them of the number of men. For what should have letted him, or what injury should he have done us, if he would have had Sacrifices of men offered unto him? For man must needs sometimes die. Wherefore to prevent the time one year or two, it would not have been so grievous, neither should he have done us any injury, chief when we should understand that with him we should live for ever. Undoubtedly in this thing no man could have accused GOD as cruel. But now seeing he hath removed all those holy services, he manifestly teacheth that he rejoiceth not, neither in the blood of men, 
God would have the first borne of men redeemed, and not sacrificed.  nor in the blood of beasts. Yea the first borne of men, when they were bound unto him, he would not have them Sacrificed, but redeemed with a price: which he would not have done, if he had taken any pleasure in blood. In Deuteromy the .12. chapter he sayeth: The Nation which I will expel before thee, do Sacrifice their sons and daughters: but see that thou do not so.  

Certain kyllynges of men are acceptable unto God.  But Augustine demandeth farther, whether there be any slaughter of men which is acceptable unto GOD? He answereth that there is. But what slaughter? When men (sayeth he) are killed for righteousness sake: not that the death of Martyrs of itself pleaseth GOD, but because faith towards God & piety is by that, 
Martyrdoms are like sacrifices.  both declared and also kept. And the death of Christ so pleased God, that it redeemed the whole world: and the death of Christians which they suffer in Christ's name, may be called after a sort a Sacrifice. Wherefore Paul in the .2. to Timo. the last chapter writeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, I sacrifice, etc. in which saying he calleth his death an immolation. And to the Phil. the .2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, 
The martyrdoms of men make not satisfaction for sins.  but if I offer in an oblation and service of our faith. And yet do not such sacrifices make satisfaction for sins: for that doth the death of Christ only. But the death of Martyrs are acceptable, because the cause is thankful. Augustine was baptized of Ambrose: and being wonderfully affectioned toward him, he followeth his opinion as his schoolmaster, as much as he may, but somewhat more warily. He compareth jiphtah with Abraham: but he putteth a difference, which Ambrose noted not. Abraham, saith he, had the word of god to sacrifice his son, so had not jiphtah, yea rather he had the law against him, that he should not sacrifice. And in Abraham not the death pleased god, but the faith. Farther, there is great difference, for a man to do any thing of himself, and to have a will to do those things that are commanded him. And Augustine doth subtly admonish, 
jiphtah vowed an human● sacrifice, as Augustine thinketh.  that jiphtah vowed an human sacrifice, not deceived, but willingly. Whatsoever saith he, shall come out of my house, I will offer it for a burnt offering etc. Do we think that beasts would come forth to meet him returning home? Men use to go and meet such as have the victory, and to rejoice. Wherefore he vowed an human sacrifice.  
The scripture only maketh mention of this act, but praiseth it not: as also it is there written that judas had to do with his daughter in law, but it is not allowed. So there can nothing be gathered by these words, 
The rashness of the father is punished in the death of the children.  why the act of jiphtah should be praised. Farther Augustine thinketh with Jerome, that god would punish the rashness of the vow in the father, by the death of his daughter. But there are two places, saith he, why I cannot reprehend jiphtah. Because in the Epistle to the Hebrews he is numbered among the saints, & in this place it is written, that the spirit of the Lord was upon him. But those holy men which are reckoned unto the Hebrews, did they never sin? Undoubtedly their sins also are set forth in the holy scriptures. Gideon, who is in the number, a little before his death made an Ephod, which was the destruction both of himself & of his house. But as touching the other place: The spirit of the Lord came upon him. But this nothing letteth, but that afterward he might fall. But jiphtah thou wilt say had the victory, but Gidion after that act, nothing went well with him. Yea rather saith he, Gideon did before after a sort tempt God, & yet he had the victory. So much of Augustine.  
But I would say otherwise. For I agree not with Augustine, to think that Gidion tempted God. Therefore I would answer after this manner: David committed adultery, & straightway afterward obtained the victory, & took the city Rabath-Ammon, in whose siege he prepared that Urias should be slain. Saul persecuted David, in the mean time there were brought him messengers from the Philistians. He leaving David, went to war, and obtained the victory. Moses sinned at the waters of strife: the people also had sinned many ways, and yet they obtained the victory against Sihon and Og most mighty Kings. Wherefore we will grant that jiphtah was numbered among the Saints, and yet he might sin, and although he sinned, he obtained the victory. And we will grant that the spirit of the lord came upon him, but we have already interpreted that it was the spirit of strength. And although the spirit of the Lord was upon him, yet is it not of necessity that he did all things by that spirit. For we also which are Christians, have the spirit of Christ, when as yet none of us is renewed in all parts, yea rather we all very oftentimes sin.  
Augustine addeth moreover, that although the fathers sometimes sinned, yet if nothing letteth, but that god may use their sins, to signify those things which might instruct the people. For god is so good, that ever of sins he picketh out laudable commodities, and maketh them alligorically to declare what seemeth profitable unto him. As in that judas played the whoremonger with his daughter in law, it signified that god would couple unto himself the church, which before was an harlot: so also may it be, that by this act of jiphtah he signified, that god so loved mankind that he would give his only begotten son unto the death for it: for he did not in vain, and without any cause suffer such a thing to be done by the fathers. Although they grievously sinned, yet god could use their actions to the instruction of his people. They were amazed at the sacrifices of beasts, neither did they as it was meet, lift up the eyes of their minds unto christ. Wherefore god would by this means stir up the sluggish, that they should be induced by the human sacrifice of jiphtahs' daughter to think upon Christ. For he should give his life, and be made a sacrifice for mankind.  
furthermore, Augustine toucheth a reason whereby he defendeth the act of jiphtah. It may be said, saith he, that he was moved by the spirit of god to make a vow, and led by the same spirit to perform it. Wherefore he is the more worthy of praise, so far is it of, the he should be reproved. But the cannot be gathered by the words of the history. But that which some say, as we have before touched, he wept, tore his garments, and was exceedingly sorry: therefore he was not moved by the spirit of God: 
God so requireth obedience that he withdraweth not affections.  this I say doth not much move me. For god so requireth of us the duties of piety, that yet he withdraweth not from our minds human affections. Christ himself when he should willingly go to die for our sakes, said for all that: my soul is heavy even to the death. He prayed also, father, if it be possible, let his cup go from me. But Augustine intendeth to declare how jiphtah might be defended: which I also would gladly do, if I had any part of the history to help me. But that which followeth in Augustine, is spoken to imitate Ambrose. 
The error of Augustine.  For he writeth: The error of jiphtah hath some praise of faith, which thing (as I have before showed) can not be received. For if it were an error, then can it not be ascribed unto the motion of the holy ghost. Farther, if it were sin, what praise of faith can there be in it? Because he feared not to render that which he had promised. What if the vow were not lawful? Can faith be there praised? Moreover he saith: He declined not from the judgement of God, and he hoped that he would have prohibited him, from killing of his daughter. He would rather utterly perform the will of god, then contemn it. These things were well spoken, if he had been assured of the will of God. But he was not assured of it: yea rather god had otherwise prohibited it in his law. Wherefore if it were an error, it ought not to be praised. But if the spirit moved him, than was there in it no error. That which he afterward addeth is most true, and maketh on my side. first he showeth, that it was prohibited that a man should kill his children, both by the example of Abraham and by the law. Farther, why the maidens wept, he bringeth the same reason that I brought, namely, both that the fathers should beware, not to bind themselves with such a vow, and that so great an obedience of this maiden should not be put in oblivion. These things we have out of Augustine, by which words appeareth, that he thought that this virgin was in very deed immolated, and not compelled by the vow of chastity to live alone. Which sentence I myself also do altogether allow.  
They which think otherwise, have not passing two or three authors, but I have many which are on my side, and especially the ancient Rabbins, which lived at that time, wherein the Chaldey Paraphraste, and the writing of the Thalmut was made. 
Reasons which confirm the interpretation.  For the Chaldey Paraph. affirmeth, that the maiden was slain. josephus, Ambrose, and Augustin are of the same opinion. And we have reasons not to be contemned. First, because there was no law in the old time, that maidens should vow chastity: yea rather it was a curse, if a woman had died without children and barren. Yea and god promised unto the hebrews, if you observe my law there shallbe no barren woman among you. Neither is it very likely, that holy men would by their vow hinder this promise. Farther in all the scriptures revealed by god, there remaineth no example of such a thing. Also by this interpretation, we should seem after a sort to confirm monastical vows, which are plainly against the holy scriptures. For Paul admonisheth that he which cannot contain, should marry a wife. I will not speak how jiphtah tarried not for the consent of the maiden before he vowed, without which (as I have before showed) the vow of Virginity could not be ratified. I have opened my mouth (saith he) unto the Lord, and I cannot go back. Wherefore he vowed not the virginity of the maiden, when as he asked not counsel of her. To this also serveth the weeping of the Virgins, and therewithal the weeping of the maiden herself. For she desired, that she might with her fellows bewail her virginity. But if it were a vow, why should she have lamented it? We use to bewail our sins, & not our vows. But the cause that moved the Rabbins, Kimhi & Ben Gerson, was this, because they will either allow or excuse the act of jiphtah. But we must not labour for that: not that we would willingly uncover the defaults of the fathers, but because we see that things which are not well done, are not to be excused. Moreover, also this doth not a little move me, because the jews at this day have not this vow of Virginity among them. Wherefore all these reasons lead me to think that the daughter of jiphtah was in very deed immolated.  
But if it be demanded, whither he sinned or no in doing this, 
The question answered two ways.  it may be answered two manner of ways. first, because as he was a man, so mought he seem, as very many of the elders fel. Secondly, it may said, that he did this by the impulsion of the holy ghost, not as though god would have other men to imitate this act, but that men might by it understand, that Christ should die for their salvation. It is indifferent for every man to choose either of these answers. But I think rather he fell. Now resteth to confute the arguments of the Rabbins.  
In that they say the maiden was not killed of her father, but only punished with civil death, namely that she should live a part from the fellowship of men with out a husband and children, it is not well said: because it can not be proved by the holy scriptures that there was any such kind of vow in the old time. I know that there were Nazarites, which abstained from wine and strong drink, and all drink which would make one drunk: but they abstained not from matrimony. Samuel and Samson being either of them a Nazarite, had wives, and Samuel had children, as the holy history declareth. But departings from the company of men, are not altogether to be disallowed, so that of them come some fruit unto the church. Christ departed .40. days, and fasted: 
How departings from the company of men are allowed or disallowed.  but afterward he returned to instruct the people. john baptist went a part, but yet for certain days, & baptized and preached. So some of the fathers went sometime a part, where they gave themselves both to prayers and godly meditations, whereby they might return the better instructed to preach. But I can in no case allow the perpetuitye of solitary life: for we are not borne to ourselves, but to other also. But that in the old time there were some which were Nazarites for ever, that was not done by the institution of man, but by the commandment of God: which thing is written to have happened to Samson and john Baptist. Otherwise Nazarites vowed but only for a time. Wherefore that which the Rabbins claim, is false: for there was no civil death by the law, whereby men or women were for ever deprived of matrimony.  
Kimhi saith that this letter Vau maketh sometimes a proposition disjunctive. I grant that the same is found in certain places of the scripture. But it is not a firm argument, if we shall say: It is thus found in some places, therefore it is so also in this place. But rather for the most part Vau maketh not a disjunctive proposition, but a copulative. And undoubtedly here it is brought in by exposition. It shallbe the Lords saith he. After what manner? For I will offer it for a burned offering.  
Farther they reason: The maiden desired space of time, wherein to bewail her virginity: neither saith she, her soul or life. This argument hath a show, but no strength. For if death be to be lamented, undoubtedly then is it much more to be lamented when it hath a bitter condition annexed with it. The maiden was sure to die at some certain time, but that seemed unto her very hard, that she should die without children. Therefore that condition is expressed, which made the cause more miserable. He saith moreover: It is not written that jiphtah offered her for a burnt offering, but only that he did according to his vow. I answer. That there is sufficiently said, when it is said that he did according to his vow. And it is often seen, that in narrations the sharpest things are not expressed. And although the words be not all one, yet is it sufficient, if they be equal.  
Levi Ben Gerson reasoneth of this, that it is written, and she knew no man. Therefore saith he, she lived, but married not. But this reason hath no force. For this sentence is an exposition of the words that go before. For why did the virgins bewail her? Because she was unmarried, and was not coupled to any man.  
But Liranus saith: The spirit of the Lord came upon jiphtah, wherefore he vowed not his daughter for a  offering. This reason Augustine (as we have heard) aunsweareth. That spirit undoubtedly was the spirit of strength and warlike knowledge. Neither can all that jiphtah afterward did, be said to have come from the same spirit. Moreover saith Liranus, there was two months space between, wherein he asked counsel of the priests, and they gave him counsel to save his daughter a Virgin. Yea but the ancient jews affirm that he was so stubborn that he would not ask counsel of the priests. And for that cause he is reproved by the Chaldey Paraphrast. Neither is it any new thing, that men sometimes sin, because they think not that they have need of counsel, and that is wont most of all to happen unto princes. For they have a high mind and proud stomachs, wherefore they think that they have counsel enough. But he is numbered among the saints. To this Augustine aunsweareth also, that other were also numbered among the Saints, which yet grievously sinned. Lastly he saith: If he had sacrificed his daughter, he should not have fulfilled, but contaminated his vow. I grant that. Neither is it any marvel, that he erred, seeing he was a man, and might fall.  
Now should remain to declare what I think of vows in universal: but because of that matter, I have written abundantly in an other place, namely in my Apology against Smith, therefore I remit the reader to read over that book,    

¶ The xii Chapter.  

1 ANd the men of Ephraim gathered themselves together, and passed over Northward, and said unto jiphtah: Why hast thou passed over to fight against the children of Ammon, and haste not called us to go with thee? We will therefore burn thee and thine house with fire.  
2 And jiphtah said unto them: I and my people were at great strife with the children of Ammon, and when I called you, ye delivered me not out of their hands.  
3 So when I saw ye delivered me not, I put my life in mine hands, and went upon the children of Ammon. And the Lord hath delivered them into mine hand. But why are ye come upon me this day, to fight against me?  
4 Then jiphtah gathered all the men of Gilead, and fought against Ephraim. And the men of Gilead smote Ephraim, because they said: Ye Gileadites are abjects among the Ephramites, and among the Manassites.  
5 And the Gileadites took the passages of jordan before the Ephramites. And when the Ephramites that were escaped said: Let me pass, the men of Gilead said unto him: Art thou an Ephramite? If he said, Nay:  
6 Then said they unto him: Say now Schiboleth: but he said Siboleth: for he could not so pronounce. Then they took him and slew him at the passages of jordan, and there fell at that time of the Ephramites two and forty thousand.  
HEre is a sedition set forth unto us: 
The Ephraits were veri proud  the cause whereof was the pride of the Ephramites, which was so great, that they thought there was nothing which was not due unto them. Even the like did they under Gideon, as we have before heard in the viii chap. But now are they more insolent, for they would not be content with jiphtahs' defence. These Ephramites also did the like when they instituted jeroboam king, against the house of David. They which are infected with pride, do evermore endeavour themselves to be above other, 
Cicero.  and to excel them in dignity and other commodities. Cicero in his book de Particionibus, saith that Pride followeth the loftiness of the mind, in advancing of his own things. They which are proud, are swelled like bodies that are puffed up, which have not sound flesh and sinoes, but consist of a vain swelling. So the proud, although they excel not others in virtue, 
Pride & nobleness of mind accompared together.  yet do they advance themselves above them. The true nobleness of the mind consisteth herein, that we should contemn things vile, and be occupied about those things, which are in deed great things. But they that are proud have not a noble mind, but a vain, for they study not for true glory, but for vain glory, wherefore they are justly called vainglorious. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristotle.  And they which are infected with this disease of the mind, the same men are envious, as Aristotle teacheth in his .2. book of Rhetorics, and he declareth that both the ambitious persons, and the vain glorious are envious. Which thing Paul also to the Galathians confirmeth, where he saith: be not ye made desirous of vain glory, provoking and envying one an other. Of envy do straightway spring seditions. Wherefore by these two vices the Ephramites fell into sedition.  
Were gathered together. Not undoubtedly by any order. For no lawful Magistrate assembled them together, but they were tumultuously stirred up. And they passed over Northward. For they passed over jordane, to invade the Galaadites.   

¶ Of Sedition.  
But that of haughtiness and pride do arise seditions, the Apostle in the .2. 
Pride is joined with seditions.  to the Corrin. the xii chap. very well declareth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where he joineth hautynes with seditions. In what thng this vice chief consisteth, appeareth by the Code de sediciosis, in law .1. where it is thus had: They are counted seditious, which do gather the people without any certain commandment, and do defend them against public discipline. Yea & also many things hereunto belonging, may be had out of the Digests, ad l. juliam de vi publica. In sum, them chief is sedition, when by a tumult, they which are of one & the self same company and body, do meet out of sundry parts, to fight together. This vice is in especial contrary to peace and civil concord. For in sedition there are many parts of one people, and the unity of Citizens is troubled and endangered.  

Wherein the unity of citizens consisteth. Augustine.  But that we may know in what thing the unity of the people consisteth, let us give ear unto Augustine in his second book De civitate dei, who in his xxi. chapter bringeth something out of the books of Cicero de Repub. that are worthy to be known, where Scipio thus speaketh: wise men called not every company a people, 
What company may be called a people.  but a company associated together by consent of the law, and communion of utility. Wherefore there are two hands of the people, one is that they agree in the same laws of things divine and human: the other is, that they have among themselves a communion of public utility. Whosoever rise up against these things, may justly be called seditious. Such tumults when they happen for doctrines of religion, or Ecclesiastical matters, are wont to be called schisms. And they are more grievous offenders in this wicked crime, namely of sedition, which first have sowed the matter, the cause and seeds thereof, although the other also which are adherentes unto the authors thereof, are not unguilty.  
And although the people are two parts at the least, which run together in a sedition with contrary minds, yet are not both party's guilty of sedition: but only that part is to be accused of so great a wicked crime, which invadeth the bonds of unity, that is, common laws and public utility. But they which resist such troublesome men, are not to be counted seditious, but good Citizens. And hereby it is manifest, 
We are falsely accused of the Papists as seditious.  how falsely we are accused of the Papists as seditious, when as in very deed we desire to have the laws of Christian Religion, which have been even from the beginning received by the word of God, to remain safe and perpecte: and we by all means procure to re-edify the public utility of eternal salvation, and of the worshipping of God, which are on everysyde fallen in decay, which two things undoubtedly, pertain (as it is said) unto good Citizens. But they have to their power overthrown these good things, and do continually hinder them. Wherefore they are justly and worthily both to be accused. and also to be condemned of sedition.  

What are the punishments of seditious persons.  But with what punishments this wicked crime is to be punished, it is easily gathered, both out of the laws of God, and the laws of man. God punished Dathan and Abiran with the opening of the earth, upon Core and his fellows he sent fire, sometimes also he used the stinging of Serpents, and at length for this wicked crime above all other of the number of the Israelites, which were six hundred, three score and six thousand, when they came out of Egypt, there diminished so many in the space of .40. years, that two only, namely josua and Chaleb entered into the land of Chanaan. Also by the judgement of God Absalon came unto an evil end, and Syba the son of Bichry, and Adonias, which moved sedition against David. But the Romans, as far as we can gather out of Livi and Plutarch, did put to death the tenth man of seditious Soldiers. The Civil laws, as it is had in the Code, in the title De Sedicionibus, l. 1. punished this wicked crime with extreme punishment, that is to say, with cutting of the head: or if they had a respect unto the dignity or condition of the person, they that were seditious, were sometimes hanged on a fork, and sometimes thrown to wild beasts, or banished into an Island, as it is written in the Digests, De paenis, in the law Si quis aliquid.  

The ingratitude of the Ephramites against jiphtah  Wherefore now that we have briefly showed the causes of this troublesome commotion, and have defined the crime of sedition, and declared the grievousness thereof by the punishments, now let us see how ingrate the Ephramites were against jiphtah. He, seeing he had excellently well deserved of Israel, they ought undoubtedly by the law of justice and honesty, to have gone and met him, to have song songs of victory, and with great honour and praises have exalted and commended him. For as much as justice and honesty do require this, that we should give thanks unto them, which have bestowed benefits upon us. Nature followeth this order, that we should convert the effects into their causes, for as much as they have their conservation and increase from thence, from whence they spring.  
This therefore was due unto jiphtah, 
The degrees of benefits.  for as much as he should have had either the highest place, or next unto the highest, among those that had well deserved of the public wealth. For first thou seest some, which when they bestow benefits, have only a respect unto themselves. So do shepherds, neateherds and swineheardes, when they provide pastor for their cattle, which they have charge over: for there they hunt only for their own gain and commodity. Otherwise they have no love to Oxen, sheep and swine. There be others which in doing good, have a regard both unto themselves, and also unto them whom they do help. For the poor do serve rich men and Princes, partly because they love them, and partly to get some commodity at their hands. They are to be placed in the third degree, which do in such sort bestow a benefit upon any man, that they look for no recompense of him. It oftentimes happeneth that when we see one in misery, we are touched with mercy, and we help him: which without doubt proceedeth of humanity. For as much as we are men, we think that nothing that is human, but it pertaineth unto us. They are counted in the last and chiefest place, which benefit others even with their own grief, heart, and loss. After which manner Christ did towards us: 
jiphtah touched almost the chiefest degree of good benevolence.  he redeemed mankind, with the loss of his own life. Unto whom jiphtah after a sort is like, who brought the Israelites into liberty, & that to his great danger, which he declareth by this form of speaking: I have put my life in my hands, that is, I have not refused to endanger my life. Wherefore the Ephramites were most ingrate, towards so great a benefit.  
The first place of ingrate men is, 
The degre● of ingrate men.  when they recompense not again good things bestowed upon them. The second is, when they praise not, neither allow those things well of good men, which are well done unto them. The third is of them which do forget the benefits that they have received. The fourth and worst of all is, when for benefits, injury and hurts are rendered. After this manner the Ephramites behaved themselves towards jiphtah, who because he had gotten the victory, would have burnt him and all his. What other thing is this, then to contemn both the benefits bestowed, and also the benefit given? But these men are most of all ungrate, forasmuch as in so doing, neither are men only or other creatures despised, but God himself is contemned. For whatsoever benefits we receive of men, we have them of God, which useth the labour of men to relieve the miserable and afflicted. Wherefore they which are ingrate, are void of charity, aswell towards God, as towards men.  
But thou wilt say: when men that bestow benefits, 
Whither benefits are to be withdrawn from the unthankful  do sometimes light upon ingrate persons, what ought they to do? Shall they strait way withdraw their benefits from them? Undoubtedly they deserve this: but we must not so do straightway, because men, by reason nature is corrupt, are slow, neither are they without difficulty moved to do their duty. Therefore we must go forward in well doing: for he which is not moved to be thankful with the first henefite, shall peradventure be stirred up with the second, third, forth, or fift. But if he all together stick in his ingratitude, we may justly withdraw from him our benefits, not moved thereunto by hatred or desire of revengement, but that he may be corrected, and that he do not continually reproach the benefits, which are the gifts of God. This thing doth God also, who by Hoseas the Prophet saith unto the unthankful hebrews: I will give unto you a heaven of brass, and an earth of iron. I will take away from you my wool and my flax. etc. because ye have made them Baal's things.  
Thou wilt ask perdaventure: why did Christ command us, that we should be perfect like our heavenly father: which maketh his sun to arise as well upon the evil, 
Two kinds of benefits of God.  as upon the good, and as it is written in Luke. 6. chap. He is good towards the ingrate? I answer: That this sentence of the Lord, is not against the definition now declared. For God hath two kinds of benefits. There are certain which are principal, as the revelation of the Gospel, faith, justification, & lastly glorification or eternal life. These he giveth only to his. There are certain other temporal and common gifts, which yet are in especial given for the elects sake: but because without a miracle it is not possible that they should come unto the good, unless the evil be also made partakers of them, therefore he giveth them as well to the one as to the other. How should a shower be prohibited, that it should not moisten the fields of the wicked? God might do it in deed: but yet not without a miracle. And for as much as he will not always work miracles, he will rather, that the ungodly also should be partakers of these benefits, then that the good should be destitute of commodities necessary for the life. 
A similitude.  kings also do not make every Citizen a Ruler, a Precedent, or other officer longing to a Magistrate, but only them that are just & wise: which thing if they do not, they execute not their office. But when they give unto their people liberal gifts, or a banquet, or distribute corn, because without great labour and grief they cannot separate the good Citizens from the evil, therefore they bestow such things which are of this kind, miredly upon all men, and chose rather to deserve well of evil citizens, then to defraud the good of their liberality, for whose sakes they are chief moved to be bountiful towards the people. 
How we should behave our selves toward the ingrate.  Let us also imitate this, that when we bestow private things, although we light upon one that is ingrate, let us not straightway withdraw from him our humanity, but let us behave ourselves in such manner, as we have before declared, that if he stubbornly proceed to be ingrate, let us at the length cease for his correction, to bestow any benefit upon him. But such benefits as are common and public, let us continually bestow them, yea even upon the ungrate, as we are of God commanded, and let us rather choose to have our good things distributed to godly and holy men, then to cease of from doing good, that the evil should not be made partakers of them.  
But now let us return unto jiphtah, whom the Ephramites offended most grievously. First, he is accused of them, because he went to the battle and called not them. This seemeth to be the colour of their complaint, because people confederated together, ought not to take in hand any war, before they have called their fellows, and made them of counsel. jiphtah purgeth himself of this false accusation, and saith that they have a false ground, because he called them, but they denied to come. But these men when they saw that by just means they could not defend that which they objected, they plead not against him at the judgement seat, neither by the order of law, but make a tumult, and seditiously brag of such complaints. 
The saints are always wrapped with new troubles.  And here we see the state of holy men sufficiently expressed, how they are always wrapped with new troubles, so that they are almost no sooner passed out of one, but an other is at hand. But by the goodness of God, even that worketh to good in us: for we are so corrupt and vitiate, that when things go prosperously with us, we are wonderfully puffed up, so that by our insolency we are made intolerable: which thing that it should not happen, God useth again to exercise the elect with troubles, after that he hath granted them some prosperity. Wherefore let none of us think, when we have obtained any good success, that straightway we must fight no more. Yea rather we must provide that then chief we may even weary God with prayers, whereby he may bring to a perfect and absolute end, the good work that he hath already begun in us.  
We must also mark the wisdom of jiphtah, how first he would prove all things, before he would take weapons against his brethren. First he maketh his Apology, wherein he saith that he did not rashly move war, but because there was a very grievous contention between him and the Ammonites, and that he was much oppressed by them, and therefore he could not abstain from weapons. Farther, he denieth that he called them not. I cried unto you (saith he) but when ye saved me not, I took in hand war myself, to mine own great danger. Wherefore he addeth, that God delivered the Ammonites into his hands, which might have been a token that God disallowed not his act. Which kind of argument is in this place of force, for as much as he attempted no unjust thing: otherwise there can be no firm reason derived of it, because God sometimes favoureth the enterprises of the ungodly, by reason of his counsels, which are always just, but sometimes hidden from us. jeroboam the son of Nabat was by a sedition created king over the ten Tribes, and obtained that which with naughty conscience he desired. Nabuchad-Nezar also fought tyrannously and ambiciouslye against the hebrews, and obtained the victory, when yet no man can allow those doings as godly, because of the success of them.  
The Ephramites were not content with this Apology. Wherefore jiphtah fought against them, neither overcame he his enemies only, but also followed the victory, and that they should not escape, he prevented them, and possessed the passages of jordane.  
He found out by a phrase of their speech, who were Ephramites. They which would pass over, might peradventure be either Rabenites or Gadites, or of half the tribe of Manasses. Therefore lest they should be deceived, 
divers properties or speech 〈◊〉 one and the 〈◊〉 same tongue.  he tried them by experience of their tongue. Neither need we to marvel at the diversity of pronunciation among the hebrews, when as every nation, although they use one common tongue, yet have they some differences in divers parts thereof. All the Grecians spoke Greek, and yet among them the jones, Attici, doors, Acoles', and such like, had some difference in their speaking, and that a notable difference. The Prenestines also which dwelled not far from Rome (as we read in Plautus) for Ciconia sounded Konia. In Italy also there are at this day very many differences of properties of speech. But it may be doubted whereof they should come. 
From whence the diversity 〈◊〉 the properties in sp●●che is.  Some answer that it cometh of custom, which is not sufficient enough: because we will demand again why the first inhabiters of these places began so to speak or to talk. Therefore there are other which being led by natural reason, do refer that diversity unto the air, water, and sundry aspect of heaven. But we ascribe the beginning of this thing to have been from the building of the Tower of Babel. For in the book of Genesis it is written, that the differences of tongues sprang thereof, which as they are perfect & very great between nation and nation, so are they found to have begun in every nation.  
They choosed this word Schiboleth, not rashly, but such a one as made very much for this present matter. For it signifieth both an ear of corn, and also a passage of a river, as it is written in the xxi chapter of Esay. Wherefore when they were at the passages of jordane, they put forth this word, whereby they would prove whither the Ephramites should pass over, which word should signify the passage itself. They might in deed have tried the same in many other words, if they would: but they proved it in a word, whose signification was agreeable with the place.  
Wherefore jiphtah made civil war, but yet not unjust war. 
All civil war is not unjust.  For he had the sword, wherewith his duty was to punish not only the enemies, but also the citizens, when they offend either against the laws of man, or the laws of God. God had given him the victory. The Ephramites contemned it. God would have the Galaadites pertaining to Manasses to possess the land: the Ephramites endeavoured to drive them out from thence, and to destroy them. They invaded their borders, they reproached them, and called them the runagates of Ephraim. As though they were to be counted as certain fugitive bondslaves, if they were compared with the most noble Tribe of Ephraim. Or else they so called them, as though at some other time they had made war, and they as fugitives escaped out of the battle. But in the holy Scripture there is no such battle found.  
They also violated human right and the laws: for with weapons they invaded those that were condemned by no right, and they would take away the dominion over the Galaadites which was given unto jiphtah. 
The gift which was given unto jiphtah, could not be revoked.  But gifts can not be revoked by any human right, unless peradventure there happen any ingratitude. But that jiphtah was not ingrate, the benefits which he bestowed on his, do declare. Yea and also in the Digests (De donacionibus, in the law last save one, in the Paragraphe Si quis) it is had, that a gift given unto a man, for that that he hath delivered the giver from thieves, could not be revoked not for ingratitude, if any should happen. But jiphtah delivered his, not only from thieves, but also from most grievous enemies, from the Ammonites I say.  
Wherefore the principallitye of his Country being given him, he could not justly be spoiled of it. Whereunto thou mayest add, that he was instituted a judge by God. Therefore he ought to defend both himself and his in punishing wicked men. Let us in this place note the severe judgement of God, upon seditious and ingrate persons.   

7 And jiphtah judged Israel two years: then died jiphtah the Gileadite, and was buried in the Cities of Gilead.  
8 After him jibzan of Bethlehem judged Israel.  
9 And he had xxx sons, and xxx daughters, which he sent out, and took xxx daughters from abroad for his sons. And he judged Israel seven years.  
10 Then jibzan died, and was buried in Bethlehem.  
11 And after him Elon a Zebulonite judged Israel, and he judged Israel ten years.  
12 Then Elon the Zebulonite died, and was buried in Aialon, in the land of Zebulon.  
13 After him Abdon the son of Hillel the Pirathonite judged Israel.  
14 And he had xl sons, and xxx sons sons, that road on. 70 Colts. And he judged Israel viii years.  
15 Then died Abdon the son of Hillel the Pirathonite: and was buried in Pirathon, in the land of Ephraim, in the mount of the Amelachites.  
The Hebrews fable that jiphtah for his wicked crime, in killing his daughter, 
Now he was buried in the cities of Gilead.  was so smitten of God that his members rotten, and wasted away. And that when he walked through the Cities of Gilead, he lost in every one of those Cities some part of his flesh. And therefore it is not said that he was buried in any one certain place, but in the Cities of Gilead.  
Other say that he was very desirous of glory and renown, and therefore he provided to have monuments made for him in many Cities of that Province. These are things frivolous and full of fables: which other Interpreters seeing, do thus expound that form of speaking, that In the Cities of Gilead, is nothing else, then in some one certain of the Cities of Gilead. But I think that it might be that the principal City of the Gileadites was so built, that it seemed to be not one City, but many. Wherefore it might be said in the plural number Cities. So in Hungary is a City called Quinque ecclesiae, which is five Cities, and Siracusae a City in Sicilia. So that Are Gilead was the proper name of one City.  
After him jibzan judged Israel. 
This man counted to be Boaz.  Some conjecture that this man was that Boaz which married Ruth: but that cannot be confirmed by any authority of the scripture. He had thirty sons, and thirty daughters. And that we should perceive that they remained long on live, it is said that they were all by him coupled in matrimony.  
But because the acts of this judge, and of the other two, which are afterward mentioned, were not (as it is to be thought) notable: therefore they are not spoken of. But this judge was of the Tribe of juda, which thing Bethlehem his Country declareth.  
Elon, which was judge after him ten years, was of the Tribe of Zabulon.  
Abdon the son of Hillel the Pirathonite, as the name of his country declareth, was an Ephramite, and he also was famous by his posterity: for he had forty Sons, and of them thirty nephews. It is declared that they all came to ripe age, for it is said that they were all horsemen, who (as it is to be thought) in riding compassed the sides of their father. 
To have many Children is an excellent gift of God.  Unless a great number of children were an excellent gift of God, it should not so diligently have been mentioned of in those places. God promised unto his friend Abraham, that his seed should be increased like the stars of heaven, and sand of the sea. Yea and David also singeth: Thy wife shall be like a fruitful vine in the sides of thy house, and thy children like olive branches, round about thy table. Priamus also is renowned of the poets, because he had thirty children. 
The law of children ●ē the Roma●●  The Romans made a law, called the law of three Children. For if any at Rome had three children a live, they were excused from personal offices. Throughout Italy, to obtain that liberty, four were sufficient. But in a Province, five were required, as it is in the Code, of those which have deserved an excuse by the number of Children, in the law de Personalibus, and Eosvero. But there are some which do hate plentiful fruit, because they have no confidence in the goodness of God, and do despair that they shoulh be able to nourish them. 
They sin which hat● plentiful issue.  And there are other which are infected with this wicked affection, because they desire to avoid the troubles of bringing them up, and are afraid that they shall leave their Children beggars behind them. But this thing happeneth unto them, because they do evil esteem the benefits of God, neither understand they what great honour and dignity he giveth them, 
What is the dignity of the Parents.  as often as they have issue. As God is the Father of men: so also would he have men to be the Parents of men, that they should understand by the fatherly love or affection, what mind and benevolence God bears towards us.    

¶ The xiii Chapter.  

1. But the Children of Israel continued to commit wickedness in the sight of the Lord, and the Lord delivered them into the hands of the Philistines forty years.  
2 And there was a man in Zorah, of the family of the Danites, named Manoah, whose wife was barren, and bore not.  
3 And the Angel of the Lord appeared unto the woman, and said unto her: Behold now thou art barren, and bearest not. But thou shalt conceive, and bear a son.  
4 And now therefore beware that thou drink no wine, nor strong drink, neither eat any unclean thing.  
5 Because lo thou shalt conceive and bear a son, and no razor shall come on his head: for the Child shallbe a Nazarite unto God from his birth, and he shall begin to save Israel out of the hands of the Philistines.  

This affliction of the israelites is longer than the other.  GOd afflicted the Israelites, and delivered them to their enemies, because they returned to their old nature, and forgetting the Lord their God, worshipped Idols. And this affliction dured forty years. We read of none longer than this. From the death of Abdon the last judge, even almost unto Hely this affliction endured: because Samson did not fully deliver the people. He in deed smote the Philistines, but he did not utterly repel them from oppressing of the hebrews. This word Zorah is a name of a place, and not of a family, as we shall afterward understand, towards the end of the chapter.  
Of the Tribe of Dan. The learneder sort do to this place refer those things which are written in the book of Genesis the .49. chapter. There jacob when he was ready to die, 
The prophecy of jacob as touching Samson.  foretold what should happen unto his children after long time. And when by order he came unto Dan: Dan (saith he) shall judge his people, and he shall be a Serpent in the way, and an Adder in the path, biting the horses heels, so that his rider shall fall backward. For Samson after a sort did bite the foot of the horse, when he overthrew the pillar, that is, the foot of the parlour, & laid the rider on the ground, that is, the company of the Philistines, with the fall of the wall. These things I therefore make mention of, that it might appear, that they were no small or vulgar things, when as jacob so long time before prophesied of them. Samson was of the Tribe of Dan, when as the next judge before him was of the tribe of Ephraim. God used not at the time any ordinary Magistrate, 
Only Samson appointed a judge before his birth.  neither did the Children succeed the Parents in this kind of government. There was no judge unto this time of the Tribe of Dan. And there was none of all the judges, but only Samson, whom God appointed, and as it were published a judge, before he was borne.  
And his name was Manoah, whose wife was barren. When God decreed to send any notable and excellent man, 
Many excellent men borne of barren mothers.  he very often times stirred him up out of a barren woman, which thing also we see came to pass in Samson, likewise in Samuel, and in john Baptist, and in very many other, that it might manifestly appear to be altogether the work of God. Barrenness among the hebrews was a thing ignominious: but God because he would declare, that of things most contemptible, he can bring forth things excellent, hath very often times done after this manner. And that fault of barrenness was in this place in the woman, and not in the man. For sometimes it may be in both: but the scripture here pronounceth it of the woman, and not of the man.  
He shall begin (saith he) to save Israel. Here is signified that Samson should not fully deliver the people: for Israel did not under him fight in battle against their enemies: he alone assailed them, & sometimes grievously afflicted them. The Angel appeared unto his mother a part, when her husband was away, and showed her of the son which she should bear. Also the Angel appeared unto Mary the mother of Christ when she was alone.  
josephus in his books of Antiquities addeth, 
josephus.  that this Manoah somewhat suspected his wife: and thought that it was not an angel, but some man, & that his wife's chastity was assaulted, but either doubt was taken away, when as at the last when he made sacrifice, the angel vanished away in the flame. So joseph, when he somewhat suspected Mary, herd of the angel: joseph, be not afeard to take Mary thy wife, for that which is conceived in her, is of the holy ghost. God would have his, not only borne lawfully, but also cleared from all suspicion. But in Samuel there could be no such suspicion: for when Hanna prayed softly, Heli the priest rebuked her, and counted her for a drunkard, who yet when he understood how diligently and earnestly she prayed at the tabernacle of the Lord, he promised unto her issue.  
But here besides the promise of the son, is added also a precept. For the Angel commandeth her to abstain from wine, and strong drink, 
Why such an abstinence was commanded the moths.  and all thing that might make her drunk. There is also a reason added: Because he shall be a Nazarite unto the Lord. Wherefore the mother also is commanded to abstain from wine, strong drink, and every unclean thing, that the child should not be nourished with things unlawful, no not in the womb of his mother.   

¶ Of the vow of the Nazarites.  
ANd as touching the vow of the Nazarits it is manifestly set forth in the .6. of Numb: But those things which are there written, 
The sum of the vow of the Nazarites.  may all be reduced to three principal points. The first was, that they should drink no wine nor strong drink, nor any thing that might make them droonke. An other was, that they should not pole their head: but all that time the Nazarite should let his hear grow. The third was, that they should not defile themselves with mourning for buriales, no not at the death of their father or mother. These things were to be observed, but not for ever, but only for some certain time. For he vowed to be a Nazarite, but for certain number of days, or Months, or years.  
But why did God institute these things? 
Why god gave the institution of the Nazarites.  There may be many causes given. first, because men were so prone to choose unto themselves certain kinds of life, whereby they might easily fall into superstition. Therefore God would after this manner bridle them, as though he should have said: Forasmuch as ye are so prone to your own studies, and to invent new worshippings, yet shall ye not do what ye list yourselves, but what I prescribe unto you. And so giving unto them the law of a Nazarite, he kept them in doing their duty.  
But what mente these things? They ought to keep their hear growing till the end of their vow. For then in offering sacrifice, and burning the flesh in fire, they did cut of the hear, and burned it in the same fire. And from that time they were free and returned to their old manner of life, which was common also unto other.  
Some refer these things unto an allegory, that when the hears were increased, the Nazarites should consider, that virtues also ought to increase in the mind. But me thinketh there may be an other cause rendered, namely that men should abstain from to much trimming and decking of the body. For the clipping of the ear much adorneth the body. For Paul saith in his 1. Epistle to the Corrinthians the .11. Chapter, that to men it is uncomely if they let their hear grow. Although other reasons of other men are not to be contemned.  

Cyrillus Procopius.  Cirillus and also Procopius upon the book of Numbers, say that these things were instituted of God, to revoke men from the idolatrous worshippings and rites of the ethnics, that that which they gave unto idols, the jews should give unto him. So also whereas they sacrificed unto Idols, he would have these men rather to sacrifice unto himself, not that god so much regardeth sacrifices, but to withdraw them from idolatry. We read that the ethnics sometimes suffered their hear to grow, that they might afterward consecrate it, either unto the Nymphs, or to Apollo. Wherefore Apollo was by them called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a nourisher of the hear. Yea and Theseus (as it is written in plutarch) went to Delphos there to dedicate his hear unto Apollo. 
plutarch.  And children at Rome when they were passed childhood, offered their hear and beards to some God. Sophocles writeth that Oreftes put his hear in the tomb of his father. 
Sophocles   
There may also be an other cause rendered, and that not vain. For the Nazarites ought always to be pure, and although they were not of the tribe of Levi, yet they so behaved themselves all that time, as if they had been priests of the tribe of Levi. And the Levites and priests were prohibited in the .21. chapped. of Leviticus from polinge their head. Which thing may also be perceived by the .6. chapter of Baruch. Ye shall see (saith he) priests in Babylon with their heads shaven, 
The priests of the Hebrews shaved not their heads.  and their garments cut. And they were priests of idols. Wherefore we see that by the commaundent of God, the priests of the hebrews had not their heads shaven.  
In the book of Numbers the 6. chapter, god calleth the hears of the head a crown, or as other translate, it a seperatiion. But contrarily the Papists call their shaving of the head a crown: so do they pervert all things as they list themselves. But what should a man speak of them? They care not what they do. They will have lights and censing in the temples. If thou ask them why? Because say they God used them in the old testament. But in the old law priests had wives: these will have none. They suffered the hears of their head or beard to grow: but these men shave both their head and beard. Although at this day there is a great contention among them about a long beard, because the counsel of Carthage in the .44. 
Concilium Carthaginense.  chap. is sundry ways alleged. For in examplers it is written Comam non nutriant nec barbam that is, They shall not suffer their hear to grow, nor their beard, but in others it is red: Nec barbam tondeant, that is: They shall not clip their beards: whether of these two sentences will these men follow? For they will not suffer to have a long beard, lest any part (as they say) of the sacrifice should stick in it. O holy men: they fell that their sacrifice for three half pens, 
Why the sacrificing Papists will have no beards.  & then lest it should stick in the beard, they diligently provide. Is not this to strain at a gnat, & to swallow down a Camel? Howbeit some of them, least they should seem to do not very wisely nor with any reason: The cutting of (say they) of the hears, signifieth that a priest must cut of all superfluous things. This is the religion of these men, to have the signs, when as they have not the things signified. But I rather refer that shaving of our papists to softness or wantonness. 
Suetonius.  For Suetonius in the life of Otho saith that he was wont oftentimes to shave his beard, and to behold his face in a glass, whither it were trim enough. I will not speak of other which did not shave the hears, but pluck them out, to have the softer skin.  
The next thing was, that the Nazarites should abstain from wine, and not from wine only, but also from vinegar, from grapes, and from strong drink, called Sicera. 
What Sicera is. Jerome.  This Sicera (as Jerome writeth to Nepotianus) was a kind of drink much like unto wine, which was made either of wheat, or of apples, or of dates, or else of other fruits. Farther they were prohibited to eat the husks of grapes or kernels, which are taken out of the wine presses. They were also commanded not to drink Mishereth, which was nothing else then the washing of the grapes. For the wine being pressed out, there was water powered upon the grapes that were pressed, which when it was purified, retained some savour of the wine. That we call the second wine. But the Chaldey interpretation calleth Sicera old wine. And it is manifest enough, why the Nazarites were forbidden to drink both wine and strong drink: for these things trouble the head, and stir men up to lust, as Solomon in his 20. chapter of Proverbs admonisheth, wine maketh a mocker, and strong drink a troublesome fellow, and whosoever is deceived thereby, shall never be wise. Paul saith also to the Ephesians the 5. chapter: Be not drunk with wine, wherein is excess: but be filled with the spirit. Farther the priests in the old law were prohibited to drink wine before they came to holy services. Wherefore the Nazarites, forasmuch as they were like priests, ought also to abstain from wine.  
The third thing was, that they should not defile themselves with any mourning for the dead. For as we are with joy to much lifted up, so sometimes are we grievously troubled with heaviness and mourning. But God would have his ministers to be void of affections, especially of the vehementer affections, when as by them men are more grievously moved then is mete. Neither yet were these observations merits, wherein they constituted righteousness, but they were rites only and exercises, whereby they should after a sort be kept in doing their duty. For the vow of a Nazarite was a certain separation from other men. But what they did in the mean time, it is not prescribed: howbeit many think that they were commanded, to endeavour themselves to the contemplation and knowledge of the law, and to worship and call upon God purely and sincerely.  
We see that god by this kind of vow would instruct the people with singular wisdom. The Philosophers writ that a man must contend, to be able to behold high things, and with his knowledge to embrace whole nature. And that they say can never be done, unless the affections in us be tempered, otherwise we are very often carried away by anger and lust. Wherefore God would have his to be void of these affections, namely of mourning, pleasure, to much care and vexation about the decking of the body. For these do not a little hinder the tranquillity of the mind, and spiritual cogitations thereof. Wherefore in the old law he instituted in a manner to prepare his, that they should not come unapt and unmeet to higher things. Undoubtedly they which are endued with the knowledge of God, ought to frame and prepare themselves, before that they come to hear the word of God, or to receive the Sacraments. jeremy in his 4. Chapter hath very well admonished us: Break up your fallow ground, and sow not among the thorns. And they vowed this kind of vow (as we have said) for a certain time, either for a year or for a month, or as every man thought it most profitable for himself: for the natures of men are oftentimes changed, and the studies of piety do wax feeble. Therefore they ought by some means to be restored. Hereof sprang the departures of the Elders, into solitary places for a time. So they which governed the public wealth, when they were weary with matters, kept themselves close oftentimes in fields or manors, not to sleep, or to give themselves to sluggishness and idleness, but to refresh their minds, and that they might return the more prompt and better instructed to accomplish things. And the most noble Rhethoricians being wearied with pleading causes of the law, went sometimes into the country, to hear, to talk, to read somewhat, to peruse over the orations before herd, and so by that means to return more learned and ready to the place of judgement: So the Nazarites for a certain time departed from the company and fellowship of other men, that they might be the better and holier afterward to execute the duties of life. christ also in the night time departed to the mountain: But in the day time he returned unto the people. And when the Apostles returned, whom he had sent forth to preach, he led them a way for a little while into a desert, that they might there be quiet, and refresh themselves.  

The institution of Lent.  For this cause peradventure was Lent first instituted, that men which had all the year been occupied with civil business, might at the least at that time renew piety. This is the pretence of the Papists.  
But grant that the thing was at the first instituted for this cause, let them consider what it is now fallen to at the length, undoubtedly into mere superstition, whereby nothing else is obtruded unto the people, than choice of meats, old wives fables, ungodly songs, and pilgrimages (which they commonly call stations) very profane and idolatrous. In the mean time there is no mention made for the abolishing of covetousness, lust, lechery, and other wicked acts. Farther, men ought by so long a fast to have been made better, but they are made much worse after Easter.  

Paul took upon him the vow of a Nazarite.  But to return to the vow of a Nazarite, Paul seemeth to have vowed it, when as in the .18. chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, he poled his head in Cenchre. And in the .21. chapter he was persuaded of the Elders to do it. There are here (say they) four men, which have a vow: Thou shalt be with them. There the shaving of the head declareth, that that vow pertained unto a Nazarite. For as it is written in the law, if it had happened that the Nazarite in the time of the vow which he had taken upon him, had defiled himself upon the dead, or by any other means, than the vow was violate. And the Nazarite ought to come unto the Tabernacle, and to declare unto the priests what had happened, and to cut of his hear, to offer sacrifice, and so to begin the vow of a Nazarite a new again. For what soever he had before observed, it was counted as defiled and of no force. So Paul, as though some thing had happened unto him among the Gentiles where he had been conversant, would be purified in the Temple, as though he should have begun the observation of his vow again.  

A feigned tale of the Moonkes.  The papists cry that by this vow of the Nazarites, there was a certain shadow at that time of their religious Moonkery, neither consider they that the vows of the Nazarites were instituted by the word of God. Let them show on their side the commandment of God for moonkry, which thing if they cannot do, then resteth there nothing but that we may say, that the institutions of Moonkes are not the vows of Nazarites, but of superstitious men, and a certain ridiculous imitation or an evil zeal of the old vow of the Nazarites. So also in the old time superstitious men, when they saw that Abraham would have offered his son, 
Whereof begins drawing of children through the fire.  and that for the same cause he pleased God very well: They also would needs offer their sons, and draw them through the fire. By which most wicked institution they grievously offended God. But our worshipping aught to lean unto the word of God. In deed civil institutions, yea even without the express word of God, may be received, so that they be not against the word of God: 
Against the vow of religious men.  but worshipping and religion ought not to come from any other thing, but only out of the word of God. But I pray you, let them tell, whence they have that vow of perpetual sole life, or how can it agree with the Nazarites? First it is contrary to the creation of man, when as it was said unto the first parents: Increase and multiply. Farther, it is against the oracle, which Paul wrote: He which containeth not, let him marry.  
They vow poverty also. But what manner of poverty? forsooth to live of begging. A trim vow, to be maintained with the labours of other men. Undoubtedly that is against charity, when as Paul sayeth unto the Ephesians: He which stole, let him steal no more, but let him labour rather with his hands, that he may have wherewithal to give unto him that suffereth necessity. But thou wilt say that of the Monks there are some which are rich. I grant that, but they also do contrary to the word of god, wherein it is commanded: He which laboureth not, let him not eat. Farther, they vow obedience. But to whom? To certain men, when as Paul expressedly writeth: Be not ye made servants of men. But they say: I am of Frances, I am of dominic, I am of Benedict, where as Paul would not suffer that Christians should say: I am of Paul, I am of Apollo, and I of Cephas. 
They agr● not but are contrary to the Nazarites.  Why then do they cry that they agree with the Nazarites? Let us diligently examine every thing. The Nazarites shaved not the hear: but these men do shave it. The Nazarites did drink no wine: but these men glot themselves with wine. The Nazarites came not to funerals: but these men desire nothing so much as the funerals and obsequies of the dead. But I will overpass these things. One thing only will I add: Although in the jewish religion the vow of the Nazarites was the principal vow, 
Origene.  yet were they not forbidden to marry. In other vows (saith Origene) they gave either a sheep, or a a goat, or an ox, or some other thing. But in this kind of vow, they offered themselves, and yet their state agreed well enough with matrimony.  
But let us return unto Samson. He proved a most strong young man. Who would have thought that this could have come to pass? The parents were not commanded to instruct him in the art of warfare, or to send him forth to war. A man would think much rather that he should be brought up as a Monk, & not as a soldier. But God would show, that all the strength which should be in Samson, should be derived from his spirit. But that he should be a Nazarite all his life time, as Samuel also was, it was peculiar, and above the common institution of others, by the deed I say and not by the right or vow of the parents. Samson ought to have obeyed, although he had not vowed, 
Whether it was lawful for Hanna ●o vow for her son.  because it was done by the word of god. Howbeit of Hanna the mother of Samuel it may be doubted, how it was lawful for her to vow for her son. For it may scarce seem just that the son should be bound by the vow of the parent. It was demanded in the time of Benedict, whether the children offered by the parents unto monasteries, when they came unto man's state, might marry. 
Gregorius.  Gregorius Magnus to Augustine a Bishop of England, answereth, that it is utterly unlawful. Which is a very hard saying, and against the word of god. For Paul saith, it is better to marry then to burn. And he which can not contain, let him marry. 
Concilium Carthaginense.  In the counsel of Carthage the .3. whereat Augustine also was present, it was decreed, that children offered unto the Church, when they came to man's estate, should either marry, or else vow chastity. This also was rough enough. For who should require this at that age, being unskilful of things, & not certain of his own strength? But these things I speak, that we might know that decrees are contrary to decrees. But to return to the matter, I say that Hanna mought vow for her son: for as touching the performing of the vow, as long as he was brought up by his parents, she might easily provide, that he should not drink any wine, nor cut of his hear, nor be at any funerals. But after he came to lawful age, it was samuel's duty to observe these things, not in deed in respect of the vow, but because of the obedience which he ought unto his parents. For children ought to obey their parents in all those things which are not against piety & the word of God. So the Rechabites (as it is in jeremy) when they obeyed their father jonadab, 
The Rechabites.  who commanded them to drink no wine all their life time, or to dwell in Cities, were for the same cause praised of God. Howbeit Hanna unless she had had a peculiar inspiration from God, she could not have vowed, that Samuel should all his life time have ministered at the tabernacle of the Lord: for as much as the law of god absolved men from the ministry at a certain space of years, namely in the .50. year.  

Magister sententiarum.  But that which I have said, that it was lawful for Hanna to vow the vow of a Nazarite for her son, it seemeth not to be firm with the definition of a vow, which is thus brought of the Master of the Sentences: A vow is a testification of a willing promise made unto God, 
The definition of a vow.  of things which pertain unto God. But a vow which is vowed by the parent for the son, can not seem willing. Yea but it is: because the parents vowed not being compelled, but of their own free will: farther, it is meet for the children to obey the will of their parents freely & of their own accord, especially when they command no ungodly thing, or contrary to the word of God.  
By this place some gather that Samson was sanctified in the womb of his mother: which self same thing is believed both of jeremy and also of john baptist. 
How some are said to be sanctified from the womb.  And they will have him so to be sanctified, that afterward he committed no mortal sin, as they call it. But this is false and vain. Neither to sanctify in this place is any thing else, then to appoint one to the execution of some certain work. Samson therefore was sanctified, that is, appointed of God to deliver his people. So was jeremy ordained to Prophesy. And john to be the voice of a crier in the wilderness. Neither of this kind of sanctification doth it follow, that these holy men never sinned. For every man is a liar, & also there is no man saith Solomon which sinneth not. Farther, what shall we say of Samson: Did he never sin? He fell undoubtedly, and that grievously. Paul also, who saith to the Galathians that he was himself separated from his mother's womb, and yet he persecuted the Church of God. Moreover the children also of Christians are called holy, for as much as God is not our God only, but also the God of our seed, according to that saying of Paul to the Corinthians: Your children are holy, who yet no man doubteth, but that they afterward fall and grievously sin.  

If the vow be against charity it is to be broken.  One thing remaineth to be spoken of, and afterward I will return unto the history. When the father voweth, and the son desireth to perform the vow of the father, what if the vow be a against the health of the son? He shall peradventure fall into some disease, and he must needs drink wine, or cut away his hear, what is to be done in this case? I have in an other place admonished that the precepts of god are of divers sorts, so that some are greater, and some easier. As touching god which is the commander, all are equal and like one to an other. But as touching the things which are commanded, there is some difference. Wherefore the less precept must give place unto the greater. For which cause Christ saith by the words of the Prophet, I will have mercy and not Sacrifice: not as though God utterly contemned Sacrifices, which he had commanded, but because he more esteemed mercy. And Christ also admonisheth in the Gospel in the .5. chapter of Math. that if thou offer thy gift at the altar, and there rememberest that thy brother hath somewhat against thee, thou must go first and reconcile thyself unto thy brother, and then return, and offer thy gift. Whereby he declareth that he altogether will have the les precept give place unto the greater. Wherefore we must thus answer unto the question. God commandeth the Nazarites to abstain from wine: he also commandeth every man to defend his life by good means. Here when as the sick man can not preserve both the precepts, it is necessary that he prefer the greater before the les. For so did the Rechabites the sons of jonadab behave themselves. For although their father commanded them, that they should not dwell in Cities, neither drink any wine, and were also commended of God, because they obeyed the precepts of their father, yet at that time when jeremy wrote these things of them, they dwelled at jerusalem, contrary to the precept of their father. For the Chaldeyans had wasted all the fields. Wherefore they perceived that there was then no place for their father's precept. But in monasteries they do contraryly. For if the father be sick, the son is so bound by religion, that he can by no means help him.   

6 And the wife came, and told her husband saying: A man of God came unto me, and the look of him was like the look of an Angel of God very terrible, and I asked him not whence he was: neither told he me his name.  
7 And he said unto me: Behold thou shalt conceive and bear a son. Now therefore thou shalt drink no wine nor strong drink, neither eat any unclean thing: for the child shallbe a Nazarite to God from his birth, to the day of his death.  
8 Then Manoah prayed unto the Lord, and said: I pray thee my Lord let the man of God whom thou senttest, come again unto us and teach us what we shall do unto the child when he is borne.  
9 And God heard the voice of Manoah. For the Angel of the Lord came again unto the wife, as she sat in the field, but Manoah her husband was not with her.  
10 And the wife made haste and ran, and showed her husband, saying unto him: Behold the man hath appeared unto me, that came unto me to day.  
11 And Manoah arose and went after his wife, and came to the man, and said unto him: Art thou the man that spakest unto the woman? And he said: Yea.  
12 Then Manoah said: Now let thy saying come to pass. But what shallbe the judgement of the child, and his work?  
13 The angel of the Lord answered unto Manoah: The woman must beware of all that I said unto her.  
14 She may eat of nothing that cometh of the wine vine tree, that is, she shall drink no wine nor strong drink, nor eat any unclean thing: let her observe all that I have commanded her.  
The woman thought that it had been some godly man whom she had seen, or a Prophet: for she knew not that it was the angel of God. His look (saith she) was terrible. The Hebrew word is ambiguous: for it may be turned both terrible and wonderful. And undoubtedly the things which are wonderful, especially divine things, do strike into men a fear. She faithfully showeth unto her husband these things, and doth the duty of a good wife. 
What matrimony is.  For Matrimony is an unseparable society, having the communion both of things divine & human. And this matter pertained partly to things divine, because it was showed in the name of God, and partly unto human things, because it was a matter as touching the receiving and education of a child.  
She saith, she asked him not whence he was: because in such visions men are so amazed, that they are attentive only unto the things which are spoken, neither have they any leisure to inquire of more things. So the mother of the Lord, when the Angel saluted her, asked him not what his name was, or from whence he came. Gideon also when he received the oracle of the Angel, for the delivering of the people, was altogether so astonished, that he was nothing inquisitive, what his name was. But the woman speaketh these things by anticipation: for she thought that her husband would hear, and inquire of him the truth. Although josephus in his book de Antiquitatibus (as I have before admonished) sayeth, that when he heard the words of his wife, he somewhat suspected her of evil. 
Ambrose.  Howit Ambrose in his .70. Epistle, where he very diligently entreateth of this History, denieth that to be very likely. For if (sayeth he) he had been gelious, God would not have sent an angel unto him. But me thinketh Ambrose's reason is not firm. For Manoah might otherwise be a good man, although he were touched with suspicion. Very good men also have oftentimes some suspicion of such things. For even joseph the husband of Mary, whom the holy Scripture testifieth that he was a just man, somewhat sinisterly suspected his Spouse, to whom yet the Angel appeared.  
Wherefore I rather believe that Manoah, was either altogether without jealousy, or else not very much jealous. For he accused her not abroad, her repudiated her not, neither used he the public remedy of the law: For than was in force that law which was given by GOD, that if a man suspected his wife of adultery, he should bring her to the door of the tabernacle, where the Priest should search out the honesty of the woman by solemn waters, and by a bitter curse. 
The cause of the law of jealousy.  For God would that married folks should live together with a merry, quiet, and not suspicious mind. But Manoah did not only not use these remedies: but also he by no means rebuked his wife. But straightway prayed unto the Lord, that that man of God would return the second time, whereby he might understand, how the child should be brought up. Neither did he tempt god by his prayers. In deed no man ought to desire a sign, that he may believe the articles of faith. For those things which are contained in them, are already before sufficiently proved and confirmed by the word of God, and by miracles. But if there happen any new and singular revelation, because there may be deceits and guiles of devils, who transform themselves (yea even into the angels of light) if we require a sign of the Lord or instruction, we sin not. That a barren woman should bear, or that a child should set the people at liberty, it was a certain singular thing. Wherefore Manoah prayeth for nothing curiously, and therefore GOD heard him. He afterward demanded the name of the angel, but because he demanded it curiously, he was not heard.  
The angel came again unto the woman the self same day, as all interpreters do agree. And undoubtedly it might be, that first he came in the morning, and the second time, either at noon, or about the sun set. Manoah asked, Whether he were the man which spoke with his wife: which thing when he affirmed unto him, he said: Let thy saying come to pass. It may be an oration of one that wisheth, as if he should have said: I would to GOD it might come to pass. Or it may by supposition, as if it should have been said: If it come to pass as thou haste said, What then shallbe the judgement of the child? When he saith judgement, he asketh not Counsel of Astronomers, which answer by the stars, what shall come to pass of a child. He only demandeth what GOD had decreed of the child. Neither ought the decree of GOD whereof he inquireth, to be referred unto the merits of the child, but only unto the mercy of God. For Mischpat is very well turned a decree, for a decree is of mercy and not of merit. The Angel repeateth unto him all those things, which he had before commanded the woman to take heed of. She may not eat (sayeth he) of any thing that cometh of the wine grape. 
Certain wine ●rees bear not wine.  These words declare, that there are also other kinds of wines, out of which is not gathered wine. But when the Angel sayeth: Neither shall she drink wine, nor strong drink, his answer seemeth not to make much to the purpose. Manoah demandeth of the child, and the angel answereth of the mother. But it is all one, as if he had said: That which I have said of the mother, I have said it because of the child: Wherefore seeing god will have the mother observe these things, much more ought the child to keep the self same things. Howbeit the common translation (I can not tell how) referreth these things unto the child, but yet not rightly: because in the Hebrew the feminine gender is kept still. Augustine is his questions upon this book demandeth, 
Augustine.  why the mother is commanded to abstain from all unclean things, when as that was already before sufficiently forbidden by the law of God? He answereth: After that the Philistines possessed that land, Religion among the jews was feabled, and the people did without choice eat things unclean and forbidden by the law. By these words Manoah easily perceived that his wife did rightly understand the words of the angel, and that the child should be a Nazarite as long as he lived.   

15 And Manoah said unto the angel of the Lord: I pray thee let us retain thee, and we will make ready a Kid for thee.  
16 And the angel of the Lord answered unto Manoah: Though thou make me abide, I will not eat of thy bread: and if thou wilt make a  offering, offer it unto the Lord: for Manoah knew not that it was an angel of the Lord.  
17 Again Manoah said unto the Angel of the Lord: What is thy name, that when thy saying is come to pass we may honour thee?  
18 And the angel of the Lord answered him: Why askest thou thus after my name, which is secret?  
19 Then Manoah took a Kid and an oblation, and offered it upon a stone unto the Lord. And he wrought a miracle whilst Manoah and his wife looked on.  
20 For when the flame came up toward heaven from the altar, the angel of the Lord ascended up in the flame of the altar. And Manoah and his wife beheld it, and fell on their faces to the ground.  
21 So the angel of the Lord did no more appear unto Manoah and his wife. Then Manoah knew that it was an angel of the Lord.  
When they had heard these words, they would have retained this man of god, & have made him a banquet. Unto whom he answereth: Although ye make me to abide, yet will I not eat of your bread. This Hebrew word Lechen signifieth not only bread, but sometimes meat in universal, yea & sometimes flesh also. Hereof was invented the subtlety of the Papists: to whom when we say, that the bread remaineth in the Eucharist, & prove it by the which Paul writeth: The bread which we break, is it not the communicating of the body of Christ? They answer: the bread in that place may signify flesh, as it doth oftentimes in the holy scriptures. But they ought to remember that Paul wrote these words in Greek & not in Hebrew. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, bread in Greek, can not signify flesh, as Lechem may in Hebrew. Farther in the holy supper the flesh of Christ is not broken, but they are symbols or signs which are broken.  
We will make a Kid. So some read it, and do think that to make, 
Sundry reading.  is in this place nothing else then to Sacrifice. Peradventure Manoah thought that that angel was a Priest. And in peace offerings one part was burnt unto God, an other part was given unto the Priest, the third part they did eat which offered the sacrifice, and so they banqueted together before the Lord. Wherefore they would entertain the Angel with a banquet. But other read in this place, not to make, but simply to prepare.  
If thou wilt make a  offering, offer it unto the Lord. He declared that he looked not for a banquet, because in  offerings, all things were consumed with fire. But in that he saith: Sacrifice it unto the Lord, he putteth him in remembrance of the true God: because the people at that time worshipped the Gods of the gentiles. 
The wiliness of the Papists, whereby they affirm that the Mass is a sacrifice.  The Papists cry that to make, is to sacrifice: & that this word Facere, that is to do or to make, is properly applied unto sacrifices. And thereby they labour to prove, that their Mass is a sacrifice, because Christ said in the Supper, Hoc facite, that is, do or make this, which they think is nothing else, them sacrifice this. Neither do they cite these places only, but also very many other, which are found in the old testament. They say also that the Latin poets used this word after this manner, 
Virgil.  as Virgil when he said: When I make a calf for corn, come thou. Amitte it be so. But how shall we understand the certain signification or strength of this word as oft as it cometh? And when shall it signify this, & when that? 
From whence significations of words ought to be gathered.  For otherwise to make a garment, shallbe to sacrifice a garment, and to make a fire, shallbe to sacrifice a fire: if that word as oft as it cometh shall signify to sacrifice, undoubtedly what the word signifieth may be easily be understand by the thing itself, and circumstances of the place, as that in Virgil which they have alleged, where it is read: When I make a calf, it is certain that there is mention made of harvest Sacrifices. And so it oftentimes happeneth in the old Testament. But in the supper, what was it that Christ would Sacrifice? what oblation? what blood? Take (saith he,) eat, drink. Do this which I have said, namely to eat and drink, for a remembrance & monument of my death. But the Papists bring forth these vain & frivolous things, because they have no better, as they which have no wood use to burn straw.  

Whether it were lawful to sacrifice in any other place, besides the tabernacle.  But to return unto the History, this seemeth wonderful, when as the law commandeth that sacrifice should be done but only in the place which the Lord had chosen, how it should be lawful for Manoah to sacrifice at his own house. David Kimhi answereth, that this was done by the authority of the man of God, by a certain extraordinary mean. For Elias also sacrificed when he was among the ten tribes, that is, in the kingdom of Samaria. But those things he saith were peculiar, neither might they be drawn into an example of others. But I think the whilst the ark of the Lord was yet wandering, & whilst it had not yet found any certain place, the precept of the Lord had not yet his full strength. For thus the Lord had commanded, after that I shall bring you into the land which I have promised you, ye shall not sacrifice unto me, but in the place which I will show unto you. Wherefore although before it was permitted to sacrifice any other where, yet after the Solomon had built the temple, it was not lawful to offer out of it: wherefore the high places were to be taken away, & they should sacrifice no where but at jerusalem. But of all the kings, only josias & Ezechias took away the high places: so hard a thing was it to lead the people to the true obedience of god. But Elias was moved by a certain peculiar inspiration of God to Sacrifice other where.  
Manoah demandeth after the name of the Angel, neither did he that so simply as his wife did. But that he should not be thought to demand it curiously, or without a cause, he addeth a reason of his request. That if that come to pass which thou hast said, we may honour thee, that is with some reward. But I can not recompense thee, unless I know who thou art, & where thou dwellest. This Hebrew word Peli is ambiguous to the hebrews, 
R. Solomon. Angels are named of those things which they work.  & signifieth both wonderful, and also secret. R. Solomon sayeth that the names of angels are secret, so that they themselves know not their own names. And he addeth also that the Angels have no names of their own, but only have surnames given them of those things which they are sent to take charge over. Which thing also the Epistle to the hebrews toucheth, when it calleth them ministering spirits. R. Solomon bringeth examples out of the holy Scriptures. An Angel was sent unto Isaiah, and because he did put a burning coal to his lips, he was called Seraphim, of this verb Seraph, which signifieth to burn. So may we say of raphael, that he was so called, because he had healed Tobias, as though he were the medicine of God. Gabriel also, after the same manner, was called the strength of God. Also this word Peli signifieth wonderful: for therefore came the Angel, to work a miracle. And undoubtedly it was very wonderful, to bring fire out of a rock, which should consume the Sacrifice. And it may be that the Angel would not open his name, because men at that time were prone unto idolatry, and they would easily, when they had heard the name of an Angel, peradventure have worshipped it to much religiously.  
That which we have called an oblation, in Hebrew it is Minchah. But what manner of oblation that was, is understood by the .2. chapter of levit. There were divers kinds thereof, but it ever consisted of corn, but yet not always prepared after one manner, & it was so offered, that some part of it was burnt unto the Lord, the other part was left for the Priests. The Papists babble that Minchah was a shadow of their bready Sacrifice, which thing they have feigned most impudently. But hereof we will entreat in an other place.  
Manoah laid the Kid and Minchah upon the rock. Manoah might not Sacrifice unto the Lord by the law, because he came of the tribe of Dan, and not of the tribe of Levi. Wherefore he delivered the flesh unto the angel, whom he thought to be a Prophet, that he should sacrifice it. For Prophets had an extraordinary vocation, that although they were not of the family of Aaron, yet it was lawful for them to sacrifice: as we read of Helias and Helizeus. For when religion was decayed in the Priests, god suffered others to minister their office. But the angel, when the flesh was put upon the rock, wrought wonderfully. He raised up fire out of the stone, which consumed the offering. Which thing we read also was done in Gideon. Although it be not herein expressedly showed that fire was drawn out of the rock, as it was openly said in Gideon, yet is no mention made of fire that was brought by Manoah, & at the last it is said that the angel vanished away in the flame, therefore it is credible that fire was stricken out of the stone. The angel ascended into heaven, as though he used the flame for a chariot. He dissolved the body which he bore, and vanished away into the flame: which was a notable miracle. They fell to the ground for fear: for they were wonderfully amazed and astonished, when they saw that it was an angel, whom before they thought to have been a man.   

22 And Manoah said unto his wife: We shall surely die, because we have seen God.  
23 But his wife said unto him: If the Lord would kill us, he would not have received a  offering and an oblation of our hands, neither would he have showed us all these things, nor at this time told us such things.  
24 And the wife bore a son, and called his name Samson. And the child grew, and the Lord blessed him.  
25 And the spirit of the Lord began to strengthen him, in the host of Dan, between Zora and Esthaol.  
In dying we shall die. That is, we shall most assuredly die. For the hebrews in doubling the words do earnestly affirm.  
Because we have seen the Lord. Whereof this opinion sprang, I have told in the History of Gideon, where also I have declared, how God was seen of the fathers. 
The opinion of R. Levi been Gerson.  Wherefore it needeth not to repeat them in this place. But this will I not overpass, that R. Levi been Gerson writeth, that this was not an angel, but a man of god, and a Prophet, namely Pinhas the son of Eleazar. But he was called angel because Manoah and his wife thought him to be so. For after the same manner Ezras, although he was a man, yet was he called an angel. And Christ which is very man, is called the angel of the Testament. But how he being a man vanished away in the flame, Levi been Gerson declareth not. But I more simply do judge him to have been an angel in deed. For Pinhas had not a secret name, but a name well known in his time, and the words of the text do tend to this, 
Of the name of Elohim,  to teach that it was an angel. We have seen the Lord. In Hebrew it is Elohim, which although it be the name of GOD, yet is it communicated to angels, yea and also to princes and Prophets, according to that saying: I have said, ye are Gods. And Christ in the Gospel sayeth: If they are called Gods, unto whom is come the word of GOD, why do ye marvel. & c?  
This woman seemeth to be of a stouter courage them the man: for she comforteth her husband. Whose Oration is grounded upon two arguments. The first is, I do not think we shall die, because God would not have accepted our sacrifice, if he would have destroyed us. Wherefore seeing our sacrifice was acceptable unto him, he counteth not us as enemies. But whereby knew she that that sacrifice was acceptable unto God. first, because the Angel had commanded it to be done, which undoubledly he would not have done, unless he had understood that it should be acceptable unto God. Farther, because the flame had consumed the Sacrifice, and the angel therewithal flew away, as though he carried up the sacrifice with him into heaven. another argument is: He would not have taught us so many and such things, if we should perish. He came unto us once or twice, and instructed us of things which we should do. Wherefore be of good comfort, we shall not die.   

¶ Of Sacrifice.  

The offerer is more acceptable unto God than the Sacrifice.  Undoubtedly the woman's arguments are good: out of which may some things be gathered, which are not unprofitable. And first that God more accepteth him that offereth, than he doth the Sacrifice: yea the oblations please not him, but for the offerers sake. This sentence Irenaeus proveth by the scriptures in his fourth book, and .34. chapter. For God had a regard unto Abel, and to his gifts, but unto Cain and his gifts he looked not, because of the disposition of them that offered. For look what manner of will he that offereth hath towards God, the like will hath God to the oblation. Christ also saith: If thou bring thy gift unto the altar, and remember'st that thy brother hath somewhat against thee, go and reconcile thee first unto thy brother: and then come and offer thy gift. As though he should say: If whilst thou art evil, and enemy unto god, thou dost offer, thine oblation shall not be acceptable unto God. Wherefore Irenaeus concludeth, 
Irenaeus.  that they are not sacrifices which sanctify, but the conscience of him that offereth. And he addeth a reason: because God needeth not our Sacrifice. Among men, the evil may oftentimes be absolved: because men are sometimes covetous and needy, and are easily won with money. But if it happen the judge to be both just and good, he will reject the money, neither will he suffer his equity after that manner to be blotted. So God, because he can not be won by flattery, observeth the minds of men, and not the Sacrifices. In Esay the .66. chapter, he saith: He that sacrificeth a sheep, is as if he slew a dog: not that god hateth sacrifices in universal, but because he alloweth not the oblations of evil men. I have the largelier spoken things, because the papists boast, that in masses they offer Christ unto God the father: which thing if it should be granted, then must god the father more esteem a naughty sacrificer, than he doth his son. But this woman reasoneth most wittily. God hath received our sacrifice, therefore he is not angry, neither will he destroy us.  
We count the sacrifices of christians to be a contrite heart, prayers, 
The sacrifices of Christians.  giving of thanks, alms, mortifienge the affections of the flesh, and such like. These are left unto us after the abrogation of the carnal sacrifices, that we should offer them as the fruits of our faith, and testimonies of a thankful mind. But as touching the pacifying of God, Christ offered himself once upon the cross, neither is there any need that any man should offer him again. For by an oblation he accomplished all things. Now remaineth, that we embrace his sacrifice with faith, and we shall have God merciful unto us, who of his goodness will by Christ accept those sacrifices which we have now made mention of. But Augustine contra literas Parmeniani, in his .2. book and .8. chapter seemeth at the first sight to make against us. 
Augustine.  For the Donatists would not communicate with the other Christians, because they counted them defiled and unpure, and they cited a place out of john: We know that God heareth not sinners. Your men, said they, have betrayed the holy books, have burnt incense unto Idols, have denied god, how then will god hear them? Augustine answereth, that it may be, that an evil minister, although he be not heard for his own cause, yet when he prayeth for the people, he may be heard. And he confirmeth his sentence by the example of Balaam: for he being a most wicked man, prayed unto god and was heard. But if a man diligently examine these things, he shall find that Augustine is not against us, although at the first sight he seemeth a little to press us.  
When he had said that the evil ministers also are heard, 
The public prayers of the minister are the prayers of the Church.  he strayghteway addeth, that that is not done for their wickedness sake, but because of the faith and devotion of the people, whereby we gather, that although the minister be the guide in words, yet are they not his prayers, but the prayers of the Church. For there must be one certain man, which may conceive the prayers for the rest, least in the multitude should rise a confusion or tumult, if every man should by his own words pour out prayers aloud in the Church. Wherefore the minister is a certain mouth of the church. 
The Minister is the mouth of the church.  Therefore if he be evil, it is not he which is heard, but the faithful people, which speak by his words. This thing taught Augustine when he writeth that an evil minister is heard, not for his wickedness, but for the faith and devotion of the people. Hereby are we admonished, that whilst we are present at public prayers, we must take very diligent heed, and determine that those prayers which are recited, are ours. 
How it is said that Balaam was heard.  But Balaam by a certain form of prayer prophesied, and therefore his words are called a blessing, because he prophesied happy things unto the people of god. And he was not moved unto these prayers of his own will, but by the spirit of god. Wherefore he was not heard, but the holy ghost was the true author of his words.  
That which is alleged out of john: God heareth not sinners, Augustine saith that that was not the saying of Christ, 
Whither God heareth sinners  but of the blind man which was no● yet fully illustrate. Wherefore he affirmeth that sentence not to be true in universal. For (as they define) the prayers of perverse ministers are sometimes hard, because they are of the church. But as touching the oblation of Christ, I do not think that the papists will grant, that the whole church offereth it, when as they will have that to be peculiar to the massmongers. And though they should grant that, yet is not the whole Church greater or more acceptable unto god, than Christ: because he is not acceptable unto god for the church's sake, but the church is acceptable unto god for Christ's sake. But to return to the saying of john, that God heareth not sinners, adding a profitable distinction, we may thus expound it. 
A distinction of sinners.  There are some sinners which fall of weakness, or sin of ignorance, which yet afterward acknowledge themselves, are sorry, and repent faithfully. But there are other, which sin without conscience, want faith, neither are they led with any repentance. The first sort, because they have faith, are heard, the other, forasmuch as they want faith, do in vain pour out their prayers. 
What manner of one the publican was when he prayed.  But if a man will object the Publican, who being a sinner, prayed unto god and departed justified. I answer, that that publican was in such sort a sinner, that yet when he prayed, he was not without faith, yea rather he prayed with faith, otherwise god would not have heard his prayers. And undoubtedly james doth right well admonish us, when he saith: Pray, having faith. In sum, that sentence is firm and perfect wherein it is said: whatsoever is offered unto God for a sacrifice, the same is acceptable unto him, if faith and justification of him that offereth, go before.  

A very subtle cavilation.  Some do cavile of the first act of faith, whereby we begin first to assent unto god, and they doubt, whither it be acceptable unto god or no. Undoubtedly before it, he is an enemy, which now beginneth to believe. Then say they, if that first consent be acceptable unto God, then accepteth he the gift of an enemy. But if it be not acceptable, than it justifieth not. To this I answer two ways: first that men are not justified of the worthiness of the act of faith, but of the firm promise of god, which faith embraceth. Farther, when any man first assenteth, and believeth, then is he first made of an enemy a friend, and although before he was an enemy, yet so soon as he believeth, he is made a friend, and ceaseth to be an enemy. 
Plato.  But that which we have before concluded, that he which offereth is more acceptable unto God, than the gift, the ethnics also saw. For Plato in Alcibiade maketh mention, that the Athenienses upon a time made war against the Lacedæmonians, and when they were overcome, they sent messengers unto jupiter Ammon, by whom they said that they marveled for what cause, where as they had offered so great gifts unto the Gods, and their enemies on the contrary side sacrificed sparingly and slenderly, and yet had they the victory over them. Ammon answered, that the gods more esteemed the prayers of the Lacedæmonians, than the most fat sacrifices of the Athenienses. For when they burnt Oxen unto their Gods, in the mean time they thought nothing of their souls. So in Homer jupiter speaketh, that the Gods are not moved with the smoke and smell of sacrifices, when as they hated Priamus and the Troyanes'. Wherefore the ethnics understood, that which the Papists at this day see not, which think that their blind sacrificer, though he be never so unpure and ungodly, doth yet with his hands, offer up Christ unto god the father.  
Now let us see the other argument of this woman. God would never have showed us these things, if he would have killed us: Forasmuch as he is not wont to make his enemies of his council. Thus the wife of Manoah comforteth her fearful husband. But this argument seemeth somewhat obscure, when as Balaam, although he were ungodly, was not ignorant of the Councils of God. christ also saith: Many shall say unto me in that day, have we not Prophesied in thy name? To these things I answer, that GOD did not only foretell unto them things that should come to pass for the delivery of the people, but also of the child which they should receive, and of his education. Wherefore seying he used them as fellow workmen, it was a certain argument, that god had not appointed strayghteway to kill them. Neither speaketh she here of eternal life, but of this earthly and corruptible life.  
And the child grew, and his name was called Samson. Hereby we know that Zorah was the name of the place where Samsons fathers was borne. Samson. This Hebrew word Shemesch signifieth the sun, being therefore so called, as though he were of the sun: but for what cause he was so called it is not known. I marvel that josephus interpreteth Samson for strong or mighty, 
josephus.  undoubtedly such an Etymology agreeth not with the Hebrew word. But he oftentims goeth from the history. And in this place also he saith that the woman prayed, when as that is not found in the text. God blessed Samson. That is, bestowed and heaped benefits upon him.  
The spirit of God. That is the spirit of strength and might began to strengthen him. In the host of Dan. The history speaketh thus by reason of those times. The tribe of Dan had not yet obtained possession in the land of promise, but they were in tents, and fought against their enemies. 
R.D. Kimhi.  R.D. Kimhi saith that they did them besiege the city of Lais. Wherefore he being a young man, was together with them in the host. The Hebrew word is Paam, and it signifieth to be moved, & to be stricken at certain times, not perpetually, but by courses. He being a young man was moved, and waxed hot, to fight the more vehemently against his enemies. And his impulsions, because they were of God, therefore are they ascribed unto the spirit. But because we are already come unto the end of this chapter, before we enter into the next, there are certain things which are to be marked.  
first, hereby we gather a most sure argument with how singular a care god governeth his church. For although the jews had grievously sinned, yet had god a regard to their health, & sendeth them a captain, which should deliver them, & foretelleth what things should come to pass, lest they should seem to have happened by chance. Farther he would have the child to be a Nazarite, 
Outward things are not to be neglected.  and to have his hear to grow, and to abstain from wine and strong drink. Wherefore we are taught that these outward things are not utterly vain, but may be applied unto the glory of god. Men are wont sometimes to say, when they are admonished of outward things: What, doth god regard these things? In deed we know also that in those things is no holiness to be put. Howbeit we must take heed that both in living, and in apparel, and in going also in all gesture and in habit, we behave ourselves comely, both before God, and also before the church, not superstitiously but holily, that our modesty may advance the kingdom of Christ and his holy Gospel. furthermore let us here consider that the wife helpeth the husband with her council. For although by the ordinary law it is not lawful for women to preach and teach in an assembly: yet are they not so destitute of the gracious gifts of God, but that they may instruct their husbands with good counsels.   

¶ Of the visions of Angels.  
THe next thing, is that I somewhat entreat of the visions of Angels. For as we have now heard an angel appeared unto Manoah, and oftentimes in other places (as the scriptures declare) angels have been seen of men, But it may be demanded, how they appeared, whither with any body, or else only in fantasy? And if it were with a body, whither it were with their own body, or with a strange body? & if they took a body, whither they were for a time or for ever?  

The opinion of Plato's sect.  Of these things, there are diverse opinions of men Plato's sect do say that the minds, that is, the intelligences are so framed, that certain of them have celestial bodies, some have fiery bodies, some airy, some watery, and some earthly. And some they affirm to be dark Demonia, which do continually abide in darkness and mist. Of these things Marcilius Ficinius hath gathered many things in his. 

The Peripatetikes.  
The school divines men.   10. books de legibus, and in his argument of Epinomides. The Peripatetikes affirm that there are certain intelligences which turn and move the celestial orbs, neither make they mention of any other. But the scholedevines, do determine that those minds & intelligences are altogether spiritual, and that they have no bodies. And this is the reason that leadeth them thus to think, because these intelligences must needs excel the souls of men, whose most perfect faculty consisteth in understanding. Wherefore as they think, in this act of understanding it behoveth that these intelligences do much exceed them, and the cometh to pass for that these heavenly minds have no need of images, or of senses: and because the case so standeth, they should have bodies in vain.  

The father's Origene.  But of the fathers there are some which affirm far otherwise. Origene in his books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Jerome hath noted in his Epistle ad Pammachium, de erroribus joannis Herosolymitani) saith that those spiritual minds, as often as they do offend, slide and are thrust into bodies, but yet not straightway into the vilest bodies, but first into starry bodies, then into fiery and airy, afterward into watery, and lastly into human and earthly. And if then also they behave not themselves well, they are at the last made devils. But if they will at least ways than repent, they may by the self same degrees come to their old estate. And this we ought to understand (saith he) by that ladder, whereon jacob saw angels ascending & descending. 
Jerome.  And Jerome also to make the thing more plain, addeth a similitude. A Tribune (saith he) if he govern not well, is dejected from his degree, and is made the princes chief Secretary, afterward a Senator, a captain over 200. men, a ruler over fewer, a watchman, a horseman, and afterward a soldier of the first degree. And although a Tribune were once a common soldier, yet is he not made of a tribune a young Soldier, but the Princes chief Secretary. But these things are absurd, and very worthy to be laughed at. And undoubtedly Origene in those things speaketh more like a Platonian, than a Christian. 
Against the translation of souls into bodies after Origines feigning.  That which he first taketh that souls are thrust into bodies, as into punishments, is manifestly false, for as much as god hath adjoined the body unto the soul for a help, and not for a punishment. Neither doth he well to give hope of salvation to come unto the devil, when as Christ hath contrariwise taught, saying: Go ye cursed into everlasting fire, which is prepared for the devil and his Angels. Neither can we interpret it that this word eternum is there set for this word diuturnum, that is everlasting, for a long season. For Christ most apertly expoundeth his sentence, when he saith: Their worm shall not die, and their fire shall not be quenched. Neither doth he truly affirm that the souls first offend before they come into bodies, when as Paul writeth of jacob and Esau, before they were borne, and had done neither good nor evil, it was said, jacob have I loved, and Esau have I hated: The greater shall serve the lesser. Wherefore this sentence of Origene is worthily to be rejected of all men.  
Augustine seemeth in many places to attribute bodies unto Angels, 
Augustine.  namely in his second book De trinitate. chap. seven. and in the third book, chap. 1. which thing the Schoolmen perceiving, have excused him, saying that he spoke not according to his own opinion, but after the opinion of other men. Which thing I also could well allow, for as much as I see that that father (in his. viii. book De civitate dei, the xvi chap.) after the opinion of Apuleius, Madaurensis, & Porphyrius, defineth, that Demons are in kind animalia, that is, having sense, in soul passive, in mind reasonable, in body airy, in time eternal. Undoubtedly, herein he followeth the doctrine of Plato's sect. But in the places before alleged he seemeth to speak altogether of himself. Yea, 
Bernhardus.  and Bernhardus also upon Cantica Canticorum, as it appeareth, is of the same opinion. Wherefore the school men are compelled to invent an other excuse, and they say that Angels, if they be compared with men, are spirits: but if with God, they have bodies, because they fail from the unity and simplicity of God. Tertulian de carne Christi, 
Tertulian.  affirmeth that Angels have bodies. But that is not so much to be marveled of him, for he attributeth a body also unto God himself. But he calleth a body whatsoever is. For he had to do with unlearned and rude men, which think that whatsoever is not a body, is nothing. But the schoolmen say that Angels are in very deed spirits, but when they come unto men, they take upon them airy bodies, and thicken them and make them gross, whereby they may be seen, touched, and felt above the nature of air. There are some also which say, that some earthly or waterish thing is mixed with them: and yet will they not that there is there a perfect mixture, that they should not be compelled to put generation ther. There were some also, which thought that Angels sometimes took upon them dead carcases. But this seemeth unto the greater part a thing unworthy, so to think of holy Angels.  
Here some man will say that it is absurd, 
Wither it be convenient for Angels to take upon them the shape of man.  to ascribe unto Angels feigning & lying, as to feign themselves to be men, when as in very deed they are not men. Yea and this seemeth also to weaken the argument of Christ, which he used after his resurrection, to teach that he had a true body. Feel (saith he) and see, for a spirit hath not flesh and bones, as ye see me have. For the Apostles being afraid, thought that they had seen a spirit: wherefore Christ to put them out of doubt, bade them to handle and feel his body. But the Apostles might have said: That which we feel is a fancy: it seemeth in deed to be Christ, but peradventure it is not. For Angels also seem to have bodies, and to be touched and felt, when as yet in very deed they have no bodies. Also this sentence may debilitate the argument of the Fathers, as touching the flesh of Christ, against Martion. For he did eat (say they) he drank, he was hungry, he slept, he did sweat. Wherefore he had a true and human body. Unto these things might be answered: that these self same things have happened unto Angels, when as yet they had not bodies.  
I answer: That which they first say, 
Not whatsoever is feigned, is a lie.  that it is absurd to attribute lies unto Angels: they ought to consider, that not whatsoever by any means is feigned, is straightway a lie. Christ appeared unto his Disciples as a stranger, and yet he lied not: he appeared also unto Mary like a Gardener, and for all that he lied not. So Angels, although they seemed men, when as they were not men, yet were they not liars. For they came not therefore, to prove themselves to be men, but only that they might come to men, and talk with them.  
To the argument of Christ touching his own body, I thus answer. 
Angels when they seemed men, lied not.  First the apostles thought it had been a ghost which had appeared. And Christ to refel that, saith: feel and see, because a spirit hath not flesh & bones. By the feeling might be perceived, that it was a true and perfect body which was present, and not a vain fancy. But thou wilt say, that it was a true body in deed, but yet taken for a time, and such a body, as sometimes Angels are wont to put on. But how could it be taught, that that was the same body, which lay before in the sepulchre? In this thing the authority of Christ and of the scriptures ought to be of force. For the scriptures teach manifestly enough that Christ should die, and afterward rise again the third day: 
Tertulian. Thomas Aquinas.  but nothing can rise again, but that which before fell, as Tertulian hath most learnedly written. And this thing the schoolmen understood: wherefore Thomas Aquinas saith, that unless certain other things were added, this is no firm argument. The same thing may be answered unto the reasons of the fathers against Martion. Many in deed of the actions before alleged, may agree with Angels, or with the bodies taken, but yet not all. For to be borne, to be nourished, and to die, and to feel, happen neither to Angels, neither to bodies that are taken. But the scripture most apertly testifieth that Christ was both borne, and that he grew till he came to age, that he was hungry, that he died, and was true man. But of these things I will speak more largely afterward.  
There are very many other things in the school divines, as touching these matters: 
What manner of bodies the angels take upon them.  but because they are not so profitable, therefore I overpass them. But this thing I demand, whither Angels may take upon them true bodies, & that natural, which bodies also had their being before, & use them at their liberty, as the devil did put on the Serpent, and by him deceived Eve, the Angel also spoke in the Ass of Bileam. Why then can not an Angel after the same manner, possess an human body, and speak in it? Undoubtedly it is written in Zachary the prophet: The Angel of the Lord which spoke in me. Wherefore it seemeth that Angels may use the bodies of men and beasts. 
Augustine.  Augustine in his .2. book De Trinitate the .1. chapter, saith that this is a very hard question, whether Angels unto their own proper bodies join other bodies, and change them into sundry forms, as we are wont to do garments, or also to change them into very nature, as we read that Christ changed water into wine. This thing he saith is not impossible. For thus he writeth: I confess it passeth the strengths of my capacity, whither Angels retaining still the spiritual quality of their own body, very secretly working by it, do take of these more gross inferior elements, any thing which being framed unto them they do change, as a garment, and turn it into all corporal forms or shapes, yea even into the true things themselves, as true water was turned by the Lord into wine: or whether they transform their own proper bodies into what they will, being framed to that which they have in hand to do. But whether soever of these it be, it pertaineth not to this question.  
But I say, if the bodies of Angels were true bodies, than was Christ's argument firm, and I will willinglier grant to this, then to say as some do, that Angels deceived the senses of men. 
A subtlety of the Papists concerning transubstantiation.  For after this sort they strive against us, when we say that in the Eucharist remaineth bread, which is both seen and touched, they answer that it seemeth bread in deed, but it is not, as the Angels seemed men, when as they were no men. For I deny not, but that the senses may sometimes be deceived. 
A distinction of sensible things. When the senses may be deceived, & when not.  But I affirm in the mean time, that there are two kinds of those things, which are perceived by sense. For there are some things common unto many senses, and other are proper to some one sense. For figure, magnitude, and number, are perceived of many senses. And undoubtedly in such things the sense may sometimes be deceived, as Carneades was wont to dispute of an ore in the water appearing broken, and of the bygnes of the body of the Sun. But in sensible things proper unto one sense, the sense is never deceived, unless there be some fault in the body, or over much distance, or some such like let. Wherefore seeing in the Eucharist the sense judgeth that the bread remaineth, there is no need to feign that the sense is therein deceived.  
But to appoint a certain compendious way of this disputation, there are three manner of ways, whereby Angels may seem to have appeared. For either they were seen in fantasy, so that they were thought to have bodies, when they had them not. Which reason cannot be firm, for they illuded not the senses, neither were they seen of any one only, but very often times of many, & they were so seen, that Abraham washed their feet, and jacob wrestled with an Angel the whole night. Or else they appeared with a true body in deed, which yet was not such a body, as it was thought to be. Either else they had the self same body truly and in very deed, which they seemed to have. 
Tertulian  Of this third kind Tertulian hath written most learnedly in his book De carne Christi. Thou hast sometime red and believed, saith he, that the Angels of the creator were turned into the shape of man, and that they carried such a truth of a body, that both Abraham washed their feet, and also Lot was by their hands delivered from the Sodomites: an angel also wrestled with a man, and desired to be loosed from the weight of the body, by whom he was holden. That therefore, which was lawful unto Angels that are inferiors unto God, that they being turned into the body of a man, not withstanding yet abode Angels, dost thou take away thus from God which is more mighty, as though Christ putting on man in very deed were not able to remain God? Thus Tertulian fighteth against the Marcionites: 
The error of the Marcionites  for they affirmed that Christ seemed to have a human body, but in very deed he had none. Tertulian objecteth against them: and if ye grant this (saith he) unto the Angels, that they had true bodies, why do ye not rather grant it unto the son of God? And he addeth: Or did those Angels appear in fantasy of flesh? But thou darest not say so: for if it be so, that thou count the Angels of the creator as Christ, then shall Christ be of the same substance as the Angels are, and the Angels shall be such as Christ is. If thou didst not sometimes of purpose reject, and sometimes corrupt the scriptures which resist thy opinion, the Gospel of john should have of this confounded thee, 
Of the dove wherein the holy ghost appeare●  which declareth that the spirit coming down in the body of a dove, sat upon the Lord, which spirit being that he was, was as truly a dove, as he was a spirit: neither the contrary substance taken, destroyed the proper substance.  
I know there are some of the schoolmen which think that it was not a very Dove, which descended upon the head of Christ, but only that it was an airy & thick body, which appeared to be a dove. 
Augustine.  Yet Augustine de Ago Christiano writeth the contrary, namely that it was a very Dove: for to express the property of the holy ghost, a thing (saith he) serveth better than a sign, even as Christians also are better expressed in Sheep and Lambs, then in the likeness of Sheep and Lambs. Also if Christ had a true body, and deceived not, then t●e holy ghost had in very deed the body of a dove.  
Tertulian addeth: Thou wilt demand where the body of the Dove became, 
What beca●● of the Dove wherein the holy go●● appeared.  when the spirit was taken again into heaven, and likewise of the Angels. It was by the same means taken away, whereby it was made. If thou hadst seen when it was brought forth of nothing, thou shouldest also have known when it was turned to nothing. If the beginning was not visible, no more was the end. Farther, he remitteth the reader to john. Was he also (saith he) a fantasy after his resurrection, when he offered his hands and feet to be seen of his Disciples? saying: behold that it is I, for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see me have. Then Christ is brought in as a juggler or Cuniurer. And in his third book against Martion. Wherefore his Christ, that is, Christ of the true God, because he should not lie, neither deceive, and by that means peradventure should be counted the Christ of the creator, was not that which he appeared to be, and feigned to be that thing which he was, flesh, and not flesh, man and not man, wherefore Christ is also God, and not God. For why should he not also carry the fantasy of God? Shall I believe him as touching this inward substance, that is overthrown as touching his outward substance? How shall he be counted true in a secret thing, that is found so false in an open thing? And afterward: It is enough for me to affirm that which is agreeing unto God, namely the truth of that thing, which he objecteth to three senses, to sight, touching, and hearing. Again in the book de carne Christi: The virtues (saith he) prove the spirit of God, the passions prove the flesh of man. If virtues are not without spirit, neither shall passions also be without flesh. If the flesh with his passions be feigned, the spirit also with his virtues is false. Why dost thou by thy lie take but half Christ? He is all whole truth.  

The opinion of Apelles.  Apelles the heretic, being in manner overcome with these reasons, granteth that Christ had in deed true flesh, but he denieth that he was borne, but brought from heaven: and he objecteth that the bodies, which were taken by Angels, were true bodies, but they were not borne. Such a body (saith he) had Christ. Tertulian answereth hereunto: They, saith he, which set forth the flesh of Christ, after the example of the Angels, saying that it was not borne, namely a fleshy substance, I would have them to compare the causes also, as well of Christ as of the Angels, for which they came into the flesh. No angel did at any time therefore descend to be crucified, to suffer death, and to rise again from death. If there was never any such cause why angels should be incorporate, then haste thou a cause why they took flesh, and yet were not borne. They came not to die, therefore they came not to be borne. But Christ being sent to die, it was necessary that he should be borne, that he might die: for none is wont to die, but he which is borne. He addeth moreover: And even then also the Lord himself appeared among those angels unto Abraham without birth, namely with flesh, for the same diversity of cause. Afterward he addeth: That the Angels have their bodies rather from earth, then from heaven. Let them prove saith he, that those angels received the substance of flesh of the stars. If they prove it not, because it is not written, then was not the flesh of Christ thereof, to which Christ they apply the example of Angels. And in his third book against Martion: My God, saith he, which hath reform it, taken of the slime in this quality, not yet of seed by marriage, and yet flesh, might as well of any matter have framed flesh also unto Angels, which also framed the world of nothing, into so many and such bodies. Again in his book de carne Christi, he saith: It is manifest that angels carry not flesh proper of their own, as substances by nature spiritual, and if they have any body, yet it is of their own kind, and are transfigurable for a time into the flesh of man, that they may be seen, and have fellowship with men. Farther, in his third book against Martion: Know thou saith he, that this is not granted unto thee, that the flesh in Angels was putative, or by imagination, but of the very and sound substance of man. For if it were not hard to give unto that putative flesh the true senses and acts of flesh, much more easier was it to give a true substance of flesh, to true senses and acts, even for that he is the proper author and worker thereof. For it is a harder thing for God to make a lie, then to feign a body. Last of all, thus he concludeth: Therefore are they truly human bodies, because of the truth of God, who is far from lying and deceit. And because they can not humanelye be handled of men, 
The sum of the opinion of Tertulian.  but in the substance of men.  
I could rehearse more things out of Tertulian, but these seem sufficient for this present purpose. In sum, he thinketh that Angels have bodies, but yet strange bodies, and not their own. For their proper bodies (as he thinketh) pertain unto the spiritual kind. secondly, he saith that those strange bodies which they take, are created either of nothing, or else of some matter which shall seem good unto God. Thirdly he affirmeth that they were true, perfect, and human bodies, and not vain or feigned, but of a true flesh, and not of a flesh only appearing, so that of men they might be both touched and handled, to the end he might both remove dissimulation from God, and also confirm the verity of human flesh in Christ. Whereby is concluded, that the human senses were not deceived concerning these things: as the Papists contend that the senses are deceived concerning the bread and wine of the Eucharist.  
But Origene in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as he is cited of Jerome against john bishop of jerusalem) thought far otherwise. 
Origene.  For where we say that the visions of Angels may be imagined three manner of ways, namely either in fantasy, or in body, but not human, or lastly in a true and human body: he taketh a certain mean, and saith that the bodies of Angels wherein they offer them selves to be seen, are neither perfect nor human, nor also fantastical, but only bodies, and that he applieth to them that rise again. For in the resurrection saith he, we shall have bodies, but yet only bodies, not bones, not sinews, not flesh. And in deed there is some difference between a body and flesh: 
All flesh is a body, but not every body is flesh.  for all flesh is a body, but not every body is flesh. Such a difference touched Paul to the Collossians, saying: Being reconciled in the body of his flesh. And in the second chapter: In the spoiling of the body of the flesh of sin. And in the Symbol also we say, that we believe in the resurrection of the flesh, and not of the body.  
Origene said that he saw two extreme errors. One was of them which said there is no resurrection, such as were the Valentinians and Marcionites, such also was Alexander, who as Paul testifieth, taught that the resurrection was already done: and such also as at this day the Libertines are said to be, who babble I cannot tell what of that matter, both ungodlily and unlearnedly. another error is of those which think that the perfect and true bodies shall rise again with flesh, sinews, and bones, which thing (as he saith) is not possible: because flesh and blood shall not possess the kingdom of heaven. But Origene ought to have considered what followeth afterward in Paul. For he addeth: Neither shall corruption possess incorruption. Wherefore his sentence is, that the corruptible body cannot possess the kingdom of God. But Origene to retain that his meaning, confessed that the bodies should rise in deed, but not thick and with bones, but spiritual, as Paul hath said: The body shall rise spiritual.  
But Origene in those words marketh not that Paul calleth it a spiritual body, not because it should utterly be changed into a spirit, but because it should have spiritual conditions, namely incorruption, and most clear brightness. But because he perceived that the body of Christ, which after his resurrection he offered unto his Disciples to be touched and to be felt, was against his doctrine, therefore he saith: Let not the body of Christ deceive you, because it had many singular privileges, which are not granted unto other bodies. Farther, that by this dispensation he might prove that he verily was risen, he would after his resurrection have a true body, not that other bodies in the resurrection should be like. But he showed the nature of his spiritual body in Emaus, when he vanished away from the sight of his Disciples. And an other time when he entered to his Disciples, the doors being shut.  
Jerome thus opposeth himself against these things: 
Jerome.  If Christ (saith he) after his resurrection did eat in very deed, than had he also a true body: but if not, how proved he by a false thing the truth of his body? But in that he vanished away from the sight of the Disciples, that was not by the nature of the body, but by the divine power. For in Nazareth when the people would have stoned him, he withdrew himself from their eyes. And that which might be done of a Cuniurer, shall we think that the Son of God cannot do? For Apollonius Thianaeus, 
Apollonius Thianaeus.  when he was brought into the Counsel before Domitian, forthwith vanished away. And that that thing in Christ was not by the nature of the body, but by the power of GOD, it is declared by that which went before in the same History. For when he was in the way with his Disciples, their eyes were holden that they could not know him. But in that Origene saith, that the body of Christ was spiritual, because he entered in, 
Now the body of christ entered, the doors being shut.  the doors being shut, Jerome answereth that the creature gave place unto the Creator. etc. Wherefore the body of Christ pierced not through the midst of the boards and posts, so that two bodies were together in one, and the self same place, but herein happened the miracle, because the very boards of the door gave way unto the body of Christ. 
The body of Christ went not out of the sepulchre, it being shut. Leo.  Farther, that which some object, that the body of Christ went out of the Sepulchre, it being shut, that also is not of necessity to be believed, but we may think that the stone was rolled away before he went forth. And lest a man should think that I fain those things, let him read the lxxxiii Epistle of Leo, ad Episcopos Palaesthinos. The flesh, saith he, of Christ, which went out of the Sepulchre, the stone being rolled away. 
The bodies of angels wherein they appeared, were true and human.  etc. Now to return to the purpose, because I have said that the bodies of Angels may be thought to have been either fantastical or spiritual, or else perfect and in very deed human, & the two first parts are rejected: then resteth that the bodies of Angels wherein they appear, are true and human. Which thing I affirm only to be true, for as much as Angels were so seen, 
The visions of Prophets were sometime imaginative.  that they wrestled with men, and offered their feet to be washed. Neither do I judge that it is lawful there to say, that the human senses were deceived, when as the things were outwardly done. But I do not deny, but that there sometimes happened imaginative appearings unto the prophets, when as they said that they saw God, or the Cherubin, or other such like things. For that, for as much as it was in their mind or imaginative faculty, it might well be done by forms, images, and visions.  

Angels appearing in human bodies were not men.  Now remain there two things to be diligently weighed. One is, whither Angels, when they after this sort put on human bodies, may be called men. I think not. For if we understand human flesh, which is form and borne of a reasonable soul, undoubtedly Angels after that manner cannot be said to have human flesh. What then, will some man say? Were the senses deceived when men saw them? Not so. For the senses judge only outward things, and such things as appear. But what inwardly impelleth or moveth those things which they see, they judge not. That longeth to reason to seek and search out. This also is to be added, that Angels did not continually retain these bodies, because they were not joined unto them, in one and the self same substance: So that an Angel and a body were made one person.  

The holy ghost was not the dove, nor the Dove the holy Ghost.  The holy ghost also, although it was a true dove, where he descended, yet was not he together one substance with it. Wherefore the dove was not the holy ghost, nor the holy ghost the dove. Otherwise Angels may (as we have before taught) enter in deed into a body before made, and which before had his being, as it is read of the Angel which spoke in the Ass of Baalam, and of the devil, which by the Serpent talked with Eue. But at this present we dispute not of that kind, but only say, that Angels working in this manner in the bodies of creatures, are not joined unto them in one and the self same substance. Wherefore the Ass could not be called an Angel, neither was the Angel an Ass, even as the serpent was not in very deed the devil, neither was the devil the Serpent.  

The son of God, is God & man.  But the Son of God, for as much as he took upon him human nature, was man, and man was God, because of one and the self same substance, wherein were two natures. But before when he appeared unto Abraham, and to the Fathers, although he had true flesh, yet because it was not joined unto him in one and the self same substance, he could not be called flesh, neither was flesh, God. But afterward, when he took upon him both flesh and soul, so that there was only one substance or person, than man was God, and God, man. Whereby it came to pass, that he should truly be borne, that he should die, and redeem mankind. Wherefore he did truly call himself the son of man: and in john he saith, ye seek to kill me, a man, which have told you the truth. And in the Scriptures it is said: Made of the seed of David. And Peter in the Acts: ye have killed, saith he, a man appointed you of God. And Esay: Behold, saith he, a virgin shall conceive and bear a Son. These words have great force. For unless Christ had been true man, a Virgin could not have conceived him, neither have brought him forth, nor called him her son. This thing Tertulian prudently marked. If he had been a stranger, saith he, 
Tertulian.  a Virgin could not either have conceived him, or borne him. The Angel also saluted Mary after this manner: Be not afraid said he, thou shalt conceive. etc. Elizabeth said: How happeneth this to me, that the mother of my Lord should come unto me? If she had Christ only as a Stranger, she could not be called his Mother. The Angel also said: Blessed be the fruit of thy womb. But how could it have been said, the fruit of her womb, if he had brought a body with him from heaven? And in Esay it is written: A rod shall come out of the root of jesse, and a flower shall ascend out of his root. jesse was the stock, Marry the branch, but Christ is the flower which took his body of her. Matthew also thus beginneth his Gospel: The book of the generation of jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham. If Christ brought a body from heaven, how was he the son of Abraham or David? Farther, the promise made to Abraham of Christ, is in this sort: In thy seed shall all nations be blessed. Paul entreating of these words to the Galathians: He said not, saith he, in seeds, as though in many, but in thy seed, which is Christ. And in the Epistle to the Romans we read: Of whom is Christ according unto the flesh. All these things prove most apeartly, that Christ was true man, and in him was one substance of God and man. These things cannot be said of the Angels, neither of the Son of God, before he was borne of the Virgin: although whilst he appeared, he had true flesh (as we have before said:) but yet not joined unto him in one and the self same substance: neither could it be said of the holy ghost, that he was in very deed a dove, although that wherein he once appeared, was a true dove. And in this sense wrote Tertulian those things which we have before cited, which things being not well understood, might breed either error or offence unto the Readers.  
Now resteth the other question: 
Whither Angels did in very deed eat & drink when they appeared. Scotus.  Whither Angels clothed with bodies taken, did in very deed eat and drink. Of the Schoolmen some think that they did eat in very deed, and other deny it. Scotus thinketh that to eat is nothing else, then to chaw meat, and to convey it down into the belly. And this thing did the Angels, wherefore he gathereth that they did eat in very deed.  
Other think that to eat, is not only to chaw the meat, or to convey it down into the belly, but moreover to convert it into the substance of his body, by concoction thorough the power of vegitation. This, for as much as the Angels did not, therefore they did not eat in very deed. 
The book of Thobias.  The book of Tobias is not in the Canon of the Hebrews, but yet it might be applied unto our purpose, but that there is variance in the copies. For in that book which Munster set forth in Hebrew, in the xii chapter, Raphael the Angel saith: I seemed to you to eat and to drink, but I did not eat, neither drink. The common translation hath: I seemed to you to eat and to drink. But I use invisible meat and drink. Neither text denieth, but that the Angel did after a certain manner eat.  

Augustine.  But whatsoever may be gathered of those words, me thinketh the interpretation of Augustine is to be received, in his iii book de Trinitate, the .22. chap. where he thus writeth: The Angels did eat in very deed, but not for need, but to contract custom and familiarity with men. Wherefore when in the one text it is said that Raphael did not eat, 
What is the meat & drink of Angels.  it must not so be understand, as though he did not eat at all, but because he did not eat after the manner of men. But this is there chief to be marked, when the Angel answereth that he useth spiritual meat and drink, that spiritual nourishment was nothing else, than an apearte and manifest knowledge of the true God, and execution of his will, as Christ also said, that that was his meat, to do the will of his father. The same also is our meat, although it be not after the same manner. For they see God manifestly, but we see him by a glass, and in a riddle. Whereunto thou mayest add that they which believe in Christ, 

Who eat and drink the body and blood of Christ.  
The flesh and blood of Christ are neither included nor poured into the symbols or signs. Augustine   and do assuredly persuade themselves, that he died for their sake, they I say, doth both eat the flesh of Christ, & drink his blood, to which use the symbols or signs, for that they stir up the senses, are very much profitable: not that the flesh and blood of Christ are poured into the bread and wine, or are by any means included in those elements, but because those things are of the believers received with a true faith. For they are an invisible noorishment, which is received only in the mind, as Augustine hath faithfully admonished, saying: Why preparest thou the teeth and the belly? Believe and thou hast eaten.    

¶ The xiiii Chapter.  

1 ANd Samson went down to Thimnath, and saw a woman in Thimnath, of the daughters of the Philistians.  
2 And he came up and told his father and his mother, & said: I have seen a woman in Thimnah, of the daughters of the Philistians. Now therefore give her me to wife.  
3 Then his father and his mother said unto him: Is there never a wife among the daughters of thy brethren, and among all my people, that thou must go to take a wife of the uncircumcised Philistians. Samson said unto his Father: give me her, for she pleaseth me well.  
4 But his Father and his mother knew not that it came of the Lord, that he should seek an occasion against the Philistians: for at that time the Philistians reigned over Israel.  
NOw are we come to the warlike feats of Samson, which he wrought for the health of his people, and first is set forth unto us, how he sought him a wife. He went down to Thimnath. But why he went thither it is not written. Some say that he went down to a certain solemnity or feast day. But it is more likely that theridamas was than some assembly, either civil or warlike, as it is accustomed. At that time the Philistians reigned over the hebrews. And he saw there a maid, and desired earnestly to have her given him to wife. This thing to do he was moved by faith: for the word of the Lord did to that stir up his mind. For (as we shall afterward know) these things were done by the will of God. The Epistle to the hebrews numbereth Samson among those which pleased God by faith. This is notable and worthy to be marked, that a young man, although he exceedingly loved the maiden, yet durst he not speak any thing of matrimony, without the knowledge and will of his Parents. He returneth home, he prayeth them to give her him to wife. This was to honour his Parents.  
Some think that Samson was minded to mary this maiden, but upon this condition, to make her first a proselyte, otherwise it had not been lawful for him to have married with a stranger. But in our history there is no such thing red: undoubtedly this seemeth to me to be a certain singular thing, and done by the instinction of god, as shallbe afterward more apertly understand. Wherefore we must not curiously search for that matter.  
But Samson needed no long Oration to his parents. They objected unto him the kindred of the woman, and admonished him, that he ought rather to seek a wife in his own nation: Howbeit they fulfil his mind, and went forward with the marriages, as it shall afterward be said. But contrariwise among Christians it oftentimes happeneth, that the children take them wives against their parents will: Of which thing Esau remaineth as a most wicked example, who against the will of his parent, married wives of the Chananites, whose sight and conversation they could not abide. We must not regard that which is commonly said, we marry wives for ourselves, and not for our parents. But we must rather think that God would after this manner provide for miserable young men, that their rash and unadvised age should not deceive them. Howbeit parents on the other side ought to see that they use not tirannycall power towards their children, or mary them to such whom they can not abide. But of these things we will speak more abundantly afterward.  
Moreover we must note, that the Parents of Samson when they call the Philistians uncircumcised, do after a sort upbraid unto their son, that he would marry a wife borne of strangers and idolaters. Yet they speak nothing roughly unto him, they thrust him not out of the doors, nor cast him out of their favour. For that they saw his mind very firm and bent to that purpose. And although it be not written in the history, yet is it probable that Samson showed unto his Parents the mystery, namely that he was by the impulsion of god instigated to this marriage: otherwise it had not been lawful for them to have assented unto their son, to marry one of a contrary religion. His father & his mother knew not at the beginning, that this was the will of God, that he should seek occasion against the Philistians. That is, that by them some beginning of injury might springe, which he afterward might seem by good right to prosecute.   

5 Then went Samson and his father and his mother down to Thimnah, and came up to the vineyards of Thimnah, and behold a Lion's whelp roared upon him.  
6 And the spirit of the Lord came upon him, and he divided him, as one should divide a Kid, neither was there any thing in his hand. And he told not his Father nor his Mother what he had done.  
The Parents when they knew and understood their sons will, and peradventure had knowledge of the instinction of god, do not only assent, but also follow him, that the wedding might be the more honestly accomplished, the parents not only requiring, but also being present. In this place appeareth the will of God both hidden and manifest. The will of God was declared by the law that a jew should not take to wife a stranger, 
The will of god hid and manifest.  but by his secret and hidden will he contrarily decreed of Samson. But we must follow the will of God expressed by a common rule, and sealed by his law: to that will we must direct both life and manners. For the other will we must not be to much careful, unless we feel it most apertly. And we must with great diligence take heed, that when we think we are led by the impulsion of the holy Ghost, we be not led by our affections. Of the secret will of God Paul entreated, when he made mention that of jacob and Esau, before they had done any good or evil, it was said: jacob have I loved, but Esau have I hated. This will of God is obscure and hidden from the eyes of men: therefore no man can render a reason of it. Wherefore when we hear any thing of it, we must say with Paul: O the depth of the riches of the wisdom and knowledge of God, etc. But by the will revealed we may understand that we are acceptable unto god, when we trust in him, when we detest vices, and renew our life and manners by the grace of god, not because these things are the causes of the goodness of God towards us, 
These two wills in god are not in very deed separated.  but because they are certain sure tokens thereof. But how these two wills are not in very deed separated in God, but are one and a simple will, we shall declare more opportunely in an other place,  
In that it is now written that Samson, or rather God sought occasion of the Philistians, 
Of the occasion which God sought.  it seemeth very obscure. And what occasion was there to be sought for? Was not this cause sufficient enough, that they by violence withheld the land promised unto the Israelites, and had put them to Tributes and taxes? 
Liranus  Liranus thinketh that between the Hebrews and the Philistians there were certain covenants made, which were not rashly to be violated. I also add this, that Samson was a private man, as far as any man knew of him then. And therefore God would have an honester occasion for him to fight, so that if he being by them contumeliously handled, should again somewhat endamage them, he should seem to revenge his own private injuries, and not the public.  
And undoubtedly it seemed that matrimony after this manner contracted, should rather have caused peace to follow. But contrariwise there ensued grievous war, which happened not by the default of matrimony, but of men. So also now are not a few found, which to possess kingdoms and to get them other men's riches, do abuse matrimony. Wherefore we ought not to marvel, if such marriages have very ill success. For oftentimes by them do happen both wars and also overthrowinge of public wealths. But by whose fault (thou wilt say) sprang this war? 
What sins happened in this matrimony.  By the fault of the woman which was married, and also of her parents, and corruption of the public wealth. And these would God use to bring to light their sins and to punish them. The maiden ought to have esteemed her husband above all men. But she betrayed him, and showed his riddle to her citizens', so that Samson was fain to pay unto them a great reward. His wives father also did him no small injury, for he took away from him his wife, and gave her to an other. This thing ought he not to have done, for matrimonies ought to be firm and ratified. But the corruption of the public wealth of the Philistians may hereby be known, because such a wicked offence was not openly reproved and punished, as though it had every where been lawful to have done it.  
By the way Samson turned a side from his Parents, whom a roaring Lion met, and met him being unarmed: so that he might easily have killed him. But that we should understand, that Samson by the power of the spirit of God prevailed against that wild beast, it is added: And the spirit of the Lord came upon him, 
Four names of Lions among the Hebrews.  and he divided the Lion, as one should rent a kid. There are four names of Lions among the Hebrews according to the diverse decrees of their age. The first is Gour, when he is yet a whelp, The second is Cepher, when he is somewhat grown in age. The third is Ariath, when he is strong and mighty. The fourth is Liba, when he is waxed old: although he be called also Lisch, when he is very old. That which is now written, is called Cephir, that is grown in age, & fierce enough, to th'end a man should not think that he was a whelp of the first age. Neither was he tame and gentle, as sometimes they are wont to be, but he ran roaring to invade Samson. 
Why God would have Sanson to fight with the Lion.  God would give unto Samson an experience of the strength that he had given him, that he should enterprise greater things afterward. So also he exercised David from his youth, before he should fight against Goliath. Wherefore he said unto Saul: There came a Bear and a Lion, and thy servant rend them. 
Plini.  Lions are very common in Syria as Plini affirmeth.   

¶ Whither it be lawful for children to marry without the consent of their parents.  
NOw shall it be good to see, whither it be lawful for children to contract matrimony without the consent of their parents. Undoubtedly Samson would not, and it is a matter of much honesty and gratitude towards the parents, if matrimony be not contracted without their consent and knowledge. 
Examples of the Elders.  At the beginning Adam did not choose himself a wife, God was his father and brought unto him Eue. Abraham when Isaac was now a man, sent his servant to his kindred, to seek out a wife amongst them for his son. Isaac also sent jacob into Masopotamia to his uncle, to the end he might get him a wife there. 
The law of God.  Afterward succeeded the law given of God by Moses, that Children should honour their Parents. But the honour which is to be given unto them, is not only to uncover the head, to give the upper hand, and to rise up (although these things also are to be performed, but yet are they not sufficient) but they must also nourish their progenitors if need shallbe, and show themselves humble and diligent towards them. Wherefore the power of the father is defined to be a bond of piety, 
What is the power of a father.  wherewith the children are bound unto the parents, to perform the offices of humanity and gratitude. If children in other things ought to obey their parents, undoubtedly they ought chief to do it in contracting of matrimony.  
Of this thing there is a peculiar law in Exodus, the 22. chap. If a maiden which is not betrothed, shallbe deceived, he that hath defiled her ought to give her a dowry, and to take her to wife. But it is added, if the father will: otherwise he shall only give a dowry, neither shall he have the maiden to wife against the fathers will. And in the book of Numbers the .30. chapter, if a maiden vow a vow, and the father hear it, and letteth it not, the vow shallbe firm: but if he gainsay it, it shallbe in vain. But what is a vow? A promise made unto god. But matrimony is a promise which is made unto man. If god permit a vow made unto him to the judgement of the father, much more will he permit matrimony unto him, when as it is a promise made between men. In the second book of Samuel, Thamar answereth unto Ammon her brother: If thou desire me of my father, he will not deny me unto thee? The custom was then that the daughters were desired of the parents. Here I dispute not whither it was lawful for David to give to Ammon his sister to wife. This shallbe entreated of in his convenient place. Farther Paul saith to the Ephesians: Children obey your Parents in all things. He excepteth nothing when he writeth so, but he saith in all things, namely which they command not against the word of God. And in his first Epistle to the Corrint. the 7. chapter is most manifestly declared, that it longeth to the Parents to place their daughters to husbands. And that was known not only by the law of God, but also by the light of nature, which thing also the Comedies of Terence and Plautus manifestly declare. 
Euripides  And in Euripides a maiden answered: Of our marriages my father shall have charge, for that judgement pertaineth not unto us.  

Ambrose.  Which verse undoubtedly so pleased Ambrose, that he rehearsed it in his book of the patriarchs. Farther it serveth very much for domestical peace: for the daughter in law ought to be to the father in law in stead of a daughter: Contrarily of rash marriages rise great discords at home. And forasmuch as the father ought to help the son with his goods, it is right, that the son again in contracting matrimony obey the father. In other civil contracts the son can do nothing without the consent of the Father, as appeareth in the Digests De mutuo, ad senatus consultum Macedoniarum. Wherefore in a thing far greater it is meet that the judgement of the Father be had.  

What the civil laws judge in marriage of children.  The civil laws have decreed this self same thing. justinian in his institutions, in the title de Nuptiis, will not that marriages should be firm, without the consent of the Parents. And in the Digests De statu hominum in the Law Paulus: If a son marry a wife against the will of his parents, the child which shallbe borne of those marriages, shall not be legitimate, etc. And in the Code De Nuptiis in the law Si proponis, the case is diligently to be marked. The daughter marrieth by the consent of her father, she afterward complaineth of her husband, and departeth from him. Afterward he cometh into favour again, and she marrieth him again against her father's will. It is answered, that that matrimony is not lawful. Hereby appeareth how much the laws esteemed the power of the father. Afterward in the law Si furiosi: Children, if peradventure their parents be mad or distraught of their wits, because they cannot use their consent in contracting of matrimony, shall use the consent of their tutors.  

What the cannons judged.  Wherefore it seemeth marvelous, how Christians at this day determine that marriages are lawful without the consent of the parents, and for that thing they lay for an excuse the Cannons: of which I think it good briefly to declare some. And first I will make mention of the better Cannons which were more ancient: For the later they were decreed, the more corrupt they were.  
In the decrees .30. quest. 5. chap. aliter: Matrimonies are then lawful, when the maidens are desired of their parents, and delivered openly. Otherwise they are not matrymonies, but whoredoms, unhonest companieng, advouteries, and fornications. 
Evaristus. Nicolaus.  Thus decreed Evaristus. Nicolaus also at the consultation of of the camphors in the .30. quest. 5. chap. nostrates. Those matrimonies are firm which are joined with the consent of those that contract them, and of those in whose power they are. Leo also the first in the .30. quest. 5. chap qualis: Then it is to be counted matrimony, when the maiden is by her parents delivered unto her husband. 
Leo  And in the 31. q. 2. chapped. non omnis. A woman which marrieth by the consent of her father, is without blame, if any man afterward shall find fault withal, 
Gratianus  And thus Gratianus concludeth that place, that he saith, in contracting of matrimony, the consent of the Parents is always required.  

Ambrose.  Farther, Ambrose entreating of a place of Genesis where it is written, that the servant of Abraham came into Mesopotamia, and found a wife for his master's son, the parents of the maiden, when they laboured to retain him longer, & he would not abide, they called the maiden, & asked her whether she would go with him. After this manner he saith, as also it is declared, in the, 23. q. 2. chap. honorandum. They asked not her (saith he) touching the wedding, but only whether she would go with him. For it pertaineth not (saith he) to maidenly shamefastness, to choose unto herself a husband. And the same thing affirmed he of widows which are young. Although to speak the truth, I can not in this thing grant unto Ambrose, that the maiden was not demanded the question whether she would marry him, neither do I doubt but that she was asked the question of either cause. For in the .30. q. 2. chap. ubi non est, it is had: 
The consent of children is required in spousages.  That there can be no matrimony, where is not the consent of those that contract, yea in marriages of children, which are but .7. years of age, because at that age they are thought to understand somewhat of matrimony, the consent of those that contract is necessary. And because there is mention made of spousages, this seemeth good to be noted by the way, the children so contracting, aught to be seven years of age, otherwise the parents can promise nothing for them. The same children, if afterward, being of more years, they shall contract an other matrimony, the same is of force, and not the spousages: which yet is to be understand if the parent's consent to the second matrimony. Moreover in the .31. quest. 2. chap. tua, Hormisdas answereth, that children when they contract after this manner, aught to stand to the will of their parents. And Extra de sponsatione impuberum. chap. tua, it is ordained that children when they come to ripe age, aught to obey their parents, for as much as also they gave their faith, and consented.  
I thought it good also to bring somewhat of the counsels. 
Counsels.  Concilium Toletanum the fourth .32. q. 2. chap. hoc sanctum, decreeth: If widows will not profess chastity, let them marry to whom they will: and the same thing it decreeth of a maiden, but it addeth, so that it be not against the will of the parents or her own. Such an addition we see that Nicolaus the second added, as it is had in the .27. quest. 2. chap. sufficiat, where he writeth after this manner: To join matrimony, the consent of those which contract, is sufficient, & it followeth, according to the laws matrimonies of children are not acknowledged, if they be made without the consent of the parents. Yet the gloze referreth not those words unto the civil laws but to the Canons, because (as the Canonist say) the civil laws are sometimes corrected by the Canons. But oftentimes happeneth that those Canons are in very deed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is rules without a rule, as, Extra de coniugiis servorum, 
A discord of the Canons and of the civil laws as touching the matrimony of bondmen.  chap. 1. if bondmen contract, yea against the will of their Lords, such matrimonies shallbe ratified. Behold, sayeth the Gloze, the Canons amend the civil laws. For in them it is forbidden, that a bondman should marry a wife against the will of his Lord, yea if a free man have very much resort unto an others man's bond woman, he is made a bondman, & a free woman if she have much access unto an other man's bondman, she also loseth her liberty. The gloss saith more over, that more is attributed unto matrimony, then unto holy orders: because it is not lawful to bring a strange bondman into orders, but it is lawful to contract matrimony with him. Wherefore it manifestly appeareth that the latter Canons were vitiated and corrupted, which took away from marriages the consent of parents, as necessary.  
But now let us see what reasons they pretend. Extra de sponsalibus, chap. cum locum, it is said: There ought in contracting of matrimony to be most full liberty. And in the same chap. veniens: If there should be there any fear, the matrimony ought to be void, and there is given a reason, because she can not long please him of whom she is hated. And because such contracts have oftentimes an unlucky end, and also because that is easily contemned which is not loved: Yea the Canons seem so to have loved liberty in contracting of matrimony, that the Counsel of Paris (as it is had in the .30. quest. 2.) decreed: That it is not lawful to desire a wife by the letters of a king. Although the same thing also be decreed in the Code de Nuptiis, in the law .1. chap. si nuptias ex rescriptio. The reason is, because the letters of princes are in a manner commandments and threatenings. Neither do I disallow that: although I do not a little marvel, that the Canons have proceeded so far, that they have decreed that matrimony may be contracted between him the steals away a maid, & her that is stolen. Extra de Raptoribus & Incendiariis, chap. cum causa. A maiden that was stolen away out of the house of her father, had contracted matrimony with him that stole her, the father withstandeth such a marriage. Here the good Pope answereth, for as much as the maiden consenteth, she can not seem to be stolen. Wherefore he decreed that matrimony to be good. And in the next chap. Accedens: If a man had stolen away a maiden, not only against the will of her parents, but also against her own will, which maiden yet, if she afterward consented with him that stole her, he decreed that firm matrimony may be contracted between them. The same thing seemeth to be decreed in the .36. q. 2. chap. in summa, where is entreated of the stealer and her that is stolen, & it is decreed: If she the is stolen shall consent with the stealer, matrimony may be contracted between them; but yet in such sort, that first they do some penance. But because some Canons make against this decree, therefore they thus moderate the matter, that wheresoever they read that matrimony can not be contracted between such persons, that they understand to be said for some one of these three causes, either because she that is stolen did not consent, or else because she was betrothed before unto an other by words (as they use to spoke) of the present tense, for I say not of the future tense, for the husband was not compelled to marry one defiled, or because she was not marigeable.  
But in the Code it is far otherwise decreed for stealers away of virgins, namely that matrimony can by no means be contracted between those people, yea although the father consent unto her that is stolen, and justinian also in his authentics, Collation .9. in the title, que raptoribus nubunt, decreeth the same to the detestation of so great a crime. But our canonists, in god's name do think that matrimonies are lawful even against the parents will, wherefore in the .32. q 2. chap. Mulier, the gloze saith, that the power of the father is broken as touching an oath and matrimony, when ripe age cometh, which sentence the schoolmen also have followed. Of this matter they dispute in the .4. book of Sentences dist. 28. where they define that a man, even the son of the father of the house, hath a certain dominion over his own body, neither is so bound to his parents, but that he may at his own liberty dispose of it, as touching matrimony. And when they read in the Canons that the consent of the parents is required for the contracting of matrimony, they by their interpretation corrupt them, and say that Evaristus, 
How the Papists require the consent of the Parents.  Nicolaus, and Leo when they so decreed, did judge that the consent of the parents is required as touching the honesty of matrimony, but not as touching the necessity: which thing peradventure they drew out of the gloze Extra de desponsa. impuberum, in the law tua, which is after this sort: That the good will of the parents is to be required, but rather for the comeliness of the marriage, then for the necessity, so that if the parents will not assent, yet are the children free, and may contract matrimony at their own liberty. Yea and the Master of the Sentences also in the distinct .28. 
The master of the schoolmen.  The consent of the parents (sayeth he) serveth for the comeliness and honesty of marriages, and not for necessity. And he bringeth the words of Evaristus, but he sayeth there is a difference between those things which are required to the substance of marriages, and those things which serve for the honesty and comeliness. And the good will of the parents as he sayeth, pertaineth not to the substance of marriages, he thinketh that without it children may lawfully contract. And for as much as he maketh matrimony a Sacrament, he willeth that in such marriages should be the virtue of matrimony, and not the honesty.  
But because they very much press the words of Evaristus, when he writeth that marriages contracted without the good will of the parents, are whoredoms, fornications and adulteries: the master of the sentences answereth that that is true, not because such marriages are in very deed such, but because they assembling together secretly among themselves, & privily without the parent's knowledge, are wont to be counted as whoremongers and adulterers, but yet the matrimony abideth ratified and is firm, because of the words of the present tense which were therein used. Also Thomas Aquinas in the same place, 
Thomas Aquina●.  is of the same judgement, and unto that which is brought out of Paul unto the Ephesians (where he saith, children obey your parents in all things:) He answereth that that is to be understand of those things, wherein the children have not any liberty, namely as touching familiar and domestical things. And this reason he addeth: because matrimony is a certain kind of servitude, which the child is not compelled to take upon him against his will. And in that it is written of Abraham, that he sought his son a wife out of his kindred, he answered that that happened, because he knew that that land was promised unto his posterity, and that God had decreed to take it away from the Chananites. Wherefore he would not have his son contract matrimony with them.  
These fellows in deed speak many things, but they bring not so much as one word out of the holy scriptures: they still contend that children ought to have most full liberty left them, as touching marriages. But that is a mere invention of theirs, which by no means hath his foundation upon the word of God.  
The old fathers were of our opinion: but of them it happened, as of the Canons, 
What the old father's judges Tertullian.  for the more ancient they were, the more sincere they were, and the more new, the more corrupt. tertullian in his .2. book to his wife, as touching the marriages of Christians with ethnics, writeth very well, neither alloweth he marriages between persons of a contrary religion. God saith he, delivereth thee to a spouse. And he addeth: No not in earth can daughters right and justly marry with out the consent of the parents. How therefore wilt thou marry without the consent of thy heavenly father? chrysostom upon Genesis and upon Matthew, 
chrysostom.  when he entreateth of marriages, remitteth the matter unto the examples of the fathers in the old Testament: neither is it of great necessity to rehearse his words, when as the same father upon the first Epistle to Timo. in his .9. Homely, entreateth very manifesty of that matter: there he exhorteth parents, because of the slippery age of their children, to join them in matrimony, but he exhorteth not the children that they should choose unto themselves husbands or wives, but by Apostrophes he converteth his oration unto the parents, that they should provide for them as touching matrimony: & he addeth a very notable sentence: If (saith he) they begin to play the whoremongers before they be married, they will never be faithful in matrimony. I will note also by the way, what he writeth in the place of wedding crowns or garlands. For even at that time they used crowns or garlands in weddings. What (saith he) signifieth the crown or garland? Forsooth that the husband and the wife should declare, that even to that time they had been vanquishers of lusts: if thou hast been an adulterer or whoremonger, how wearest thou a crown or garland? Augustine in his .133. Epistle, 
Augustine.  being desired to make the marriage between a man-child & a womanchild, I would do it (saith he,) but the mother of the child is not present, and thou knowest that to contract the marriage, her good will is necessary. In this place Augustine writeth more severely than the civil laws. For they will not have the child to be in the power of his mother. Of Ambrose I will speak nothing now: I have sufficiently spoken of him before. Wherefore seeing the law of God and the law of nature, the civil law and eoconomical law, the fathers and sincere Canons do affirm, that the consent of the parents is necessary, and the examples of the faints declare the same, what should let but that we should be of the same mind? Neither ought this to seem grievous unto children: for it was for their commodity so appointed by God and by laws. For young persons in such things, and specially women, provide very ill oftentimes for themselves. 
It is meet the children should require the consent of their parents.  Wherefore it is written in the Code de sponsalibus in the law si pater: When a father hath betrothed his daughter, if he afterward die, the governor or tutor cannot undo the covenant of the father, and a reason is added: because tutors sometimes are won with money, and women through weakness fall to their own discommodity. The example also of Christ ought to move us, which was given of his father a husband unto the Church, and he alway said that he did not his own will, but the will of his father, of whom he was sent. Farther, how great a discorder ariseth in the public wealth of this depravation and abuse? how great a window is opened unto filthy lusts? He that can first have carnal fellowship with the maiden in some places, hopeth to obtain her to wife, yea even against her parents good wil  

To the reasons of the adversaries.  But now must we answer the reasons which the contrary party allege for themselves. First, as we before said, they cry that in contracting of matrimony, there ought to be full liberty. But I pray you what liberty? Of the flesh, or of the spirit? Undoubtedly that liberty of the spirit is the greatest, when we obey the commandments of god, 
The chiefest liberty is to obey the commandments of god  who if he would have us obedient unto our parents in other things, why not also in contracting of matrimony? Wherefore they break the law of God, which obey not the parents also in this thing. Farther, if they will have the liberty of contracting of matrimony to be so great, why do they themselves prohibit so many degrees of marriages, which God never prohibited? Once the Popes would not suffer matrimony to be contracted, even unto the seventh degree, but now they contain within the fourth: moreover why do they forbidden marriages unto the ministers of the Church? Farther, why did God himself forbidden matrimonies between persons of contrary religion, if in marriage there ought to be so great a liberty as they feign to be? But they add: Children for fear of their parents will say that that matrimony pleaseth them, which pleaseth them not. But the son is not compelled so to say: nothing letteth but that he may answer, that that wife pleaseth him not, and that such a matrimony he can not abide. And in deed without his consent matrimony can be by no means contracted. In the digests de ritu nuptiarum, in the law non cogitur, we read that the son can not be compelled to marry a wife, & de sponsalibus, in the law sed ea, if the daughter hold her peace, she seemeth to consent unto the father: & there are two causes ascribed wherefore the daughter may resist her father, if either the father offer her a wicked husband, or a disfigured husband. Otherwise, if there be none of these causes, it is required of her to love him whom the father hath choose. If she will not assent, when the husband hath neither wicked manners, nor is misshaped, 
The punishment of ingratitude.  she incurreth the crime of ingratitude: which is so great that the father may disinherit her for it. And in the title de ritu nuptiarum, in the law si cogente patre. Although the son have assented for fear of the father, yet because he had rather assent then offend his father, such a matrimony ought to be firm and ratified. I would add unto the former cause the third, if the father offer a husband which is of a contrary religion: and I would ever counsel the parents to gratify their children, 
What may be done against to straight parents  unless they see them to obstinate and unjust. But when the parents deal to tyramnically with their children, & compel them to marry wives whom they can not abide, the matter ought to be brought before the Magistrate, whose office is to hear the cause, and to deliver the son from injury, if he be to cruelly oppressed. Then if the son mary a wife by the authority of the Magistrate, yea against the will of the father, he can not seem utterly to have married without his father's consent. 
The Magistrate is the father of the country.  For the Magistrate is the father of the country. The same thing seemeth to be decreed de ritu nuptiarum, in the law qui liberos. And methinketh the schoolmen have not well said, that the children of the household have dominion over their own body. For as much as they own unto their parents that they are. They ought not to be compelled to marriages against their will, but that they should marry without the consent of the parents, it can not be granted them. And when they so often obtrude unto us liberty, 
The daughters of Zalphead.  & allege the dominion of their body, we lay against it the answer of god as touching the daughters of Zalphead, who saith of them: Let them have heritage among their brethren, but let them marry in their own tribe. These women are compelled to marry their nighest of kin, neither had they that liberty which these men fain. And the brother was sometimes compelled to marry the wife of his brother being dead, neither could she marry an other: therefore so great liberty is not necessary in marriages, as these men pretend. And by the civil law, 
It is permitted unto the parents to sell their children.  so great is the power of the father over the son, that he may sell him if he fall into grievous necessity. And lest that should seem barbarous unto any man, the same thing is permitted by the law of God in Exodus the .21. chap, but yet adding certain cautions, which I think not good here to repeat. Wherefore they did not rightly argue, when they said, that matrimony is a kind of servitude, which the son ought not to take upon him at the appointment of his father.  
And in that they say, that the consent of the parents is required for the honesty of matrimony, and not for necessity, it is frivolous and vain. For what greater necessity can there be, then that which the law and commandments of God bring with them? Children are commanded to honour father and mother. Also Paul the Apostle prescribeth them to obey their parents in all things. And the same thing writeth he unto the Phillipians the .4. chapter. That which remaineth brethren: What soever things are true, whatsoever are honest, whatsoever just, whatsoever pure, whatsoever profitable, whatsoever lucky, these things do ye. etc. By these words appeareth that the things which are honest, must not be separated from the commandments of God. Wherefore look how necessary it is to obey the commandments of God, so necessary is it not to marry without the consent of the parents. And that which they add that the consent of the parents is in deed required, but yet if they will not consent, the matrimony may be firm: That is nothing else then to deride the parents. For what contumely is it, for the son in such sort to desire the consent of his parents, that though he be against it and gainsay it, yet notwithstanding will he abide in his purpose, and execute it? It were much better not to desire it, then to desire it with that mind. This also seemeth wonderful unto me, that the master so perverteth the words of Evaristus: that when Evaristus sayeth that matrimonies contracted without the consent of the parents are whoredoms, and fornications, and not matrimony, he dare expound that the matter is not so in deed, but because they so assemble rogether, as whoremongers and adulterers use to do. But the sentence of Evaristus is manifest. They are not (sayeth he) matrimonies, and he addeth what in deed they are, namely fornications, adulteries, and whoredoms. And he sayeth not that they seem to be these things, but that they are.  
There are other which object unto us the book of Genesis, where it is written that Esau married Chananitishe wives, which his parents took in very ill part, for he had married them contrary to their commandment. And yet the Scripture calleth them wives. Wherefore it seemeth that matrimony may be contracted even against the parents will. I grant in deed that in the holy Scriptures they are called wives. But yet for that cause, because he so counted them, & because the nations among whom he dwelled, counted them for wives. But hereby is not gathered, that the scriptures do confirm such matrimony. The same form of speaking used Paul in the first to the Corinthians the eight chapter: Even as there are many gods and many Lords. He sayeth that there are many gods, not the there are so in deed (for there is but one God,) but because the most part so believed, and public persuasion thought that there was an infinite number of gods. Therefore he saith many gods, but to us that think rightly, there is but one God, 
The scripture so calleth things as they are commonly called of men.  & one Lord jesus Christ. It is no unaccustomed or strange thing in the scriptures so to call things as men use commonly to speak: yet in an other place, when they speak properly, they call every thing by his own name. But thou wilt say, we never read that the children of Esau were not legitimate. I answer, that Esau had in deed a great posterity, but whether it were legitimate or otherwise the Scripture declareth not. Whereunto add, that with those nations among whom he dwelled they were counted legitimate. For they had not the word of God, wherein it is commanded that that should not be done: and they had wonderfully corrupted the law of nature.  
Other cry: What shall we think of our elders? what also of many which live now, and have contracted matrimonies without the consent of their parents? Shall we call them marriages or adulteries? And shall we count their children for legitimate or for bastards? I answer, when such marriages were had in those darkness before the new light of the Gospel, those men were not in deed excused from sin (for it was not lawful for them to be ignorant of the law of God) but yet because they were done publicly, & the Magistrate permitting them, I am persuaded that such contracts are firm and ratified. If they object that in such marriages the consent of the parents wanted, I answer that it was there, & not there. For the Magistrates had made their civil laws subject unto the Canons, which undoubtedly they ought not to have done. And in this thing all men agree. And for as much as the Magistrate hath authority over the people, if he consent to any thing, there after a sort is the public consent of the people. As at this day in assemblies, when they assemble, that some sum of money should be paid, although some private man of the people do take it in evil part, yet because it is agreed upon by the Magistrate, he ought to seem to have consented: So the father would not that the matrimony of his son should be firm without his consent, yet because he hath made his own will subject unto the judgement of the Magistrate, he ought to seem after a sort to have consented. But now the truth of the thing being known, the Magistrates ought to revoke the error. Wherefore the matrimonies which have been hitherto, that is in darkness contracted against the will of the parents, aught to be firm, and the children borne of them ought to be counted legitimate. But if the law should afterward be revoked, then should they not be matrimonies, but only be presumption, but in very deed fornications, whoredoms, and adulteries, as Evaristus rightly judgeth. But whilst the laws which are now of force, are not abrogated: I do not dissolve the matrimonies which are so contracted, neither do I say that the children borne of those marriages are bastards: but I declare what seemeth more agreeable unto the word of GOD, and unto honesty. But Evaristus might justly write so, because in his time the Roman laws were of force, which counted not such conjunctions for matrimonies. Farther, I add that fathers are not to be obeyed, when they let the marriages of their children, only for religion sake, because in that case God is to be obeyed above all things, who is the chief father of all men.   

7 He went down I say, and talked with the woman, which pleased the eyes of Samson.  
8 And within a few days when he returned to receive her, he went aside to see the carcase of the lion. And behold there was a swarm of bees, and honey in the body of the lion.  
9 And he took thereof in his hands, and went eating, and came to his father & to his mother, and gave unto than, & they did eat: but he told not them that he had taken the honey out of the body of the Lion.  
10 So his father went down unto the woman, & Samson made there a feast. For so used the young men to do.  
11 And when they saw him, they took 30. companions, and they were with him.  
In this place the Lion is not called Cepher as he was before, but Ariah: because that difference which I have before showed is not always observed. The matrimony of Samson is celebrated: wherein the providence of God prepareth occasion, whereby he should do some violence unto the Philistines. And that occasion was, because as he returned he remembered the Lion which he had slain. He went a little aside, to look upon the carcase of the lion. And he found therein a swarm of bees, and a comb of honey. And this is such a strange thing as hath not been heard of: for it is in no other place, that I wots of, either showed or red, that bees have made honey in the carcase of a Lion. 
Pliny. Virgil. plutarch.  Pliny and Virgil in his .4. book of Georgiques' teach that of dead bullocks or oxen do come bees, as of a horse Wasps, and of an ass Hornets. plutarch in the life of Cleomenes saith, even as of a horse do engender Wasps, of an ass Hornets, of an ox bees: so also of the carcase of a man, and especially of the marrow & humour which falleth upon the earth, are brought forth serpents. For that cause the elders were wont to consecrate serpents unto noble men. But we never read any such thing of a Lion, wherefore this ought we to judge, that this was done by the singular providence of God. 
Ambrose.  Ambrose thinketh that the place where Samson had cast the Lion, was a pleasant and fertile place, and the bees flyed thither for flowers, and made hoony in the carcase of the Lion. But I (as I save said) do attribute all this unto the providence of God. Pliny in his .7. book saith, 
Pliny.  that bees use not to make honey, except it be in the hive, or in a tree, or in caves under the earth, & he affirmeth the above all things they fly from evil savours. Farther, he saith the hornets and wasps do eat dead carcases, but bees touch them not. Ambrose saith that Samson turned aside to the Lion, to take his skin, that being clothed with it, he might come unto the feast as a great valiant man, as afterward did Hercules. But because he saw that that apparel was not very handsome for wedding apparel, he took rather thereout the hoony combs, of the which he might give part unto his parents, and part unto his wife.  
They took thirty companions. Some think that these thirty companions were joined unto Samson for to do him honour. But some of the Hebrew interpreters suspect that the Philistines, when they perceived that he was a strong and valiant man, brought these men to be keepers for him, lest through the show of marriage, he should make some commotion.   

12 Then Samson said unto them: I will now put forth a riddle unto you: and if ye can declare it me within seven days of the feast, I will give you 30. sheets, and 30. change of garments.  
13 But if ye can not declare it me, then shall ye give me .30. sheets, and .30, change of garments. And they answered him: put forth thy riddle that we may hear it.  
14 And he said unto them: Out of the eater came meat, and out of the strong came sweetness: and they could not in three days expound the riddle.  
The elegancy of the riddle consisteth in contraries, for he which eateth, & he the giveth meat, 
What the riddle of Samson signified.  & he that is fierce, & he that is swear, are contraries. Such a riddle was not only put forth to quicken the wits, but also the holy ghost would by it signify things to come. At that time the Philistines ruled over the jews, & oppressed them with tyranny, & after a sort devoured them. Therefore by the riddle is signified that at the length they should be overcome, & be eaten of the jews: & for as much as they were most fierce, they should be at the last not hurtful, but great commodity unto the hebrews. 
Augustine.  Augustine upon the .70. Psalm referreth these things unto an Allegory of Christ & princes of the earth. For when the Gospel begun first to be preached, princes ran upon Christians, like Lions, withal their might to devour them. But our sun, that is Christ, was present, & took away the Lions, whom yet he did not so deject that they should not be, but that for devourers of the flock, they should be noorishers of the Church, and defenders of the Gospel. This is a very elegant allegory, and the foundation thereof, is the killing of the Lion, whereby we first understand what should happen in the people of the jews, & then what should come to pass in Christ. 
Ambrose. Why riddles were put forth in feasts.  Ambrose demandeth the cause why Samson put out this riddle, and he answereth: because in feasts men are sometimes wont when they have well drunk, to be somewhat full of talk, & somewhat to intemperately to rebuke others, which things turneth for the most part into braulyng & chidings. And to avoid that, grave men were wont to put forth riddles or problems, omitting dangerous talk, & turning their mind to the exposition of the things put forth. Whose example Samson followed, & set forth a reward for him, which should expound his question: as though the knowledge and sharpness of the mind ought to be rewarded, & contraryly punishment is instituted for ignorance & sluggishness. The ethnics also in the old time were wont so to do. 
A Fable of Sphing.  Wherefore the Poet's fable that Sphing was wont to set forth a reward, namely if a man had absolved his riddle, he should have been let go free. But if he had failed, he should have been thrown headlong down a rock. What the poets would by this fable signify, I will not at this present declare. This thing every man may easily understand, that the wit of man is so composed by nature, that it is not easily stirred up, but either by setting forth reward, or danger. Which also we may easily see in children. Farther, let us note that it is one thing to put a man's money to hazard or chance, and an other thing to contend for wit. But in this contention which Samson instituted, there was no place for chance, but it was a certain kind of play, civilly, honest, and laudable.   

¶ Of Plays.  
ANd because we are fallen into mention of play, I think it good somewhat to speak thereof.  

Ambrose.  Some of the fathers seem to abhor from all kind of plays. Ambrose in his 1. book de officiis, chapter .23. Plays (saith he,) and pastimes seem sweet and and pleasant, when as yet they are contrary to the rule of a Christian. For it is not found in the holy Scriptures, 
chrysostom.  how they ought to be used. chrysostom upon matthew the .6. Homely, sayeth that GOD invented not play, but the devil. For the people sat to eat and drink, and rose up to play, in the honour of a most filthy idol. For when they had worshipped the calf and incurred idolatry, they seemed to have obtained this reward of the devil, namely to play. Peradventure chrysostom alludeth to that which Plato wrote in Phedro, that Theut the daemon of the Egyptians found out Numbers, Geometry, Astrology, 
Augustine  letters, and dice. But Augustine in his .2. book de Musica, sayeth that it is a part of a wiseman to revoke the mind from earnest matters: and that is chiefly done by play. Wherefore it seemeth to be lawful. But how so great an oblectation riseth of play, it is not heard to understand. Aristotle in his .2. 
Aristotle,  book of Rhethoriques' putteth victory or hope of victory among the causes of oblectation. But when we play, either we obtain the victory, or else we are in some hope thereof. Wherefore they which defend play, 
Play is a cause of defectation.  do determine with themselves, that the mind ought sometimes to be no les refreshed, than the body: and as the body is renewed by rest or quietness, 
Why play seemeth to be lawful.  so they say the mind is recreated by play. By which means they think to prove that there must some place be left for plays: adding yet certain cautions. first, that there be no filthy and unhonest words used in plays. 
Cautions to be added unto honest player.  It is not seldom seen that in playing both filthy and also blasphemous words do happen. We must also take heed, that there be not used to much lightness, and dissolution of gravity and comeliness. For oftentimes it cometh to pass, that men do so utterly give themselves to play, that afterward, they are able to do nothing gravely. Farther, the circumstances are diligently to be marked, of the person (I say) the place, and the tyme. It is certain in deed that in the holy scriptures there is no rule or form prescribed concerning plays, 
The law of god entreateth nothing of plays.  although in them are read many kinds of plays. In Genesis the angel wrestled the whole night with jacob. Sara saw Isaac play with Ishmael, which she took in evil part, not undoubtedly because he played, but because he played together with the son of a bondwoman. David also danced & played before the ark of the Lord. And the maidens sang in their dances, saul hath overcome in his thousands, & David in his ten thousands. And Christ complained that the jews were like unto children playing in the streets and saying: We have song unto you, etc. And although of these things there be no certain rules manifestly written in the holy Scriptures, yet are they set forth in the civil laws.  
But before I speak of them, it shallbe good, 
A distinction of plays.  to distribute plays into his forms and kinds. There are some which are utterly referred unto chance, as he which casteth most, or casteth this chance or that, carrieth away the reward. There are other whereby the powers either of the body or mind are exercised.  
Such plays as depend upon chance & are understand by the name of diseplay, 
Of dyseplaye. Dyseplaye is condemned by civil laws.  are both by the civil laws & by the fathers condemned. In the digests de aleatoribus the Praetor saith: If a diseplayer be injuried by his fellow, I will not give him judgement. But if one steal or do violence to an other, I will in deed render right, although they be unworthy. And afterward: if a man compel an other to play, let him be punished, so that he be cast either into the quarreys to dig stones, or else into the common prisons. By these things it appeareth, that by the civil law to play at dice was a thing very odious. Cicero in .2. Philip. against Antonius: His house (saith he) is full of dyseplayers and drunkards. Farther, the laws add, if dyseplayers lay any wagers among themselves, they are not firm. Howbeit it is permitted unto them of the household to play among themselves, for that which may afterward be eaten in a feast. But in the Code de religiosis sumptibus funerun, it is more severely ordained of play, dice, & dyseplayers. In the old time soldiers were permitted to play at dise after their business done. But the Emperor complaineth that at that time all men played, & in trying of chances, wasted all their patrimony, & lastly added blasphemy against God. Wherefore he decreed, that it should not be lawful for any man to play, nor to look upon him that playeth: & he admonisheth the Bishops, diligently to look that these things be observed. The same justinian the Emperor in his Authentiques, in the title de sacrosanctis Episcopis, in the paragraphe Interdicimus doth prohibit by name, that no Bishop, Priest, or Deacon, should either play themselves, or look upon them that play. But if they shall do otherwise, he giveth commandment to thrust then into monasteries for three years. Now let the Popes go and say, it is not lawful for Emperors to ordain of Ecclesiastical matters. De excessu praelatorum, in the chapter Inter dilectos, because a certain canon was found to be a dise player, & had in play given his money to usury, to receive for ten pieces of money xii he was deposed. Also de vita & honestate clericorum, chap. Clerici: Let them not play at dise nor tables, neither let them be present at such plays. The same thing is had in the distinctions .35. chap. 1. Either let them cease to play, or else let them be condemned.  

Against those which defend diseplay.  But they which defend this kind of play are wont to say: What if we will so bestow our money? Are we not Lords of our own things? We do no wrong to our neighbour, we take not away other men's goods. These things have they continually in their mouth. But they ought to understand, that it is the duty of the Magistrate, to see that every man use his own things well. Farther we must consider more deeply that God gave unto these money, wherewith they might have to nourish their family, and to help the poor, and not to cast them to chance, and put them to the slippernes of Fortune. Farther it behoveth and especially Christians to represent the image of God: who governeth and ruleth all things with reason. But so to consume money, is not to be a Lord over his own things, but a tyrant. This also mayst thou add hereunto, if any thing be gotten by this means, the same both is, and also is called, filthy gain.  

Whether things lost by dyseplaye may be recovered.  But for as much as it is counted filthy gain it may justly be demanded, whether those things which be lost by dyseplaye, may justly be demanded again. I answer, that if he which loseth be not in his own power, but under an other man, as are the children of the household and servants, the laws do give recovery, and that even to .50. years. But if they be their own men, recocovery is not granted, & the cause is assigned, because filthiness is on either party. In which case the cause of the possessor is the better. In the digests. In the title de condictione ob turpem causam in the law ubi autem, when filthiness is in either party, there is no judgement given. What then shallbe done with the money? They say it must be bestowed upon the poor, so that he which hath lost, may have hurt, and he which hath gained, shall not have the fruition of things evil gotten. This is to be done when the possession is transferred. Of the same mind was Augustine in his Epistle .54. 
Augustine.  to Macedonius. Where the possession (sayeth he) is transferred, let the money be given unto the poor. But where it is not transferred, as if a man take away any thing by theft, and lose it at dise, let it be restored. Wherefore we must decree, that such plays ought not to be suffered which are governed by chance and rashness, so that in them, goods and money are endangered: because it longeth to the public wealth, to see that things be rightly governed: and God giveth goods, to be spent to good uses. And because by it spring oftentimes horrible blasphemies, and robbing of our friends, and covetous desire of other men's goods is stirred up, besides the great loss of tyme. These things both the civil laws and also the Ecclesiastical do see: but at this day they are not regarded. For the Canonical laws are contemned of the Clergy, and the civil laws are despised of the Princes. For there is no where either more often or more filthily play used, then among princes, and Ecclesiastical men: which in deed were of good judgement, when they wrote those laws: but they have lived and also do live most filthily.  

What plays are permitted.  But the other kind of play, which pertaineth to the excersing of the powers, either of the mind or of the body, is not utterly forbidden. justinianus in the law before alleged, when he had taken away plays which depended of chance, substituted this other kind of plays, as throwing a round ball into the air, 
Aristotle.  handling of the spear, running, & such like. Yea & Aristotle in his Rhethoriques' commendeth these exercises of the body. And undoubtedly for as much as a man hath need of some refreshing and pleasure to recreate himself withal, those things that are honest, are meet to be granted unto him. So at this day public wealths do sometimes set forth rewards unto such as can best throw weapons that they may have their Citizens the better exercised. Howbeit it must be taken heed of, the the kinds of plays be not hurtful or pernicious, so that it be dangerous, least in that play, they which exercise themselves, or which assemble to behold, be killed, or miserably torn or lamed. And without doubt this kind of plays is prohibited ad legem Aquiliam, in the law Nam ludus, and in the decretals de torneamentis. Those things which of their own nature are not evil, but are evil because of those things which often times follow, aught to be prohibited. In the old time rewards were set forth unto Syngers, Orators, poets, Readers, which are not universally to be disallowed, if they be done justly or moderately. Afterward were added stage plays, whereof I will not speak in this place. dances also were added, of which we will speak in this book in his due place. But men could not be content with these plays: because also their minds, which for sundry causes cannot exercise the powers of the body, are to be recreated with some pleasure: therefore they have found out an other kind of play, namely the play of Chessemen, commonly called Chess: neither is this kind of play thought worthy to be condemned.  
Farther, there is a certain other manner of playing, 
Tables.  which leaneth partly to chance, and partly to industry, as is playing at Tables, and such like, where in deed they cast by chance, but the casts are governed by industry, 
Plato.  wherefore Plato affirmed that the life of men, is like unto the play at Tables. For even as in tableplay, so also in the life of man, if any thing go not very well, 
Terence.  the same must by arte be corrected. To which sentence Terence also in Adelphis alludeth: and undoubtedly these kinds of plays seem such, that sometime they may be permitted, so that they bring no hurt, refresh the powers, and be joined with honesty, and that that time which should be spent upon better things, be not bestowed upon them.  
But what shall we answer unto Ambrose? This undoubtedly, that that place De officiis yertaineth not to plays, for as much as there he entreateth of pleasant talks, taunts, and scoffs, especially such as are joined with scurrility. But upon the .118. Psalm (upon these words: Turn away mine eyes that I see not vanity) he calleth stage plays vanity, 
Augustine. Lactantiu●.  as doth Augustine also together with Lactantius, Jerome and other Fathers. For they had much filthiness, & were at the beginning instituted to the honour of Idols, 
Jerome. Why stage plays be condemned of the Fathers.  and therefore they were odious unto the Fathers & Christians. But the reason which Ambrose first alleged was, because there is nothing found in the holy scriptures how these things ought to be used. To that we will answer, that they are found in the holy scriptures generally: whither ye eat, or whither ye drink, or whither ye do any thing else, do all things to the glory of God. Wherefore the body and the mind are so sometimes to be refreshed with plays, that we may afterward be prompt to graver matters. Farther, there is nothing found peculiarly in the holy scriptures touching Bakers, Cooks, nor Shipmen, and yet nevertheless their exercises are not utterly to be excluded.  
chrysostom said that the Devil found out play, and alleged this: 
Chrisostom●.  The people sat down to eat and to drink, & they rose up to play. If a man look more narrowly upon that place of this father, he shall see that he spoke of those men which would not repent, but were wont to say: I would to God I might never weep, but might always play and laugh. To whom, he saith, Christ preached: Blessed are they which mourn. And forasmuch as we so often sin, and do so grievously offend God, how should we have leisure to play? He also condemneth those plays whereby we are made sluggish & unapt to good works. We do not in play and laughing (saith he) imitate Christ or the Apostles: for we never read that they either played or laughed. How beit he addeth a moderation, for as much as he addeth, I do not universally take away all laughter, but the excessive and immoderate laughter. Lastly he turneth himself to stage plays, and saith that they were invented by the Devil: for they contain the wicked acts and whoredoms of the Gods, whereby the consciences of godly men are grievously wounded, and wicked lusts are many ways stirred up. And in that he saith that these things were invented by the Devil, he speaketh nothing contrary to the truth: because (as I have admonished) they were instituted in the honour of false Gods. Yea and this thing he addeth also, that the devil builded stages in Cities.  
But now to conclude, me thinketh that those kinds of plays which serve to renew strengths in men, are not utterly to be forbidden. Neither ought we lightly to be offended, if we see a man play at Chess, with which play the powers of the body are nothing helped, but only the industry of the mind exercised. For if through age strength fail, so that they cannot exercise themselves by any other means, or that their body be but weak, why should they not be permitted, moderately to delight themselves with this kind of play? Neither also is he straightway to be condemned, which being sick or weak recreateth himself with that kind of play, which dependeth of Fortune or chance, so that there in be no danger of loss of money. 
To what intent the laws restrained or prohibited plays.  For we must chiefly regard to what intent the laws forbade that. It was undoubtedly that a man should not waste his goods prodigally, and therefore it was provided by the law that a man should not hazard above a shilling: as it is had in the Code, in the place before alleged. This was the meaning of the law, that money should not be ill consumed.  
But some say they delight not in play, except they play for money. But I will demand of them to what use they intend to bestow that money? Peradventure they will say upon a feast. Why not rather upon the poor? But I say it is much better and safer not to play for any money. For although it may be that thou thyself art not touched with covetousness, the other yet with whom thou playest, is peradventure touched: Let the occasions unto evil be taken away, which otherwise are very many which move unto evil. And if there were nothing else to fear us away from plays, let us for God's sake wayghe this, how great the penury of time is. The law of God requireth so many duties, that not our whole life is able to perform them: and yet shall we bestow time in plays? We are otherwise sufficiently sick with covetousness of money, with ambition to overcome and excel other: why do we stir up these diseases with plays? But thou wilt say: These things are never stirred up in me. But now thou must remember that they may easily be stirred up. And we must see not only to ourselves, but that we bring not other also unto the same disease. These things are spoken of the honest kinds of plays. If so be there be any which do play, being enticed with covetousness, let those men know that they rather like evil merchants traffic, 
Male mercari  then play. For they seek no other thing but filthy gain. Neither seek they pleasure, which in honest plays is the chiefest, but they seek their own things, and that by filthy means. And when they which delight immoderately in plays, do say: There must be some pleasure in the life, whereby we may be recreated: Their request is to be granted, but in the mean time they must be admonished, that there are other pleasures more honest. Paul to the Ephesians the .v. chap. saith: Speak unto yourselves in Psalms, 
Tertulian.  Hymns, and spiritual songs, singing and making merry in your hearts. And the same thing writeth he unto the Colossians the third chap. Tertulian in Apologetico saith that Christians used to assemble together to their moderate short suppers, and when they were refreshed with meat, they sang divine praises, or recited something out of the holy scriptures, provoking one an other by them. And by this means they returned sober home.  

Other honest pleasures besides plays.  There are also problems, wherewith the wits may be exercised and refreshed: which problems if they seem to hard, there are histories, which may with lesser labour be learned. Why are not men hired to read them unto them? There is no history so slender, which is not very much profitable for some part of man's life. There are also histories of plants, of herbs, and of stones. There are likewise communications of godly men one with an other, which are sweet and pleasant, wherewith minds are refreshed, and therewithal edified. I do not (as I have said) utterly take away plays: but I prefer these things, as much more honest and profitable. But now let us return unto the play of Samson, which though it was honest and liberal, yet had it a deadly end. And if this play had such ill success, what is to be hoped of those which are prohibited by the laws? They which made those laws, were wise men in governing the public wealth, who seeing their faith in other things is to be allowed, why is it not also to be allowed in this thing?  
And the young men could not interpret. The feast endured seven days, and when Samson had put forth his riddle the first day, they could do nothing in three days: wherefore when wit failed them, they turned themselves to craftiness and evil arts.   

15 And when the seventh day drew near, they said unto Samsons wife: Entice thine husband, that he may declare us the riddle, lest we burn thee and thy father's house with fire. Hast thou called us that he should possess us? Is it not so?  
16 And Samsons wife wept before him, and said: surely thou hatest me, and lovest me not: for thou hast put forth a riddle unto the children of my people, and hast not told it me. And he said unto her: Behold, I have not told it my father, nor my mother, and shall I tell it thee?  
17 Then Samsons wife wept before him seven days, while their feast lasted, and when the seventh day came, he told her, because she was importunate upon him. And she told the riddle to the children of her people.  
18 And the men of the City said unto him the seventh day, before the Sun went down: What is sweeter than hoony, and what is stronger than a Lion? Then he said unto them: if ye had not ploughed with my Heifer, ye had not found out my riddle.  
19 And the spirit of the Lord came upon him, and he went down to Ascalon. And he smote of them xxx men, and taking away their upper garments, gave change of garments unto those which expounded the riddle. And his wrath was kindled, and he went up to his father's house.  
20 Then Samsons wife was given to his companion, whom he had associated unto himself.  
The young men come unto Samsons wife, desire her to entreat her husband, and by all means to inquire of him what his proposition signified. They add moreover threatenings, and those horrible, namely that otherwise they would burn her and her father's house. This is the nature of perverse men, when they can not overcome by strength and industry, they flee to deceits. This may be seen in these young men: rather than they would suffer themselves to be conquered or overcome, they go about fraud and snares. But chief they go unto his wife, that (both because she was a woman, which might easily be won, & because she was dear & well-beloved of her husband) they might use her labour to wrest and wring out the secret of her husband. They make her therefore the betrayer, and that which is most grievous, of her own husband. This is often times the end of plays. The thing for which they contended, was of no great value. For every one of them were in danger only of the loss of one garment and sheet a piece: & yet they say: Hast thou called us, that he should possess us? As though they should lose all that ever they had. These things rightly agree with those which do play to that end, to deprive other men of their goods. They which have lost, may after this manner complain of the winner: Thou hast with this pretence provoked me to plai, to rob me, & not to take any pleasure by play. The woman in the mean time (as Ambrose saith) wept, and complained unto her husband, 
Ambrose.  that he loved her not, neither esteemed her. Thou hatest me (saith she) for as much as thou wilt not declare unto me thy secrets. But Samson answereth wisely. Yea, but I have not showed it unto my parents, and thinkest thou that I love them not? What cause is there that thou shouldest complain? There are in deed many good and faithful women, but Samson had not yet had any trial of his wife. 
It is not expedient always to communicate secret counsels unto wives. Plutarch.  And seeing there are many evil and babbling women, which blab out things of great importance, to their husbands great damage, therefore wise men commit not many things to their wives secret keeping: for there are many things that are not expedient for them to know. And babbling is a vice in a manner proper unto women. plutarch telleth of this thing an elegant history of Papirius Pretextatus, which now is sufficient only to show. Many, though they be strong in body, and excel in strength, yet are they weak in heart. Samson had overcome a Lion, but yet at the last he could not overcome the tears of his wife. As long as his wife showed herself sad and heavy unto him, Samson could not bear it. The holy ghost would have these things set forth in the holy scriptures, whereby we might see the nature and corruption of our flesh.  
The seventh day before the sun went down. 
The end of the day is the sun set. Ambrose.  All they of the East did measure the end of the day by the going down of the sun, which by this place we may gather, and by many other. They expounded the riddle after this manner: What is sweeter than hoony, what is stronger than a Lion? Ambrose saith that Samson, when he heard these things, straightway added: what is more unfaithful than a woman? This assuredly which is added in the text, is not much unlike: Except ye had ploughed with my Heifer. To plough is to dig, to turn, and to search the earth. So they searched out the maiden, that by her they might come to the counsel of her husband. This undoubtedly is an easy interpretation. 
Levi been Gerson.  For that is not sufficient which Levi been Gerson bringeth, that those young men committed adultery with the maiden, and by that abuse understood the riddle of Samson. For if this thing had happened, Samson would not have retained her in matrimony.  
When they had absolved the riddle, nothing remained but that Samson should pay unto them the wager. And that price would he pay unto the Philistines, of the goods and riches of other Philistines. The miserable woman feared, that if she had not showed unto the young men the secret of her husband, she should with all her family have been burnt. But by this means she did in very deed get unto herself burning. For as we shall hear, when Samson had inferred grievous evils unto the Philistianes', they not suffering the injuries, assembled a power, and burned the house of his wives father. So the maiden fell into the pit which she had made.  
And his wrath was kindled, namely against his wife. But why did Samson require secretness of her, which he himself could not keep? He ought to have kept silence, and not have revealed unto her the secret, if he would have had his secrets kept close. Farther, as touching the murder of the Philistians, if we think of Samson, as of some private man, he can by no means be excused. For it is lawful for no private man to spoil and kill others, to pay his own debts withal. But because (as the history teacheth) he was stirred up to do this by the impulsion of the holy ghost, therefore ought he not to be accused. For it is written: And when the spirit of the Lord came upon him, he went down to Ascalon. etc. Therefore we will not reprove Samson, but yet we will not draw his act into an example. But this let us imitate, to suffer ourselves to be the instruments of the spirit of God, & let us with a valiant and bold mind follow him being our guide. For although Samson should fight at one time against xxx men, yet because he was driven by the spirit of God, he was nothing afeard. He took away the spoils. Celiphoth, that is, their uppermost & changeable garments, which he had taken away from them which he had slain. But there is mention made that he paid only Celiphoth: neither is there any thing spoken of the linen sheets, which yet ought by the bargain to be paid. The hebrews think that here is used the figure Synecdoche, that by part is understand the whole. David Kimhi saith, he would not pay the whole, because they came to the knowledge of the riddle by evil arts, but yet that they should not altogether complain of his faith, he gave them part.  
There ariseth a doubt, because Samson was a Nazarite, & by his profession it was not lawful for him to drink wine, nor to cut his hear, 
How it was lawful for Sanson to handle dead Carcases being a Nazarite.  nor to touch any dead corpse. But he must needs touch their bodies, whom when he had slain he stripped out of their clothes. There are divers & sundry answers brought. Some say he was a Nazarite, but not as touching this third condition. For the Angel only admonished his Parents that he should drink no wine, nor pole his head: but commanded nothing for touching of dead bodies. But other say that he did in deed kill the Philistians, but yet he stripped of their garments, while they were yet breathing and on live. And there are some which think that he caused that one or two of them which were left a live, should strip the other, and should go free for their labour. But these seem mere faininges. The difficulty may be dispatched by one word: a Nazarite was bound by religion, not of his own accord to touch dead bodies. But this man was moved by the spirit of God: neither did he these things of his own will. Wherefore the commandment of the religion of a Nazarite ought in this steed to give place unto the holy ghost. I am not ignorant how men do easily marvel, that the holy ghost would mingle itself with plays and trifles of young men. For that can scarcely seem to be agreeable unto the majesty of God. Let human reason marvel at these things, as much as it list: 
The providence of God useth things, though they be never so light.  yet is it nothing contrary unto the majesty of God, if it mingle itself with things never so light. For hereby the providence of God appeareth more bright, when men understand that it also converteth things most base and most light, unto the glory of the name of God. For, for a man with apt and meet instruments, to bring any thing to pass, it is no great matter: but with things unapt and deformed, to fabricate any excellent thing, this seemeth to pertain to a cunning workman. These things seem in deed to be light, but what is more light than dreams? which yet God useth to the glory of his name, as the history of Pharaoh and Nabuchad-Nezar do manifestly declare. But what do I speak of Kings? God would by dreams exalt joseph being a prisoner and poor man, unto a kingdom. So would he have the inheritance of Esau turned unto jacob, in a manner by a play. And by fraud the blessing was wrested by jacob from Isaac, covering his hands & neck with goats skins. Yea and also the spirit of God mingleth itself sometimes with the plays and verses of poets, when as they (how soever they seem to play) do yet sometimes write true, profitable and grave things. And that those things are of God, no man ought to doubt. Let this be had for certain, that all things do obey unto God, dreams, plays, light things, grave things, and noble. He is the ruler and governor of all things, wherefore no man ought to be offended when he heareth these things. God seemeth more and more to increase the strength of Samson, for before being unarmed, he fought with a Lion: which assuredly was a great thing. But this is much greater, to fight at one time with thirty. men. God would so exercise him, that he should give over himself wholly to the counsel of the spirit.  

Samson ought not so lightly to have gone from his wife.  Samson being angry with his wife, because she had uttered the riddle unto the young men, departed from her: which his fact ought not to be allowed. For he ought not so lightly to have separate himself from his wife. It was his part to correct her, and if need had been, to chasten her. Neither had this departure good success. For when he was gone, the father gave his daughter unto an other husband, namely to the fellow of Samson, and paranimphe, which had joined himself a companion unto him in the marriage. The maiden saw she had grievously offended her husband, wherefore she fearing his fierceness, desireth her father to provide her an other husband: For it is not credible (as Ambrose saith) that these things were done without the good will of the maiden. 
Ambrose.  But divorcement should not be made so rashly, and for so light a cause. Christ hath made one cause only of divorcement, namely adultery. Paul addeth the difference of religion: although he will not have the faithful to departed, if the unbelieving party will dwell together. Neither permitted he second marriages, because man and wife agree not in religion, but because the one will not abide with the other. 
There was here no cause of just divorcement.  In Samsons cause there is neither of these. There was no adultery, neither did the maiden say she would not dwell with her husband: neither did Samson repudiate his wife, although he then departed from her. For afterward he returned unto her, as we shall hear. And although he so departed, that the wife knew not where he was become, yet ought she not strait way to mary an other. For the civil laws, when any such thing happeneth, do appoint her to tarry five years, as it is had in the Digests De divortiis, in the law Vxor. And in the Authentikes De Nuptiis, in the Paragraphe Sed etiam. The Canon laws in the Decretals would have amended these things, and decreed that it should not be lawful to mary again before some certain word were brought of the death of the first husband or wife. But with what godliness and wisdom they did that, I will not at this time declare.  
It is certain that in this place was injustice done for the wife to marry an other, being not ignorant that her husband was yet on live. But the Father excuseth the act, saying: I thought thou hadst hated my daughter. But why should he have suffered himself to be persuaded after this sort? It was convenient that he should before have known Samsons mind, 
josephus.  and tarried for a book of divorcement. Although I see that josephus is of this opinion, that he thinketh Samson did repudiate his wife. But that is not very likely, when as he afterward descended, to take his wife again unto him. Neither should the Philistians justly have burned that man with his family. 
Ambrose.  Yea and Ambrose also denieth that there was any divorcement. This is in a manner the fruit of those that are joined together in an unequal marriage. We read the like thing in the first book of Samuel, the xxv chapter. David had married Michol the daughter of Saul: and when David fled, her Father gave her unto an other husband, when as the first husband had not yet repudiated her, but afterward David demanded her again. In the mean time let us that are Christians, determine this with ourselves, that it is not lawful to dissolve matrimonies for light causes. Paul saith: If the woman departed, let her remain unmarried, or let her be reconciled unto her husband. 
chrysostom.  Which assuredly he meant not of adultery: for he would not amend the words of Christ, but as chrysostom saith, he understood these things of lighter offences, for as much as of them some reconciliation may be hoped for: which is utterly cut of, if she be married to an other.    

¶ The xu Chapter.  

1 But within a while after, in the time of wheat harvest, Samson visited his wife with a Kid, saying: I will go unto my wife into her chamber: but her father would not suffer him to go in.  
2 And her father said: I had thought that thou hadst hated her: therefore gave I her to thy companion. Is not her younger sister fairer than she? Take her I pray thee in steed of the other.  
3 And Samson said unto him: Now am I more blameless than the Philistines, and therefore will I do them displeasure.  
THis was the simplicity of those times, that the husband should bring unto his wife a Kyd. It was a gift of reconcilement, to pacify his wife withal. In saying I have said. That is, I did firmly and constantly think. That doubting of words with the hebrews, addeth a vehemency, which self thing we may see in that which followeth: In hating, thou didst hate her, that is, thou didst exceedingly hate her. The father in law seemeth to lay the fault in the Son in law. For it is as much as he should have said: Thou wast the cause, that I gave her unto an other.  
Is not her younger sister fairer than she? He feared Samson, because he was of a strong and mighty body, lest he should rage's and kill and slay the Philistines: therefore he offereth him his other daughter, to assuage his anger. He offereth her, but yet against the law of God, by which it was not lawful to marry two Sisters, as it is manifest in the eighteen and twenty of Leviticus. Wherefore the father offereth unto Samson marriage, but yet an incestuous marriage. Neither was it by the Roman laws lawful to mary two sisters, 
It is not lawful to ma●y two Sisters.  although the first were dead: and undoubtedly for a just cause: For, for as much as man and wife are one flesh, thereby cometh that the kinsfolks of the one are joined in the same degree with the other. Wherefore the sister of my wife must be counted for my sister. Let the Pope therefore take heed what he doth, when he so easily giveth licence in this kind of marriages. But this is nothing to him which thinketh that all things are lawful unto him. But it may be that the Philistians observed not these degrees in matrimonies. For when Moses gave the law before brought: Ye shall not do (saith he) as the nations do, which the Lord your God shall subdue unto you. For therefore hath the earth syved them out before your face. Samson received not the condition offered him. Of you (saith he) is sprung the injury, my cause is the better and more just, if it should come to judgement. Wherefore he hath cause to be revenged of the Philistians. And assuredly it was written before of God.  
And he sought occasion. 
We must not think of Samson as of a private man.  Here the Reader is again to be admonished not to think of Samson, as of a private man. For it is not lawful for any private man, after this manner, to prosecute his own injuries. He must rather go unto the Magistrate. But Samson was now constituted of God as a Magistrate. First he taketh vengeance of the goods of the Philistians, and that after a wonderful manner.   

4 And Samson went & took xxx Foxes, and took firebrands, and turned them tail to tail, and put a firebrand in the midst between two tails.  
5 And when he had set the brands on fire, he sent them out into the standing corn of the Philistians, and burnt up both the reeks, and the standing corn with the vineyards and olives.  
6 Then the Philistians said: who hath done this? And they answered, Samson the son in law of the Thimnite, because he had taken away his wife, and given her to his companion. Then the Philistians came up and burnt her and her father with fire.  
7 And Samson said unto them: If ye had done these things: but I will be avenged of you, and then I will cease.  
This word Lampades they have translated firebrands, which are easily set on fire. Samson bound the tails of the Foxes two and two together, with a strong knot, and in the midst he bond a firebrand. When the Foxes could not agree together in their course (for the one drew this way, and the other that way, so that they could not hide themselves in their holes, but the flame by stirring and moving was more and more kindled) they ran into the standing come. And at that time was the wheat harvest, and the wheat partly reaped, and partly grew still. Wherefore the Foxes running thorough the corn, did them very great hurt. For they lost both their straw and their corn, with their vineyards and Olives. 
Why Samson did choose foxes.  The consideration of Samsons policy was this: He chose a Fox to this enterprise, rather than any other beast, because it is a crafty and subtle beast, and goeth by crooked and buy passages. But Samson goeth the right way to work: otherwise he mought easilier have bound Dogs together, but he rather used Foxes, for the cause before alleged, as David Kimhi affirmeth. Neither would he to every Fox alone bind a firebrand: partly because they would have drawn the firebrands along the ground, and so might easily have put them out, and partly because they would soon have gotten them into their holes. But when two and two were by the tails joined together, & the one drew one way, & the other an other way, by that motion was the fire the more kindled, 
Origene.  and when they ran into the corn, they did very great hurt. Origene upon Cantica Canticorum, in his four Homely, as he is every where full of Allegories, referreth all this thing also to an Allegory, although he plainly confesseth, that it is hard to apply an allegory unto this History. But I, as I have often in other places, so do I also in this place omit Allegories.  
But if a man ask how Samson got so many Foxes, he must understand, that as there are sundry regions, so are there also in them manifold and sundry increase of things. In some place there are many horses, and those fair. In some place there is great abundance of cattle. In England there is great plenty of Coneys, and so is there in the Islands called Baleares. In those Regions a man may easily in one day, and in a little ground, take three or four hundredth Coneys: 
Syria aboundeth in Foxes.  which to some peradventure might seem incredible. And so is it said that there is a very great abundance of Foxes in Syria, and specially in the borders of jewry. Wherefore Solomon in his Canticles saith: Take Foxes for us which destroy the vineyards. Wherefore there was so great number of them, that they also destroyed the vineyards: for they delight most of all in ripe grapes. Yea and David saith of the ungodly: They shall be parts of Foxes, that is, their prey, so that their carcases shall be devoured of them. And out of the .4. chap. of Nehemias' is gathered, that the number of them was so great, that they could in a manner overturn the walls of the city. And Samson took them either by his own industry, or by the help of his friends. He sent the Foxes, and destroyed their corn. Hereby we may gather, that in just war, it is lawful to use burnings and spoilinge, to endamage their enemies.  
The Philistians said: who hath done this? They seek for the author, and they do not only find him, but also they understand the cause why he did it, and they take vengeance of his father in law and his wife, that was married unto an other. If ye had done these things. These are the words of a man that is angry, and therefore cut of, wherefore we must understand, if ye had done these things at the beginning, when my wife was first taken from me, I had been pacified. But ye have done it to late, therefore I will yet be avenged of you. For that which ye have done, ye have not done for love to justice and honesty, but for fear of a greater hurt. If justice had moved them, they would at the first have punished them. But they follow the common nature of men, which are with no other thing more touched, then by the feeling of present evils, which we may perceive not only here, 
Men are mor● moved by ●●r● then b● any other means.  but also in the history which is found in the latter book of Samuel. Absalon had long lived in exile: joab obtained of the king that he might return. Wherefore he returned, but he was not admitted unto the kings sight. And when joab would not willingly come unto him, Absalon commanded his servants to burn the corn of joab. Wherefore joab being moved with this injury, came unto him at the last. So also the Philistians, being in a manner compelled, 
why sometimes the sin o● a private man is the cause of the destruction of a whole city or kingdom.  do revenge the injury of Samson. This also is to be noted, that often times a whole City or kingdom is punished, for the sin of one man, or of one family. And that saw the poets, when they wrote, that only the adultery of Paris overthrew the kingdom of Troy. And undoubtedly when a public wealth either winketh at, or defendeth, or punisheth not, the sin of a private man, God counteth it all one, as if they had all sinned together. If they have good laws, and do follow them in punishing wicked acts, God will not for their sakes punish them all.  
Hereby also we may see that the sentence of Solomon is most true, wherein he saith: That which the ungodly feareth shall happen unto him. The ma●den feared lest her father's house should be burnt: 
Why the ungodly call 〈◊〉 those evils or which they be a feared of.  and she by that way most of all brought burning, by which she thought to avoid it. But why happeneth i●, that the ungodly do fall into that, which they fear. Because when they fear● evil things, they go about to avoid them by evil means, and not by good. joseph's brethren feared lest he should be preferred before them, when they saw that his father loved him so well. And that they might avoid his promotion, they sold him into Egypt. But by that means chief it came to pass, that joseph was made ruler over them. The jews feared least, if Christ should go forward as he began, the Romans would come and take away their nation and place. And to turn away that, they gave unto judas a price, and crucified Christ, whereby they the sooner threw themselves headlong into those evils which they feared. The maiden was burned with all her father's family. By whom? By the Philistines, at whose hands she looked for favour.   

8 So he smote them hip and thigh with a great plague. Then he went down and dwelled in the top of the rock Etan.  
What hip upon thigh, or hip together with thigh signifieth, it is obscure, & therefore there are sundry interpretations brought. The Chaldey Paraphrast expoundeth it to be horsemen & footmen, so that thigh signifieth horsemen, because they sit on the horse with the thigh bowed, and the hip signifieth footmen. Peradventure at that time it was a kind of proverb well known of those men. David Kimhi bringeth an other reason, namely that Samson, 
Kimhi.  both slew the Philistians and also did put them to flight, who also as they fled, did fall: as though by this kind of speech might be described the behaviour of them that fell, whereby the hip is bowed unto the thigh. Farther, this Hebrew word jarach signifieth also a shoulder, and the meaning may be that Samson smote them from the shoulder to the thigh. The rock Etan is the proper name of a place.   

9 Then the Philistians came up, and pitched in judah, and were spread abroad in Lechi.  
10 And the men of judah said: why are ye come up unto us? And they answered, to bind Samson are we come up, and to do to him, as he hath done to us.  
11 Then three thousand men of judah went down to the top of the rock Etan, & said to Samson: knowest thou not that the Philistians are rulers over us? wherefore then hast thou done thus unto us? And he answered them: as they did unto me, so have I done unto them.  
12 Again they said unto him: We are come to bind thee, and to deliver thee into the hand of the Philistians. And Samson said unto them: swear unto me, that ye will not fall upon me yourselves.  
13 And they answered him, saying: No, but we will bind thee & deliver thee unto their hand, but we will not kill thee. And they bond him with two new cords, and brought him from the rock.  
14 When he came to Lechi, the Philistians shouted against him, and the spirit of the Lord came upon him, and the cords that were upon his arms, became as flax that is burnt with fire: for the bands loosed from his hands.  
15 And he found a new jaw-bone of an Ass, & put forth his hand, and caught it, and slew a thousand men therewith.  
16 Then Samson said: with the jaw of an Ass are heaps upon heaps: with the jaw of an Ass have I slain a thousand men.  
17 And when he had left speaking, he cast away the jaw-bone out of his hand, and called that place Ramath-Lechi.  
This place is called Lechi by the figure prolepsis: because Lechi in Hebrew is a jaw-bone, and therefore the place is so named, because Samson slew there a number of his enemies with the jaw-bone of an Ass. But that was not then done when Samson came thither at the first. The Philistians, to avenge their injuries, pitched against judah: for thither Samson fled. But the men of judah desire the Philistians not to be angry, and demand of them why they led an army against them. As though they should have said: we have not fallen from you, and we have paid you our tributes: If Samson did any thing against you, 
The leaugue of the wolves with the sheep. Demosthenes.  it was not done by our counsel. And they were pacified and said: deliver him then, and we will departed. Undoubtedly an unjust and crafty Counsel: for in such sort would the wolves make a league with the Sheep, on that condition I say, that they should deliver their Dogs, as Demosthenes said unto the people of Athens touching their Orators. But why did not the Philistians themselves take Samson? 
Ambrose.  Ambrose answereth, because they durst not. And the men of judah were so cowardish, that they refused not to do it. There came unto Samson three thousand men to take him, and they lay for a pretence the authority of the Philistians: Wilt thou (say they) have us afflicted for thy sake?  
The like speech had the hebrews in time passed against Moses: for when the people was oppressed of Pharaoh: Thou (said they) haste made our smell to stink in the sight of Pharaoh. Samson upbraideth not unto them their sluggishness and desperateness, when as he might justly have said unto them: Are ye not ashamed to betray him that hath delivered you? He handleth his own country men friendly, and telleth them peaceably, why he did so. They (said he) did me injury first, and the same would I avenge. This is the law of rendering like for like, and it is a common rule of all laws. But swear unto me, 
Lextalionis  that you will not fall upon me yourselves. Why requireth he this oath that they should not kill him? Because he was godly towards his country, neither would he shed the blood of his citizens, which undoubtedly must needs have been done, if the matter had come to handystrokes.  
The Philistians mighthy a certain outward show, seem juster than Sanson. For when they had burnt Samsons father in law and his wife and all his family, yet Samson not being content with that avengement, slew very many of them: and they, though they had so many hurts, yet they desire only the death of Samson. Wherefore they may seem more just, but it is but in an outward show only, 
The intent of the Philistians.  as we have said. For they would first take away Samson the head: who being taken away, they might easily do what they would against the people of Israel. And Samson would rather be delivered unto his enemies, then that his country should for his sake come in danger: so great a love had he towards his people, yea rather chief a firm and constant faith towards God. For putting his hope in the mercy of God, he doubted not to commit himself unto his enemies, and he would defend the jews, not only by weapons and strength, but also with his great danger.  
And when he was bound, they made him to ascend. This is so said, because that rough rock which Samson possessed, was lower than the mountains which the Philistians held. Wherefore we read before that Samson descended to the rock, and that the jews descended unto him. When the Philistians shouted against him for joy, the spirit of the lordcame upon Sanson, so that he broke his cords as easily as if they had been flare burnt with fire. And he took the jaw bone of an ass being new or green. This Hebrew word Teriah signifieth green or new, & it is so called, either because it was newly drawn out of the ass, or else because it was rotten. For rotten things the Hebrews call green. Wherefore raw sores and wounds full of matter or corruption, are called of them, green Teriah. These words (And Samson said, with the jaw of an Ass: and then it is added in Hebrew Chamor Chamerithim) are very obscure and have sundry interpretations. For Chamor signifieth both an ass, and also a heap or gathering together. Wherefore some following the signification of this word heap, do thus interpret it, there was made heaps upon heaps of dead bodies, namely of men which he had slain. Or I have made heap upon heap. And the sense is, that Samson saith that he had made so great a slaughter of his enemies, that he gathered great heaps of them together. But other having a respect unto this word ass, do thus enterpretate it, of an ass, of asses, that it should not be here understand in a metaphor. And they think that a sword which is called by the name had the form of an ass. He saith therefore that it was the jaw bone of an ass, of an ass I say of asses, as in other places of the scripture we read, a kid of goats, and a bullock of Oxen. The Rabbins for the most part interpret this place for heaps and gatherings together of enemies.  
When the slaughter was finished, than first the place was named Ramath-Lechi. Ramam in Hebrew is high. Wherefore Ramah signifieth a high place. And Ramah-Lechi is nothing else then a hill or top of a jaw bone. There may also be given an other Etimologye, so that the naming of it may be derived of this verb Ramah, which is to cast away, because Samson in that place threw away the jaw bone, when he had finished the slaughter.   

18 And he was sore a thirst, and called on the Lord, and said: Thou hast given this great deliverance by the hand of thy servant and now shall I die for thirst, and fall into the hands of the uncircumcised?  
19 Then god broke the cheek tooth, that was in the jaw, and water came thereout, and when he had drunk, his spirit came again, and he was revived. Wherefore he called the name thereof Ain Hakorah, which is the fountain of him that calleth upon, which is in Lechi unto this day.  
20 And he judged Israel in the days of the Philistians twenty years.  
Whereas it is written that god opened the cheek tooth which was in the jaw bone, it is in the Hebrew Aschar Belchi Hamachtich, wherefore the place is dark: for this word Machtisch signifieth either that hollowness wherein the teeth are fixed, or else by a Metaphor it signifieth a stone or rock, wherein is a hole cut, 
Out of what thing god brought forth water. josephus. R. Levi Ben Gerson.  like unto the holes of the cheek tethe. And in fine it is that, which commonly we call a mortar. And this latter interpretation josephus & R. Levi Ben Gerson do follow. And they think, that god brought not forth water out of the jaw bone, but out of a rock being hollow like a jaw bone. But others say that water came forth of that jaw bone, wherewith he had slain his enemies. The place was called the fountain of him that prayeth, because God at the prayers of Samson opened the rock or jaw bone. And this word Aim, Levi expoundeth for an eye, for in very deed it signifieth either, namely both a fountain & an eye. And the sense that be gathereth is, that the eye of the Lord was upon him, which called upon him, that is, God had a regard unto the prayers of him that called upon him. It is added that Samson judged Israel in the days of the Philistianes': which is therefore written, because in his time the Hebrews were not yet fully delivered from the tyranny of the Philistianes', Samson began to deliver them, but he finished not.  
In this latter history are certain things which we ought to observe. The first is, that Samson was bound with two cords, and those new, that the miracle might be the more wonderful. 
New cords are strong.  For new cords are more hardly broken, then old. And it is eligantly described how they broke, namely as flax burnt with fire. The cords might be broken two ways, either because the strength of Samsons body was increased, or else because the cords were weakened by god: and either way is apt enough. Farther, when he being naked and unarmed, was cast forth unto his enemies, god ministered weapons unto him of a thing most vile: so can he use all things to setforth his glory: the jaw bone was made only to chaw and cut small meat, but God would use it to commit a slaughter. So although sometimes we seem to be unarmed against our enemies, yet are we sufficiently armed, when god will. Some to make the thing more probable, do imagine, that that jaw bone of the ass was a great one, because that in Syria are so great asses that in greatness they may be compared with our horses. Which thing I do not disprove.  
The Philistians shout and rejoice as though a most deadly enemy had fallen into their hands: But the spirit of the Lord came upon Samson, and there was a great slaughter made of them. And the song which he sang was a giving of thanks for the victory, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that is, a song of victory. But some doubt, whither the whole song be here written, or only the beginning thereof. I think here is but the beginning only: the rest peradventure was known among the jews, and song through.  
And he was sore a thirst. josephus and Ambrose think that god struck Samson with thirst, because he attributed the victory unto himself, and not unto God, I (saith he) with the jaw of an ass have slain a thousand men. He saith not, 
josephus. Ambrose Why Samson was vexed with thirst.  God hath slain, neither erecteth he an altar or monument unto God, nor maketh any sacrifice: and therefore is he afflicted with thirst. For god would have him to understand that he was a man, & would also have him to know by whose benefit he had obtained the victory. This say they: but because those things which they allege are not of the holy Scriptures, therefore I do not give credit unto them. Moreover let us note that in the old Testament, very many places have their names given them of the benefits of God. For they would have the goodness of God kept in memory for them that should come after, that they also should hope that by the same means they should be helped, as they fee their fathers in times past were helped of God. For which self same cause the hebrews were commanded to instruct and teach their children of the benefits bestowed on them by god. Wherefore they instructed their posterity, not only by words, but also by such tokens and monuments, as by some certain sacraments. Wherefore the thirst of Samson (as far as I judge) was not a punishment for sin, which he had committed, but a certain caution or prohibition that he should not sin. He might in deed by reason of overmuch labour naturally thirst, but god would have him remember that in so great fortune he was mortal. He had slain many: but herein was the danger, lest he also should have died together with them for thirst. Or it was done, that the power and benevolence of God towards his people should be made the more notable, which had not only delivered Samson from his enemies, but also had quenched his thirst by a wonderful means.  
Wherefore Samson turneth himself unto prayers, which God maketh him to express both by his spirit, and also by this present necessity. We are not able to think how much God delighteth in our submission. Thou, saith he, Lord God hast given me this victory, and wilt thou now forsake me? Hereby we understand that the remembrance of the benefits past, do exceedingly stir up our prayers, for they increase faith, whereby we hope that we may obtain the like and also greater things. Neither is this a thing to be passedover, that he calleth himself the servant of God. I am (saith he) thy servant. For I have not slain these men at mine own lust and motion: I have done thy business, and I have executed thy war. And wilt thou now suffer me to die for thirst? And by that means to fall into the hands of mine enemies? And which is most grievous, into the hands of the uncicumcised? For I undoubtedly, whatsoever I am, am thine, and I have set abroad the glory of thine name. Thou hast promised that I should be a judge unto thy people, suffer me not therefore to come into the power of mine enemies, contrary to that promise which thou hast promised me.    

¶ The xvi Chapter.  

1 THen went Samson to Azzah, and he saw there a harlot, and went into her.  
2 And it was told to the Azzathites, Sanson is comhither. And they went about, and laid wait for him all night in the gate of the city and were quiet all the night, saying: Abide till the morning early, and we shall kill him.  
3 And Samson slept till midnight, and rose at midnight and took the doors of the gate of the city, and the two posts, and lift them away with the bars, and put them upon his shoulders, and carried them up to the top of the mountain, that is before Hebron  
It is no rare or unaccustomed thing, that excellent men, when they have accomplished things after their mind, 
There happen sometimes grievous falls of godly men, & of churches.  do slack good studies and honest entenprises, as though they had done with labours, & are now in that place that they can not fall. God suffereth them sometimes so to fall, that they should acknowledge themselves, & be called back to repentance. But that is not done by the merit of the sinners, but by the goodness and mercy of god. So God suffered David to fall, so Solomon contaminated himself with a most grievous wicked crime: so judas the son of jacob, being in good estimation among his brethren, yet committed incest with Thamar. Neither do these things hap only unto singular men, but also unto the church, as well the new as the old. In the time of Byleam when the Israelites could not be won by any other means, they were conquered by harlots. And the church of the Corrinthians, was at the first so contaminated with whoredoms, that Paul was compelled to show by arguments and testimonies of the word of god, that forication was sin. Yet did not god straightway departed from those which I have mentioned, 
God doth not straightway after sin take a way from men his free gracious gifts.  nor from Samson as touching his free gracious gifts, as are strength, gift of tongues, prophecies, and such like: because they are given, not for their sakes which possess them, but for other. Bileam though he was an evil man, yet had he still the gift of prophecy, yea and he prophesied most excellently of Christ. The Lord also saith: many shall say unto me in that day: Have not we cast out devils in thy name? And in thy name have we prophesied: & it shallbe said unto them, verily I say unto you, I know you not.  
Howbeit for discipline sake, free gracious gifts are also sometimes taken away: sometimes I say, not always. And Samson did not strayghtewaye at the first time when he sinned, lose those gifts of God: yet afterward he lost them. But seeing these are not always taken away, 
Wither the gifts which follow justification are firm.  what shall we affirm of other gifts, which of necessity follow justification? Those undoubtedly are taken away in sins that are most heinous, For he which hath committed any grievous sin against himself, holdeth not peace of conscience, neither the zeal to call upon God, nor hope towards God. faith also for that time, either sleepeth and lieth still, or (as some think) is taken away, although it be afterward restored unto the elect, and those that are predestinate, when they repent. Such falls of excellent men are setforth, 
How great the verity of the holy scriptures is How the country of the Philistians was divided.  that we by them should have an example, that if at any time we fall, we should not despair. And hereby we understand how great the verity of the holy scriptures is. For they dissemble not errors and vices in the greatest men, & in those specially which they have taken in hand to praise.  
Azza was one of the head cities of the Philistians. For that country was divided into provinces and Lordships: of which in every one of them there was some one excellent and notable city. Our interpreters have translated Azza into Gaza: for it is written by this letter Ain, which our men turn by g: And so the Ammorhites they call Gomorhites. But why went Samson down hither? because now having obtained so many victories, he contemned his enemies: and peradventure he sought occasion to invade them. But in this city he fell: for he had there to do with a harlot. This word Zonah signifieth in Hebrew a harlot, of which thing we have spoken in an other place. Some think that Samson did nothing here offend, but only turned into a woman that kept a vitling house. For by that word is also signified a woman that keepeth a vitling house, because she prepareth meat and other necessary things for gests. So some think that Rahab in the book of josua, which received the spies, was not an harlot, but only one that kept a vitling house. But I think that Rahab was an harlot. For so is she called in the Epistle to the Hebrews, which had done her injury now being dead, 
How women that kept vitling houses are called by the Roman laws  if it called her, being a chaste woman, an harlot. The Roman laws called such women as kept vitlinge houses stabulariae, as it is had in the title de furtis stabulariorum. Ambrose saith that Helena the mother of Constantine the great was a stabularia after this sort, & he calleth her a good stabularia  
He entered into her. This Hebrew form of speaking signifieth carnal fellowship, namely that he had to do with her. Other think (as I have said) that he only lodged in her house. But the Philistines when they heard of it, did secretly environ the city in the night season, for they would make no noise for waking of Samson being on sleep, for they durst not set upon him in the dark, for that they knew him to be most strong. They tarried till it was day, neither doubted they that he could escape, being so on every side enclosed and besieged. Liranus thinketh, 
Lyraws.  that the Philistines drew not Samson out of his lodging, because peradventure in that region it was a law, that men should be safe in their lodgings. But I marvel that Ambrose saith, that the Philistines besieged the house where Samson was, 
Ambrose.  when as in the Hebrew we manifestly read that they besieged the City. Samson came and took the doors, & carried them away with him. So he despised his enemies, neither was there any that durst withstand him.  
Neither yet must we think, that that was the strength of a man, 
Things are to be judged by the word of God, and not by the success.  but of the spirit of God. But we must not therefore affirm that God favoured whoredom: because in judging of things, we must not have a regard to the success. David also filthily committed adultery, and at the same time wherein he grievously sinned, he conquered Rabbah, the City of the Ammonites. Solomon had fellowship with idolatrous women, and yet all things in a manner went with him as he would desire. Wherefore as touching actions, we must not judge of them by intents. Wherefore in Ecclesiastes it is rightly said, that the self same things hap unto the evil, that do happen unto the good, & therefore of them the love or hatred of God toward us is not known. Neither by the events may we judge who is godly, or who is ungodly. We must judge by the word of God. The things that agree with it are good: the things that disagree, are ungodly. But in that God doth not straightway take vengeance, he therefore doth it, to call us back to repentance. Wherefore it is our part to see that we heap not unto ourselves anger, in the day of anger, as Paul saith unto the Romans.  
Samson escaped the danger, & carried away the gates of the City unto a mountain, that they might be a wonder, and that the Philistines might see how great strength there was in the God of Israel: yea & that the jews also might behold so notable an act of God. For that mountain was in the midst between Gaza & Hebron, which the hebrews inhabited. By that spectacle it came to pass, that the courages of the Philistines were daunted, but the hebrews were boldened. We may not (as I have often admonished) think of Samson, as of a private man, for he was a Magistrate appointed by God, and not by men. For if he had been a private man, his acts could not be allowed: for it is wicked to violate the walls & gates of Cities. Which thing was also prohibited by the Roman laws. In the digests de rerum division in the law sanctum, and in the law sacrum, it is had that some things are sacred, some things religious, and some things holy. Things sacred, as the altars and temples of the gods. Religious, as the sepulchres of the dead, holy, as those things which are by laws defended from the injuries of men, as gates & walls. In the same title also it is red. 
Gates & walls of cities are by the laws counted as holy.  These things are holy, which are neither sacred nor profane, but confirmed and defended by laws, that they should not be violated. As if a man should do this thing or that thing, he should suffer this or that. In the same title in the law Si quis, the violating of the walls is made death. Wherefore Remus was put to death, 
Why Remus was killed of Romulus.  because he went over the walls of his brother: Which self same thing is decreed of prisons, as it is written in the title de Effractoribus in the law .1. And in the title de custodia & Exhibitione in the law in cos. 
Prisons are not to be violated.  Howbeit if the door were but slenderly shut, and any man had fled, he was more lightly punished, but yet in such sort, that he should be counted for a condemned person, although otherwise he were innocent.  
Socrates when he was in prison, & mought have escaped, he would not, 
An example of Socrates.  lest he should seem to have violated the laws. It was objected unto him: Thou art wrongfully held in prison. But he answered: we must not by injury put away injury, because to do injury is always evil. He also took an argument of an example. For wise men ought not to open this window unto other: Which other would easily imitate, if they should fly out of prison. Farther if all man should by themselves remedy injuries, & breaks prisons, what manner of public wealth would there be at the length? Moreover hereby we should seem to fear death more than is mete. But we must not so be afeard of death, to violate laws and rights. Lastly we must not doubt, but that good men fall into the hands of tyrants by the will of God. Wherefore they ought not by an unjust way to deliver themselves thereout. Neither ought any man to object unto us Peter, for he fled not, but was by an angel brought forth by the will and commandment of God. Let us rather see what Paul and Silas did in prison: they would not fly when they might. 
It is not lawful for bound servants to fly from their masters.  It is not lawful also for bondeseruants to fly from their masters. And undoubtedly Paul sent home again Onesimus unto Philemon. What if the bondeseruant feared fornication or murder at his master's hand? It was lawful for him to fly unto sanctuary, or to the image of the prince: there was he helped by the laws, and the unjust Lord was compelled to sell his bondseruamt. But a Citizen for as much as he is free, 
Free men may change their abydynges for just causes.  neither is held in prison, because by the laws he may dwell where he will, for him it is lawful to change his abiding & go whether he please. But that which Samson did, must not be followed, neither drawn into an example. For he (as we have often said) was appointed a Magistrate by God, and was most certain of his vocation.   

4 And afterward he loved a woman by the brook Sorek, whose name was Delila.  
5 And the Lords of the Philistines came up unto her, and said unto her: Deceive him and see wherein his great strength lieth, and by what means we may prevail against him, that when we have bound him, we may afflict him: And we will every one of us give thee a thousand one hundredth pieces of Silver.  
6 And Delila said to Samson: tell me, I pray thee, wherein thy great strength lieth, and wherewith thou mightest be bound, to do thee hurt.  
7 Samson than answered unto her: If they bind me with seven green rods that were never dried, then shall I be weak, and be as an otherman.  
8 And the princes of the Philistines brought her seven green rods that were not withered, and she bound him therewith.  
9 (And she had men lying in wait with her in the chamber) than she said unto him: the Philistines be upon thee, Samson. And he broke the rods, as a thread of tow is broken, when it feeleth fire: so his strength was not known.  
10 After Delila said unto Samson: See, thou hast mocked me and told me lies: I pray thee now, tell me wherewith thou mightest be bound.  
11 Then he answered her: If they bind me with new ropes that never were occupied then shall I be weak and be as another man.  
12 Delila therefore took new ropes and bound him therewith, and said unto him: The Philistines be upon thee, Samson: (and men lay in wait in the chamber) and he broke them from his arms, as a thread.  
13 Afterward Delila said to Samson: Hitherto thou hast beguiled me, and told me lies: tell me how thou mightest be bound. And he said unto her: If thou plattedst Seven locks of mine head with the threads of the woufe.  
14 And she fastened it with a pin, and said unto him: The Philistines be upon thee, Samson. And he a work out of his sleep, and went away with the pin of the web and the woufe.  
15 Again she said unto him: how canst thou say, I love thee, when thine heart is not with me? thou hast mocked me these three times, and hast not told me wherein thy great strength lieth.  
16 And because she was importunate upon him with her words continually, and vexed him, his Soul was pained unto the death.  
17 Therefore he told her all his heart, and said unto her: There never came razor upon mine head: for I am a Nazarite unto God from my mother's womb: therefore if I be shaven, my strength will go from me, and I shall be weak, and be like all other men.  
18 And when Delila saw that he had told her all his heart, she sent, and called for the princes of the Philistines, Saying: Come up once again: for he hath showed me all his heart. Then the princes of the Philistines came up unto her, and brought the money in their hands.  
19 And she made him sleep upon her knees, and she called a man, & made him to shave of the seven locks of his head, and she began to vex him, and his strength was gone from him.  
20 Then she said: the Philistines be upon thee, Samson. And he a work out of his sleep, and said: I will go out now as at other times, and shake myself, but he knew not that the Lord was departed from him.  
By the outrageous love of Samson unto women, we easily understand, that the desire of lust is never satisfied, so long as we obey it. Samson had played the whoremonger before, & yet not being content with that, he took unto him a harlot again. Wherefore no man ought to cocker his sins, as though he might afterward leave them at will. Seneca hath rightly admonished Lucillus: 
Senec●.  That we must not add to lusts, but rather pluck away from them: otherwise they will grow unto unmeasurableness. We see in this history as in a glass the perverseness of man's nature, when God winketh, and defereth the punishment, we are made worse, and the more forward he goeth in forgiving, so much the more & more do we go forward in sinning. Wherefore Paul to the Romans writeth truly and profitably: dost thou not know that the goodness of God calleth thee to repentance? but thou according to thy hardness and vacant heart, heapest unto thyself wrath in the day of wrath. God seemed to spare Samson, but he was never a whit the better.  
But what this woman was, whether she were an Hebrew or a Philistine, 
R. Levi be● Geeson.  it appeareth not by the History. It is only written that she dwelled by the river or brook Sorek. R. Levi been Gerson thinketh that she was a proselyte, and that she had received the profession of the law of the jews. But he confirmeth not his opinion by any testimony of the scripture. Howbeit if she had been a proselyte, Samson had sinned much more grievously. For he ought rather to have dissuaded from fornication a woman being a stranger, & peradventure not thoroughly instructed in religion, then to have alured her to sin. For that cause Christ rebuked the Scribes & Pharisees, saying: Woe unto you Scribes and Phariseis, because you compass about sea & land, to make one proselyte: & than ye make him the child of hell, twice so much more than ye yourselves. And even the same self thing is also now a days practised, and that very often: the Papists labour very much, to convert a jew to their Christian religion, and then they corrupt him, and make him worser than they are themselves. After which self same manner Monks lead young men and maidens to their institutions, whom afterward by evil arts they make most corrupt. But these things have I spoken by the way.  
But how many of the Philistines came unto the harlot, it is not written. Some think, that there were five, because there are so many pronounces in that region. Every one of them promised to give her xi. hundredth pieces of Silver, the whole somme therefore was .5500. pieces of Silver. So the Philistines, when they could not conquer Samson by strength, assayed to win him by deceit, and they allure the woman with money to betray him. By the voluptuousness of Samson they take occasion, and with large promises they stir up the covetousness of the woman. 
Of how great force the enticements of women are.  But of honesty and virtue, they have no regard. And that the nature of strong men is such, that by the flatterynges of a woman it may be deceived, we may understand not only by this History, but also by many other. But it shallbe sufficient to set before us Adam for an example: whose nature in that first innocency being yet perfect, was yet by a woman brought into deceit. Wherefore we must continually pray unto God, that he would not suffer us to be led into deceit, for we must not trust to our own strength.  
The woman being enticed by the Philistines, goeth unto Samson. Wherefore she is not only an harlot, but also a betrayer. Such an end ought they to look for, and be most assured of, what soever they be, that have fellowship with harlots. There are extant examples of many, which partly were very evil handled of harlots, and partly betrayed by them to their enemies to be slain. For she which selleth herself, will undoubtedly much easilier sell her lover. Wherefore Solomon hath wisely admonished, that a harlot is no les to be avoided, than the mouth of hell.  
And Delila said: Show me wherein thy strength lieth. These things are here set forth simply, but it is very likely, that the woman did thus flatter Samson saying unto him, that she much marveled at his so great strength, and that she much rejoiced, that she had gotten herself such a lover. And therefore she exceedingly desired to know this, wherein his so great strength consisted. Samson mocked her two or three times. And first he sayeth: If I be bound with green rods. That is, with bounds made of Osiers and new twigs, which have not yet been dried. The second time he biddeth her take new ropes, wherewith Delila afterward bound him, namely when he was on sleep. Thirdly he feigneth that seven locks of his head should be plaited with the threads of the woufe, to take away his strength: He putteth a certain number for an uncertain. He would in deed have been constant, & hidden the secret from the woman, but on the other side his weakness and softness was so great that he fainted. For after he dissembled once or twice, she was so much the more importunate with him. And though she were mocked, yet she giveth not over, neither despaireth she to obtain that which she sought for. The Hebrew interpreters think that these things were not done in one day, strait after an other, but at sundry times, that the woman as occasion served might repeat the same request. Lastly it is said that the harlot was grevousome unto Samson, even unto the death. He could not suffer to be rejected of his lover, it was like death unto him to be repulsed from his pleasures and delights. So Samson is taken, bound, and lead away.   

¶ Of Whoredom or Fornication.  
NOw I think it good somewhat to speak of whoredom or fornication. For as in the old time there were very many, so also at this day there are not a few, which affirm that it is no sin. But I will prove by Scriptures, and by most certain reasons that it is a grievous sin.  
They which extenuate this wicked crime, do lean unto sundry arguments. first in the Acts of the Apostles the .15. chapter, when in those first times, there arose a dissension among the jews and the Grecians, it was by common assent decreed, that the ethnics should abstain from blood, from that which was strangled, from things offered unto idols, and from fornication. Here, say they, that whoredom or fornication is reckoned with those things which of their own nature are not sins. Wherefore it appeareth that of itself it is not sin: for these things were then for a time decreed of the Apostles, that Christians should live peaceably together. For there is no creature of GOD evil, as saith Paul to Timothe: Farther they say, GOD would not command that which of itself is sin. But he bade Hoseas the Prophet to take unto himself an harlot, & to beget children of whoredom or fornication. Wherefore of his own nature it seemeth not evil. furthermore every sin is against charity, either against that charity which we own unto God, or that which we own unto our neighbour. But in whoredom or fornication there seemeth nothing to be committed against God: for his worshipping and Religion is not hurt. Neither also against our neighbour, for there is no violence offered his wife, neither is there any violent oppression. Moreover Augustine in his book de bono coniugali writeth, 
Augustine  that what meat is unto the body, that is accompanying together for procreation. But if a man eat or drink a little more than he ought, he is not accused of sin. Wherefore also if a man in accompanying together do a little stray, he is not to be counted guilty of sin. Lastly, those things which god hath prohibited as sins, are so plain & manifest, that even by the light of nature every man may understand that they are sins: but whoredom or fornication in man's judgement is not so judged, & many think that it is no sin. Mitio in the Comedy in Terence saith: Believe me, it is no wicked act for a young man to commit fornication. And in the Church of corinth. there wanted not some which so thought also. Wherefore by these reason's the filthiness of whoredom is so extenuated, that either it is not counted for sin, or else counted among the lest sins.  
We must have a regard not to human reasons, but unto the word of god, not what men think or judge, but what the holy ghost speaketh in the holy scriptures. And in the Prophets & in Solomon, there is in every place detestation of fornication. 
Fornication is prohibited by testimonies of the scriptures.  But in the law they say there is nothing decreed against it. But for as much as they will reason by the law, I will bring testimonies also out of it, whereby it may easily be understand the fornication is prohibited. In levit. in the book of Numb. & in Deut. the jews are prohibited to adjoin unto themselves strange women. Again in Deut. the .23. chap. it is commanded, that there should be nor harlot nor whore in Israel. Let these places be compared together. It was not lawful to have harlots, neither strangers, neither Israelites, therefore they were all forbidden. But some will say: How then had Sanson fellowship with an harlot? Some of the hebrews answer that she was not a harlot, with whom Samson had fellowship, but one that kept a vitling house. But for as much as that is a weak answer, me thinketh we must otherwise answer unto it. The public wealth of the hebrews was at that time corrupted. For they lived now under the Philistines: neither is it any marvel if they were embrewed with any of their vices and corrupt manners. Wherefore they had some harlots, but not by their laws, but by the use and custom of the Philistines.  

Testimonies of the new testament.  But in the new Testament whoredom or fornication is apertly & manifestly prohibited. To the hebrews it is thus written: Adoulterers & fornicators the Lord will judge: the Lord is not said to judge & to avenge, except it be for grievous sins. And to the Ephesians, not only covetous men & idolaters, but also fornicators are excluded from the kingdom of God. To the Corinthians also, where Paul writeth of Excommunication, I do not speak (saith he) of all fornicators: but if any be called a brother, and is a fornicator, with such ye shall not so much as eat meat. But he entreateth much more manifestly of all this matter in the same Epistle the .6. chapter, and that of purpose: for many (as it is said) were of an evil opinion, as touching this kind of wickedness. First, he saith, meat is ordained for the belly and the belly for meat, but God shall destroy both this and that, now the body is not for fornication, but for the Lord. For all meat of his own nature is pure: but for the offence of our neighbour, we ought sometimes to abstain. But some man might say: Meat is necessary to live by. It is, sayeth Paul, in this life, but in the blessed resurrection, GOD shall destroy both the meat and the belly. Wherefore thou must not so much esteem them, that for their cause thou shouldest offend thy brother. It is not universally commanded to abstain from all meat, but from that only whereby thy weak brother is offended. But as touching fornications (sayeth he) which ye contemn, the reason is far otherwise. Your body is not given for fornication, but for the Lord. And this is not to be passed over, that Paul with great prudence sayeth not, not for procreation, but not for fornication. For the body is given also for procreations' sake. Men are went oftentimes to excuse their faults and to lay them upon nature. The nature of the body (sayeth he) is to be given unto the Lord. Wherefore of it is to be taken the rule of life, and not of evil examples.  

The nature of relatives.  This is the nature of relatives, not only of such as in that thing that they are, are referred unto other, but also of those which are by any means referred unto an other thing, as the head unto the body, and again the body to the head. For when we see the head, we straightway require the body, and again when we see the body, we require the head. Such relatives (as the Logicians say) are called secundum dici. The Lord is the head of the body of the Church, and it is the body of that head. Wherefore Paul both wisely and pithily disputeth, when he saith: The body is not made to this end, and to pollute itself with lusts, but to be correspondent unto the head, and to be conformable unto it. And he addeth, GOD which hath raised up Christ, shall raise us up also by his power. The first argument was taken from relatives. The second is drawn of God. For if he will raise up our bodies, as he hath raised up Christ, why do we then defile them with ignominy? He goeth on and sayeth, do ye not know that your bodies are the members of Christ? Shall I then take the member of Christ, and make it the member of an harlot? Undoubtedly a sore conclusion which he concludeth. Shall I take (sayeth he) the member of Christ? As though he should have said: No without doubt, for this were to tear the body of Christ. And it is a thing most cruel to pluck away the members from a lively body, and to join them unto a rotten or dead body. But the strength of the reason consisteth herein. Christ can not commit fornication: wherefore if thou wilt commit fornication, thou must first be plucked from Christ. Here is showed that fornication is not only a sin, but also a deadly and most grievous sin, which plucketh us away from Christ.  
afterward he addeth: He which coupleth himself unto an harlot, is made one body. For they shallbe two in one flesh. And: He which is joined with God is one spirit. This place is most full of consolation: for as much as it declareth that we are most nigh joined unto Christ, from whom we must needs be first plucked away, before we be made the members of an harlot. He which cleaveth unto an harlot is made one body: For they shallbe two in one flesh. The Apostle seemeth at the first sight to abuse the words of Genesis. For he transferreth them to whoredom which are spoken of matrimony. For these words were spoken first of Adam and Eve: because the flesh of Eve was before in the flesh of Adam, from whom God took a rib, and made thereof a woman, which he again adjoined unto Adam, to be with him one flesh. But in very deed the Apostle abuseth not this sentence, for as much as whoredom is a certain corruption of matrimony: for one thing is common to them both, namely, the conjunction of the flesh. For bodies are communicated as well here as there. Wherefore Paul had a respect unto that which is common to them both, when as yet this difference is there between them, that in whoredom the conjunction is against the law of God, and therefore fornicators must be plucked a sunder, otherwise there is left no hope of salvation for them. But in matrimony, the conjunction is made by GOD, and therefore it is made an indissoluble knot. Wherefore seeing that the conjunction is in either all one and the self same, Paul hath rightly applied that sentence to whoredom: He which cleaveth unto God, is one spirit. These words serve much unto this present matter. For if we be with God in spirit, we must with earnest labour fly from those things which he hath prohibited. Wherefore aptly the Apostle hath added fly whoredom.  
He saith moreover: Every sin that a man committeth, is without the body: but he which committeth whoredom, sinneth against his own body. If the arguments which I have before brought do not move you, yet at the least have a respect unto your own body, which ye seem in committing of fornication to hate and contemn.  
But it may be demanded how other sins are without the body, but by fornication we sin against our own body. For we doubt not, but that he which is very angry, noorisheth and augmenteth choler, whereby the body is not a little hurt. Sickness also doth very much weaken the body: wherefore Solomon sayeth: A sad spirit drieth up the bones. Drunkenness also and gluttony do hinder health, and do in a manner utterly destroy the body: yea and envious persons seem also to sin against their own bodies: For thou shalt see them dried, withered, and in a manner killed with leanness. How can it be then, that other sins are without the body? Some say, that fornicators do sin against their own body, because very oftentimes by having fellowship with harlots they are infected with the pocks, & with leprosy. But let other say what they will, I rather think, that the Apostle had a respect unto those things which went before. For he had said, that the fornicator is made one body, with the harlot: & he seemeth to sin grievously against the dignity of his body, 
A Similitude.  which maketh it all one with the most vile & filthy body of an harlot. For if a king or prince should marry a wife of a base and obscure stock, it would be said that he had contaminated his kindred. I know that there are some which think that these words are spoken Hiperbollically, because there are found other sins also which do hurt the body, but this hurteth it most grievously and most of all.  
The same Paul doth still go on and saith: do ye not know, that your bodies are the temple of the holy Ghost? And assuredly he which destroyeth the temple of God, God will destroy him. As though he should have said: ye have not your bodies of yourselves, but of god. God hath made them his temple, and the holy ghost dwelleth in them. Ye are not your own: Wherefore ye do not a little violate justice in contaminating an other man's thing. Ye are bought with a great price, wherefore glorify God in your body. These arguments of Paul are both most pleasant, and also most strong, which if they satisfy not some, let him look upon our Samson. He was no idolater, no murderer, no these, and yet is he taken, bound, his eyes put out, and is compelled to grind in a prison, even as if he had been a four footed beast.  
Paul laboureth by many arguments to prove whoredom is sin. And no marvel: because than he wrote uno the Corinthians which at that time abounded above other in fornications. Whereof came the Proverb, Non quivis Corinthum that is It is not for every man to go to Corinthus. And in universal all the ethnics were in an ill opinion touching this vice. 
Eusebius.  For which cause, when the Church was yet springing (as Eusebius testifieth in his .3. book of his history the .29. chap.) the Nicolaites did openly & manifestly commit fornication, & laid the custom of their wicked crime upon Nicolaus the deacon: 
Clemens Alexandrinus. The history of Nicolaus the deacon.  although Clemens Bishop of Alexandria in Stromatis do excuse Nicolaus: For he sayeth, that he neither thought, nor taught any such thing. But having a very fair woman to his wife, and therefore being thought to have been jealous over her, he brought her forth before the people and said: This is my wife. And that ye might understand that I am not jealous over her, I am content for my part that any of you take her to wife. Which thing also he meant, as far as the law of God would suffer. But they which were afterward called Nicloaites, understanding his words perversely, supposed that he thought the wives among Christians ought to be common. Of this Sect it is written in the apocalypse: But this thou hast, because thou hast hated the acts of the Nicolaites, which I have hated. Wherefore it is no marvel, though Paul took so great pains to teach that whoredom is sin.  

Fornication contrary to matrimony.  This wicked crime is contrary unto matrimony. For they which haunt wandering lusts and harlots, are far from contracting of Matrimony. Wherefore Terence saith: They which love, can ill abide to have a wife given them. For which cause Clemens saith: 
Clemens.  whoredom leadeth from one matrimony to many, that is from one lawful conjunction, to many unlawful & wicked. The Epistle to the hebrews joineth fornicators which adulterers, & testifieth that God will judge them. And those two vices are so joined together, that they are comprehended in the self same precept, wherein it said: Thou shalt not commit adultery.  

Fornication is repugnat unto Christ & the public wealch.  This pestilence also is repugnant both unto Charity & to the public wealth: unto charity undoubtedly, because the fornicators do injury unto their children, which not being lawfully procreated, are scarcely at any time brought up honestly & virtuously. And they hurt the public wealth, because they defraud it of good Citizens. For Mamzer, a bastard I say, & one borne in fornication, is prohibited to be received into the Church, not that he is restrained from the holy communion, or from the mysteries of salvation, but because it is not lawful for him to govern the public wealth, & to be numbered among Citizens. Some think that this evil may be remedied, if a man should keep a concubine at home. So, say they shall the issue be certain. It may be peradventure certain, but it shall not be legitimate. Seeing therefore this wicked crime is both against matrimony, and charity, & also the public wealth, it can not be denied but it is a sin most grievous. 
A Christian magistrate ought not to suffer harlots.  And for as much as it is so, why are fornications now a days openly suffered in Cities? I speak not of the ethnics: I speak of Christians, and of those Christians which will alone seem & be called the successors of Christ. Whoredom or fornication is most impudently maintained in their dominion, they not only willing thereunto, but also taking a commodity & tribute thereof. That which is against the word of God, against matrimony, against charity, against the public wealth, is no sin, or else it is a notable sin. If it be sin, why is it not taken away & wedded out? 
Augustine  But I know what they will babble, they bring forth Augustine, who in his book de Ordine writeth thus: Take away harlots, and all things shallbe filled with filthy lusts. But let us consider in what time Augustine wrote that book. Undoubtedly when he was yet Catechumenus, and not sufficiently instructed in religion. And although he had not been Catechumenus, yet this his saying agreeth not with the word of God, neither with Augustine himself, who in an other place affirmeth that the good which cometh of evil, as a recompensation, is not to be admitted. Which thing also Paul hath taught to the Romans: even as they were wont to say of us: Let us do evil things, that thereby may come good things, whose damnation is just. We must never have a regard to the end and event, when we are urged by the commandment of god. Sometimes men say unto us: Unless thou commit sin, this evil or that will succeed. But we must answer, let us do what god hath commanded us, he will have a care of the success. Neither is it meet, that one only sentence of Augustine should be of greater authority, than so many reasons which we have brought, and so many most manifest words of God.  
God commanded absolutely and by express words, that there should be no harlot in Israel. But some go about to wrest this place out of our hands, in saying that these hebrewe words Kadschah and Kedaschim signifieth not whores or harlots, but rather the priests of Priapus, which were vowed or consecrated to things most filthy. I contrarily think that Chadschah signifieth an harlot, and Kedaschim, unnatural, and effeminate persons. God would have neither of these suffered among his people. But in that they object the holy services of Priapus, it is nothing. For it was sufficiently before decreed touching idolatry: and what need it again to be repeated? But that we may the more manifestly understand that Kadschah signifieth a harlot, let us read the history of juda and Thamar in the book of Genesis, 
Certain words are taken both in the good and evil part.  and there we shall see that Lovah & Kadschah are taken both for one and the self same thing. For which cause we must note that there are certain words which may be taken both in the good and evil part: of which sort is this word Kadschah among the Hebrews, which signifieth both holy and also an harlot: even as among the latins this word sacrum that is holy, 
Virgil.  wherefore Virgil saith Auri sacra fames that is the holy hunger of gold. This Hebrew word Kadasch is to prepare, or to be prepared. Whereof is derived that word which signifieth an harlot, because such women are ready and setforth unto all men, or else because they are wont to go trimly docked and painted. Wherefore Clemens saith, 
Clemens.  that the Lacedæmonians permitted harlots to wear wrought garments, fine apparel, and gold, which things were not lawful for matrons to use.  
Now let us see what followeth in Deut. And the hire of a whore shall not be brought into the sanctuary. Here again the law calleth her Zanah, which before is called Kadschah. But thou wilt say: If the law would not have harlots suffered, what needed it to have forbidden their oblactes? What needed this law? they which say this, do seem indeed to speak wittily, but yet they speak not sufficiently. For outward nations also sent gifts for ornaments and uses of the temple. The Eunuch of the queen of Ethiope came to jerusalem, to offer in the temple. The Macedonians and Romans gave yearly oblations and sacrifices in the temple. Wherefore the law forbiddeth, that if any thing be offered by strangers, that is gotten by the gain of a harlot, the same should not be admitted into the sanctuary. Farther, god had commanded that there should not be harlots in Israel, but he knew that they would not observe that law. For when the Philistians, Macedonians and Romans reigned over them, they had harlots. Yea & Christ maketh mention of harlots and publicans together. Wherefore god doth rightwell first forbidden that there should be no whores among the Hebrews. And afterward he ordaineth, that if by any chance there were any, their gain should not be admitted in to the sanctuary. Which thing undoubtedly he commanded, because of the vileness and filthiness of the gain. In the same place he addeth: The price also of a dog shall not be brought into the sanctuary, because that beast is filthy and unclean.  
Caligula otherwise a filthy monster, commanded (as Suetonius writeth) that harlots and bawds should be openly punished. 
Suetonius Hostiensis.  Of this thing Hostiensis writeth ridiculously. Harlot's indeed (saith he) are bound to pay and to offer, but the church can not nor ought not to receive them. Yet the Gloze doth much better decree in the decretals, dist. 90. chap. Oblationis, namely that nothing at all should be offered in the church, that is of the gain of an harlot. But priests and monks when they feared least some of their profit should depart, have invented an other reason. For although, say they, the gain of harlots cannot be received for an oblation, 
The Pope doth unjustly get gain of harlots.  yet nothing letteth but that it may be received for alms. But by what means doth the Pope receive the money of harlots? Not undoubtedly, as an oblation, because he cannot: not as alms, because he is not poor. Wherefore then must he needs receive it as a prince. The lord would not have this kind of money in his sanctuary: but the pope will have it in his treasury, & hath it: & getteth a wonderful great gain by it. Whose vicar then is the Pope? God's vicar? God refused such a gain. What, is he Christ's vicar? Christ never departed from the will of his father. Then must it consequently follow, that he is Antichrist, when as he both teacheth and doth those things which are expressedly & of purpose against the word of god and of Christ. But he will say that he exacteth this money as a prince. Let him then be prince. But I will demand, whither he be an evil prince or a good? For a good prince it is not lawful to departed from the laws of God. Let him then be an evil prince, let him also be even Caligula.  
Peradventure he will answer, that in respect he is a prince, he doth according to the civil laws, which do not take away harlots out of the dominion of the Romans, yet rather they disdain not to decree something touching their price or reward. In the Digests de Condictione ob turpem causam, in the law idem etsi: it is decreed, that there can be no requiring again, if thou give any thing unto an harlot. And there is a reason added: because although a harlot do filthily in that she is a harlot, yet she receiveth not filthily, in that she is a harlot. These words are dark, so that they may seem to be a riddle. Farther, in the digests in the title de donacionibus, in the law affectionis gratia, it is decreed, that it is lawful to geveas well unhonestly as honestly. 
It is not lawful to give unhonestly.  It is lawful honestly to give, as unto parents, kinsefolks friends etc. unhonestly, as to harlots. But I would know, by what licence that is lawful? Hath god given goods unto men, to cast them upon harlots? But here they confess there is some filthiness: for although it be lawful to give, yet if thou haste promised any thing unto an harlot, thy oblygatyon bindeth thee not, neither can the harlot require thy promise, as it is had in the gloze, in the title de donacionibus, in the ●awe ea quae. But there is a doubt, if she receive not filthily, why is it not lawful without filthiness to require it? They answer, that that followeth not: because many things are taken honestly, which are not required honestly. And to that purpose there is cited the law .1. de variis & extraordinariis cognationibus. Wherefore the Pope will by the civil laws not take a way harlots, but receive money of them, which he seeth can not be suffered by the laws of god. But here I will a little reason with him. Undoubtedly he professeth that he is ruler over the civil laws, and in very deed he hath altered many of them, as though he would amend them: when as yet he hath taken away the good, and for the most part hath set evil in their place. Why hath he not amended these laws for the suffering of harlots, when as they are against the law of God? Undoubtedly the true cause why he hath not taken away the laws of harlots, is this, because it should be to much hurtful unto the Pope's treasury. For at Rome they measure their laws by profit, and not by honesty.  
But by what civil law do they receive money of harlots? They answer for tribute. But why do they not rather say, for bawdry? Assuredly, 
What the laws decree of bawdry  if we will speak truly, Popes are not as touching this thing, otherwise then bawds. Let them diligently mark the civil laws, whereby they now go about to defend themselves, and over which they boast that they are rulers, and let them look what they judge of bawdry. In the Digests de ritu nuptiarum, in the law palam it is thus written: He which hath bondewomen for gain, and filthily setteth them out, & is partaker of the gain, the same committeth bawdry. Now I demand of these men in what condition they count the harlots of Rome? For citizens? Nothing less. They count them therefore in a manner for bondewomen, and of them they make gain, wherefore they are in a manner bawds. As much might be said concerning usury. They suffer in their dominions jews which are usurers, and they take gain of their usury, every year a certain part, at the least the twenty part. Wherefore the Pope is not only a bawd, but also an usurer. And that which I affirm of the Pope, let profane princes also take heed, least the same may be said of them also, which excercise this kind of gain of the jews. To them undoubtedly agreeth that saying of David: If thou sawest a thief thou ranst with him, and thou didst put thy portion with adulterers.  
But they say that these are tributes. 
What tribute is.  But in the Code in the title de vectigalibus & commensis, in the law ex prestatione, and in the law allegatis: Tribute is defined to be that which is paid for those things which are brought into the public wealth from outward nations. For they are called in latten vectigalia, that is tributes, of this word Vehere, which signifieth to carry. And the eight part of every thing was paid in the name of a tribute, 
Octavarii.  wherefore publicans were called Octavarii of octava part, that is the viii part which they gathered. But what do harlots I pray you bring into the public wealth? Uncleanness and filthy lusts, of which things the courtiers & sacrificers of the Pope do not gather the eight part, but the whole. These things are called tributes and customs, which are taken of fields and lands, but what fields have harlots? What lands? None. Wherefore let them cease to excuse a most filthy thing with an honest title. I know they will say, if harlots were suffered free and at liberty, they would more licentiously sin. O godly kind of correction. Can harlots be by no other means restrained, but so? They should rather decree that they should not be in the city, that they should have filthy and dark houses, that they should cast away all the ornaments of their body, that they should not come abroad openly, and should be dishonested by some marks of filthiness, that thereby they might be a mocking stock unto all men. By this means peradventure they might be revoked into the right way. But now good God, how are they restrained? 
The sumptuous●es of harlots of Rome.  They have most gorgeous houses, they openly ride in Chariots, apparaled like princes, they ride upon their fine ambling horses, they have with them as fellows, men decked with chains and disguised, yea and sometimes Cardinals, especially in the night, and a most sumptuous flock of waiting maidens. Will they deny that these things are true? Let grave and sincere men then, which have at any time been at Rome, show whither the thing be so or no. If they will not believe me, I can bring for witnesses Cardinals and Prelates of Rome.  
Paulus iii once declared that he intended some reformation of the Church: & he committed the matter to Cardinals and Bishops, which were counted more pure than other. And what they judged, it is extant in the .3. Volume of counsels. And they complain that the power of harlots was greater at Rome, than it was any where else. But hath Paulus iii amended this? In the Synod also of Trident the clergy of Rome promised some great reformation. But they did it not, neither went they about any thing at al. Why do they not rather imitate and follow the laws of justinian? He in is Authentikes, in the title de lenonibus, will have harlots to be utterly thrust out of the city, and that if they promised any thing unto bawds, they should not be bound to pay and accomplish the same. Yea rather, if they have sworn to be harlots for a time, he absolveth them of their oath. These things these men dissemble, and suffer and maintain harlots. Which thing yet ought not to be marveled at. For, forasmuch as they do so diligently cetain and increase spiritual fornication of minds, that is, superstition and idolatry, why also should they not maintain fornication of the body? But seeing they took away wives from their sacrificers, it was a hard thing, yea and impossible to want brothel houses. justinianus sorrowed, because he saw brothel houses nigh unto the Churches of God, but now they dwell in the midst of cities, & not from the houses where holy services are ministered: and it nothing grieveth the Pope. But let the Lords of those houses which the harlots dwell in, plead their cause. But such houses pertain for the most part unto Bishops and churches, & they will say, we do not take part of the gain of a harlot, but as it is meet, we receive rents for our houses: which is not prohibited by the civil laws. For in the Digests (the petitione haereditatis in the law Ancillaram) it is said, that brothel houses are occupied in the city rends of honest men. And in the same title in the law possessor, it is ordained, that if a man have unhonest gains, he should be compelled to restore them, lest an honest interpretation should bring profit unto the possessor with an unhonest gain.  
But because they will maintain it by laws, why have they not a respect unto the interpretation of those laws? That is: If this kind of gain be once exacted of harlots, that aught to be restored unto the hire: otherwise it is not law full to require them. Neither can contrariety of laws be avoided by any other means. For these laws should not agree with those of justinian's, which are had in the Authentikes de lenonibus & scenicis mulieribus. But let them mark I pray you the things which are had in the title de ritu nuptiarum, in the law palam, and in the title de iis qui notantur infamia, in the law Athletas, namely that that woman is infamous, which hath prostituted herself, and he also which is partaker of the gain. And that universally all bawds are infamous. Let us also (which is of much more weight) have a regard to the words of god which commandeth: Be ye holy, because I am holy. What do we gather by these words? That that is not to be suffered among Christians, whereby men are made infamous: wherefore take away bawds and harlots, for as much as these kind of persons are by the testimony of the civil laws noted infamous. But they will say: Men fall very oftentimes, and sometimes commit those things whereby they are made infamous. I grant that, yet is not this to be borne withal, whereby will or nill they, they are made infamous. But though they had a thousand civil laws on their side, 
Jerome.  yet ought we more to esteem the word of God. Jerome speaking of this thing, writeth very well in his epitaph of Fabiola: Civil laws saith he, are not so diligently to be cited. Pampinianus writeth one thing, and Paul an other. 
tertullian  And before Jerome, tertullian de anima: Brothel houses (saith he) are execrable before God.  
But if they should be suffered, say they, there is some hope of their conversion. For Christ saith: Harlots and publicans shall go before you in the kingdom of god. 
How harlots do go before the Scribes and pharisees in the kingdom of heaven.  But let them tell me, whither they can by no other means be revoked into the right way, then to be borne withal? It is true indeed that Christ said: Harlots and publicans shall go before you in the kingdom of God. But he understandeth not Harlots as long as they be harlots and are not converted. For what cause then is it said that they shall go before the pharisees & Scribes in the kingdom of God? because they being converted, do acknowledge and bewail their sins: but the Phariseis & Scribes regarded not their wicked acts, but would seem to be most holy. If harlots should be suffered because they may be converted, then shall there be no sin so grievous which ought to be punished: for there is none so far past grace, but there is some hope that he may be revoked into the right way: and so all laws shall sleep.  
They add moreover: God hath prohibited harlots, 
In the time of Solomon there were harlots in Israel.  as it is had in Deut. which yet were afterward suffered. For Solomon gave judgement between two harlots. First I answer, that it is not certain that they were harlots, for as much as this word Zovah signifieth also her that keepeth a vitling house, and one also which getteth her living by sundry kind of gain. Farther, though they were harlots, yet is it a frivolous and most weak argument. For we must not reason from that which is done, to that which ought to be done. God in deed prohibited harlots, but afterward discipline quailed, and many things were committed against the law. But we ought to have a regard not to that which is done, but to that which God hath commanded to he done: otherwise if we will live according to examples, there are evil examples enough every where. For Popes and Cardinals do not only suffer harlots, but also keep them themselves, as things most dainty. Neither are they afeard of the Canons which decree that Priests for whoredoms should be deposed, in the distinction. 82. chap. Presbyter, when as yet the gloze saith there: Now a days no man is deposed for whoredom. The same is had in the second question .7. chap. Lator: The Apostle excludeth whoremongers from the kingdom of God. But these exclude them not from the Church, neither think they, that they ought to be deposed. But that is no marvel, 
Aduoutries accounted of the Papists very light crimes.  for as much as they say that the Bishop may dispense with adulteries, and other light crimes, as it is had Extra. de judiciis in the law At Clerici, they are the words of Alexander .3. whereby it appeareth, that these men count adulteries for crimes very light. Why ought we then to depend on their examples. Philo a jew saith, that in the public wealth of the jews, 
Philo.  harlots could not be suffered. For all when they came to ripe age, aught of necessity either to be husbands or wives. Widows in deed there were some, but yet well grown in years, and of an approved incontinency. This example should we follow, namely of such an holy public wealth, & not the example of the papistical court. When I was on a time at Rome, I remembered a witty saying of Crates. 
An Apothegma of Crates.  He when he came to Delphos, and saw in the temple of Apollo a golden image of Phrynis a very notable harlot, cried out: Behold a token of the wantonness of the Grecians. So I, considering there such sumptuous harlots, and so gorgeously apparelled, said: Behold a token of the wantonness of the bishop of Rome's Prelates. But let us leave them, and go on with the words of God, and the reasons brought from thence.  
Basilius (in his first book upon the Psalms, expounding these words: 
Basilius.  And hath not sit in the chair of pestilence) writeth very well. Whoredom (saith he) stayeth not in one man, but invadeth a whole City. For some one young man cometh unto an harlot, and taketh unto himself a fellow, and the same fellow also taketh an other fellow. Wherefore even as fire being kindled in a City, 
A similitude.  if the wind blow vehemently, stayeth not in the burning of one house or two, but spreadeth far and wide, and draweth a great destruction with it: So this evil, being once kindled, spreadeth over all the parts of the City. 
Ambrose.  Ambrose also wisely writeth upon the .119. Psalm, alleging the words of the vi chap. of the Proverbs: who can nourish burning coals in his bosom, and not be burnt? who saith he, can think that harlots can be nourished in a City, and young men not be corrupted with whoredom? 
The sentence of Augustine inverted.  And so may we aptly turn that sentence of saint Augustine clean contrarelye: If thou take away harlots, thou shalt fill all things with filthy lusts. Not so, but rather contrarily: Noorishe harlots, and thou shalt fill all things with filthy lusts.  
They object again, that the good which cometh of evil, is a recompensation, and they will have brothel houses to be suffered, least violence should be offered unto honest Matrons. I have answered before, that evil things are not to be done, that good things should ensue. Yea, but (say they) God himself hath ordained that the good which cometh of evil, is a recompensation. For because of the hardness of heart of the hebrews, that they should not follow greater evils, he granted them the book of divorcement. But these men ought to remember, that we must not call God unto judgement, neither is it lawful to require of him a reason of his laws. 
It is not lawful always to reason by the example of God.  Wherefore it is no firm conclusion, God did so, therefore it is lawful for us to do the like. We must not look what God hath done, but what he hath commanded us to do. But as concerning divorcement, we shall have occasion in an other place to speak thereof. God saw that hatred often times happeneth between man and wife, and danger of committing murder, which thing rather than it should happen, he granted the book of divorcement. But it is a false argument, God gave the book of divorcement, therefore it is lawful for us to keep brothelhouses.  

To the reasons of the adversaries. To the first.  Now resteth to confute the reasons of the adversaries. First they said, whoredom is in the acts of the Apostles numbered among those things, which of their own nature are not evil, as blood, things strangled, and things dedicated unto Idols. For there is no creature of God evil, which is received with thanks giving. Wherefore fornication is no sin, seeing it is reckoned with those things. But this is a weak reason, for these things are not reckoned of the Apostles, that in them should be like reason of fault, but because that all those things, if they should have been used, would at the time have disturbed the Church. The jews by the custom of their law, abstained from blood, and that which was strangled: and the ethnics made nothing of whoredom. Wherefore, that peace should be had among them all, they decreed that they all should abstain from these things, whereby it followeth not, that all these things are like sins, but rather this we may infer, that all these things were an occasion of disturbing the Church.  

To the second.  Farther, they objected that God commandeth not sins, but he commanded Hosea the Prophet to have fellowship with an harlot. I answer: Every sin, 
What is the proper nature of sin.  is in that respect sin, because it is against the word of God. But if God command any thing to be done privately, which otherwise disagreeth with the word written, the same undoubtedly is not sin, because universally it repugneth not with the word of God: for although it disagreeth with the word written, yet it disagreeth not with the word privately revealed. It is sin to take away an other man's good. But God, when the hebrews should departed out of Egypt, commanded that they should borrow stuff and silver vessels of the Egyptians, and take them away with them, which thing they did with out sin. No man doubteth also but that murder is sin, and yet Abraham, if he had sacrificed his son at the commandment of God, which he was ready to do, had not sinned. So may we say of Hoseas the prophet: If he committed whoredom at the commandment of God, his whoredom was no sin. I know there are some which think that Hoseas was not commanded to commit whoredom, but to take a harlot to his wife, but that agreeth not: for it followeth, and thou shalt beget of her children of fornication. Children gotten after that manner, namely of a lawful wife, should not have been children of fornication. Jerome doth better interpret these things Hiperbollically, 
Jerome.  and saith, that by this image was expressed the wickedness of the jews, which had forsaken god their common husband, and had committed fornication with the Idols of the Gentiles, and had begotten unlawful and bastard children, as touching the worshipping and religion of God.  

To the third.  furthermore, that is false which they allege, namely that whoredom is neither against religion, nor charity. For we have before declared that it is otherwise, neither is it needful here to repeat that which we have said.  

To the fourth.  They bring Augustine also which saith, what meat is unto the body, that is accompanying together for procreation, but to eat or drink a little more than needeth, is not a grievous sin: therefore neither is fornication also. A similitude is not taken to agree in every part, but serveth only for that part for which it is taken. And undoubtedly, he which eateth or drinketh more than he ought, doth not straightway lose the health of his body, but he which strayeth in carnal fellowship, and committeth whoredom, may easily straightway beget a child, unto whom he doth injury, because through his fault he is borne a Bastard. Farther, there succeedeth evil education, and so charity is hurt. I might say also, even as evil and hurtful meat destroyeth the body (yea Adam by eating of the prohibited apple corrupted his posterity) so whoredom killeth the soul. Lastly, that which they alleged, 
To the fift.  namely that fornication is therefore no sin, because it cannot be so judged by the light of nature, that I say is nothing. For the precepts of God are known to be just of nature, but yet of a nature uncorrupt and perfect: when as a corrupt nature doth often times allow sins for virtues. For with the Lacedæmonians theft was praised, 
Thucydides.  and as Thucydides writeth among the ancient Grecians piracy was counted a virtue. furthermore it followeth that the precepts of god may by nature be known to be just and honest, but yet of a nature instructed and form by the word of god, otherwise as Paul testifieth: The carnal man knoweth not the things which are of god. But now let us return to the history.   

21 Therefore the Philistines took him, and put out his eyes, and brought him down to Azzah, and bound him with fetters: and he did grind in the prison house.  
22 And the hear of his head began to grow again, after that it was shaven.  
23 Then the Princes of the Philistines gathered them together to offer a great sacrifice unto Dagon their God, and to rejoice. For they said: Our God hath delivered Samson our enemy into our hands.  
24 Also when the people saw him, they praised their God: for they said, our God hath delivered into our hands our enemy, and destroyer of our country, which hath slain many of us.  
25 And when their hearts were merry, they said: call Samson, that he may make us pastime. So they called Samson out of his prison house, and he was a laughing stock unto them, and they set him between the pillars.  
26 Then Samson said unto the servant that led him by the hand: lead me that I may touch the pillars that the house standeth upon, and that I may lean to them.  
27 (Now the house was full of men and women, and there were all the Princes of the Philistines: also upon the roof were about three thousand men and women, that beheld while Samson played.)  
28 Then Samson called unto the Lord, and said: O God I beseech thee strengthen me at this time only, that I may be at once avenged of the Philistines for my two eyes.  
29 And Samson laid hold on the two middle pillars, whereupon the house stood, and on which it was borne up: on the one with his right hand, and on the other with his left.  
30 Then said Samson: Let me lose my life with the Philistines: and he bowed him with all his might, and the house fell upon the Princes, and upon all the people that were therein. So the dead which he slew at his death, were more than they which he had slain in his life.  
31 Then his brethren, and all the house of his father came down and took him, and brought him up, and buried him between Zorah and Esthaol, in the Sepulchre of Manoah his father: now he had judged Israel twenty years.  
When Samson was kept in prison, his hear in the mean time grew to the same length that it was before it was shaven by the harlot. God at the length took vengeance of the Philistines, when yet he had first begun at his own house. For Samson for his sin, came into the power of his enemies, and his eyes being put out, he was compelled to grind in prison, and was utterly made a mocking stock. Howbeit the wicked Philistines in the mean time escaped not unpunished. 
The custom of God in punishing. A similitude.  Thus God useth to do, first to punish his own, before he afflict strangers. physicians also, when a man hath taken poison, have this as their chief care, to drive away the poison from the heart, from the liver, and other principal parts of the body, than they apply medicines unto the other members of the body. So also the good man of the house first instructeth and chastiseth his children, and afterward he instructeth other. Wherefore Paul writeth of a Bishop: If he cannot well govern his own family, how shall he govern the church of God? Wherefore it is no marvel if god chastised Samson first, & afterward grievously afflicted the Philistines. But in that it is written that his hear was grown again, we must not believe that his strength lay in his hear, for it was a gift of god given him freely, 
The vow of the Nazarites being violated, was renewed.  but yet God required, that for that gift he should be a Nazarite: unto which it belonged, to let the hear grow, and not to cut it with a razor. But if a man had transgressed, he did not therefore strait way cease to be a Nazarite, but aught to let his hear grow, and be cleansed, and so begin again his institution, which he took in hand. Wherefore Samson repented that he had violated his vow, and returned to the rule of a Nazarite, and when his hear was grown, and he restored both unto god, and to his old state and strength, being assured of the help of god, he took vengeance of his enemies.  
In the mean time the Philistines ascribe their victory against Samson, unto their god Dagon. 
What Dagon was.  But what this god was, it is not very well known. Howbeit as far as may be judged by the Etymology of the word, it was some god of the sea. For Dag in hebrew signifieth a fish. And that both the Grecians and the Latins worshipped gods of the sea, 
Gods of the sea  it is certain. For they had Neptune, Leucothea, and Triton. Above the belly (as they say) it had the form of a man, & downward it ended in the form of a fish. Such a god worshipped the Philistines. And undoubtedly the old ethnics sinned grievously therein, in that they would rather serve the creature (as Paul saith) than the creator, and changed the glory of the immortal God, and transferred it, not only into the similitude fashioned like a mortal man, but also into the images of birds, fourfooted beasts, 
What manner of things the Gods of heretics are.  and Serpents or creeping things. Neither did they only worship those things, which are in nature, but also they feigned unto themselves Monsters, which appear no where. Such gods in a manner do heretics worship. For they do set before themselves some shape and head of God, when they confess that they heleve in God the creator of heaven & earth. But when farther they add their own thoughts and fancies, they make the inferior part to end in a fish. Of this Dagon there is manifest mention made in the first book of Samuel. The Philistines extolled their Dagon, because he had delivered their enemy into their hands: which was nothing else, then to blaspheme the name of the true God. For they attributed his works unto an idol. Neither considered they that Samson was therefore taken, because he had sinned against God. Wherefore our sins are a cause, why God is blasphemed: for when by reason of them we are destitute of the help of God, our enemies, which get the victory against us, do ascribe the same, both unto their own strengths, and to their superstitions.  
So happened it in the conquering of Constantinople, 
Horrible examples of blasphemies.  where the Turks when they had gotten the city, carried about in derision the image of Christ, clothed with the apparel of the Turks, throughout all the host, and throughout all the ways of the City. And not many years ago, when the Emperor Charles the fift lost a great navy, and many soldiers at Argery, I remember I heard some soldiers say, that Christ our saviour was now become a Mahomitan or Moor, 
How holy men called upon 〈◊〉 in tribulations  neither considered they that they themselves were become far worse than the Mahomites. So the name of God is mocked for our sins. Wherefore holy men were wont not without a cause thus to pray, and to implore mercy, that the name of God should not be evil spoken of among the Gentiles. So dealt Moses with God, when he was angry with the people, for making the golden Calf. The Prophets also said: Be merciful unto us Lord for thine own sake, and for thine name's sake, lest the nations say, where is their God? Let us in the mean time, when we hear or read these things, thus think with our selves:  God hath for sin so grievously afflicted Samson, so great a man, sanctified from his mother's womb, and appointed to deliver Israel: what shall become of us if we sin? So Paul to the Corrinthians in his first Epistle, setteth forth unto us the examples of the Israelites to consider, whom God sundry ways chastised. And to the Romans he saith: If he hath not spared the natural branches, take heed that he spare not thee. Mark the goodness and severity of God: his severity on those which have fallen, and his goodness in thee, if thou abide in goodness: otherwise thou also shalt be cut of. Wherefore by these cogitations we may take fruit by the punishment of other.  
For this use are examples set forth unto the Church, 
What is the fruit of holy histories.  that we in reading them should become better. Paul said: what soever things are before written, are written for our learning, that we through patience and consolation of the scriptures should have hope. Wherefore when we read that holy men were so corrected, we ought to tremble, lest we also fall into the like anger of God. If we do not take such fruit by reading of the holy scriptures, we then read them in vain.  
The Philistines give thanks unto Dagon their God for the victory. So were they delivered up into a reprobate sense, to give thanks for those things, for which they ought most of all to have been sorry. For how obtained they Samson? By the arts of an harlot, and by most filthy deceit. After sacrifices followeth a very sumptuous banquet. For in those holy services of Idols, was set forth a certain communion, that the people in that feast, should rejoice together with a certain common joy.  
So also in the old Testament the Israelites in their peace offerings feasted and rejoiced together before the Lord. Neither is it unlikely, but that the Fathers also before the law, had such holy services and solemnities. 
To what end the Supper of the Lord was instituted.  Christ also our Saviour instituted a Communion and holy Supper, that we should there celebrate his name and healthful death. But in the Sacrifices of Idols, all things were ordained for riot and pleasure, and they seldom departed from thence without filthy lusts or murder, as at this day do the Papists in consecrations of their Churches, after Mass they celebrate a feast, afterward they fall to dancing and wanton leapinges: whereby oftentimes they fall together by the ears.  
The Philistines assembled together above three thousand men, and at the length command that Samson should be brought before them, a man miserable, bound, and blind. When they had with so many injuries not sufficiently fulfilled their hatred, they would moreover make him a mocking stock. These things were far more hytter, 
josephus.  then if they had put him to death. For as josephus writeth in this place: Death is natural, and may after a sort be suffered: but for as much as to be made a mocking stock, hath reproach and contumely joined with it, that seemeth not possible to be borne withal. It is a thing very cruel to add affliction unto the afflicted. Wherefore, although God seemed to have smitten Samson, they ought to have been touched with some mercy towards him, neither must we be molestious unto them that are smitten by God, as though we would imitate God. Wherefore Amos the Prophet writeth: For three transgressions of Edom, & for the fourth I will not be turned. For when the jews were driven and banished out of their own country, and had escaped to their borders, they handled them most cruelly. This thing, saith God by the Prophet, he will not leave unpunished. For although the jews were for their deserts afflicted of God, yet it was not the duty of neighbours to heap more injuries upon the afflicted.  
David in his hundredth and nine Psalm curseth him which should persecute him, whom the Lord hath stricken. Set thou (saith he) the sinner over him, and let Satan stand at his right hand. When he is judged, let him go out condemned, and let his prayers be turned into sin. Let his days be few, and let an other take his charge. Because he remembered not to show mercy: but persecuted the afflicted and poor man, and the sorrowful hearted to kill him. These things we read, 
A cruel manner toward those which have suffered shipwreck  and contemn them, and it is horrible to see the manner in certain regions, for if any that hath suffered shipwreck escape to the shore, their goods, if peradventure they be cast on land, are made forfeit. What other thing is this, then to add affliction to the afflicted?  

How Samson was reconciled unto God.  Samson being brought before them, declareth by the success, how dear he was to God. Not that the sufferance of the prison had purged his sins, it is Christ only which purgeth sins. Not that by patience or any other virtue he had deserved the mercy of God: away with all consideration of desert. But in prison he acknowledged his sin, he believed truly in Christ, and as it becometh a godly man, he repented, and that so much the more, how much greater the calamity was, wherewith he was oppressed. Wherefore being endued with faith, whereby he took hold of the mercy of God by Christ, 
Samson is proved to have had faith.  he was reconciled unto God. And that he had faith, manifestly appeareth by that, which he prayed. How (saith Paul) did they call upon god, in whom they believed not? And in the Epistle to the hebrews, Samson is numbered among them, which being excellent in faith, wrought wonderful things.  
And he said unto the Lad: lead me unto the pillar. As though he had been weary, he made as though he would have leaned to the pillar. There were there all the princes of the Philistines. They were assembled thither because god had appointed to take punishment of them all together. 
In what manner Samson prayed.  And Samson prayed: Remember me Lord. These prayers at the first sight seem not very godly. For he prayeth to have vengeance granted him of his enemies, because they had put out both his eyes. Undoubtedly if he did it of a stomach or choler, we could not justly defend his prayers. For he should have been no more allowed of god, then if be should expressedly have said: I pray thee Lord, prosper either my theft, 
Augustine.  or my adultery. Augustine saith that Samson did these things, not of his own will, but by the impulsion & counsel of the holy ghost. Farther, (as I have often admonished) we must not think of Samson as of a private man, but as of a Magistrate, whom God himself had appointed.  
And in deed as a private man, it was not lawful for him to revenge his own injuries: but as a Magistrate, he both might & aught. If we have in hand a private cause, that saying of Paul ought to be of force: give place unto anger. To me belongeth vengeance, & I will render, saith the Lord. But in a public cause the Magistrate ought by the commandment and authority of God to avenge injury: because he is god's vicar in earth: and god himself, although often times he take vengeance of sins by himself, and as it is said without means, yet for the most part he punisheth by Magistrates. Wherefore those words: To me belongeth vengeance, and I will render, do not let the severity of Magistrates, whereby they punish the guilty. For they are the Ministers of God: and that which they do, God himself doth by them.  
By the same manner of speech it is said under the person of God: 
God communicateth many of his properties unto men.  Equity is mine, judgement is mine, and power is mine: all which things yet he communicateth with men, upon whom he bestoweth them. Wherefore God commanded Samson to revenge the injuries of either, namely of the name of God and his own: for as much as the Philistines had put out his eyes. But for what cause? What, because he had committed whoredom? No undoubtedly: 
For what cause the Philistines afflicted Samson.  but because he was an Israelite, a deliverer and revenger of the people of God. Wherefore Samson avengeth either injury, both that which the Philistines had done unto himself, and that which they had done unto God. When he calleth upon God, he prayeth him to prosper his vocation. And such prayers are wont to be of most efficaye. For what other thing did the Apostles and other brethren pray for (as it is written in the Acts of the Apostles the fourth chapter) then that God would prosper their vocation and office? give unto thy servants (said they) not to regard their threatenings, grant them boldly to speak thy word. stretch forth thine hand, that they may work signs. If a man will say, the signs of the Apostles were profitable and healthful, because they delivered and healed the afflicted. But contrarily the sign of Samson tended to the slaughter of his enemies. Wherefore there is not in them both one consideration: I answer, that often times it happeneth so, 
The signs of the Apostles did not always heal. Similitudes.  but yet the signs of the Ayostles also were sometimes hurtful. For Paul made Elimas' the Cuniurer blind, and said: Thou Son of the devil, why pervertest thou the right ways of the Lord? Behold the hand of the Lord is over thee, and thou shalt be blind, and shalt not see. Peter also with his word slew Ananias and Saphira. Yea and Paul delivered many unto Satan. Wherefore Samson prayeth unto God to make fortunate, and to help his ministry.  
Neither can it be properly said that Samson killed himself. 
Samson killed not himself.  He died in deed, but he prescribed not unto himself this end, namely to die. But sought vengeance of his enemies, which he understood would by this means ensue. The Apostles also did thus make reckoning with themselves: 
Similitudes.  If as we have begun we teach unto the people the kingdom of Christ, undoubtedly we shall be killed: and in that they went on with their purpose to teach the Gospel, it cannot be justly said, that they killed themselves. Paul also, when he should go unto jerusalem, and Agabus the Prophet told him, that the jews would bind him at jerusalem, what did he when he heard these things? Did he forsake his vocation? No verily. But rather affirmed that he was ready both to be bound, and to die for Christ. So saith Samson: Let my soul die with the Philistians. He did not rashly incur death, but followeth his vocation. Soldiers when they go on warfare, if a man peradventure say unto them: ye shall be slain with guns, or with the sword, or with arrows. They will answer, if they be men of valiant courage: we seek not death but victory, or we follow the defence of our own things, whereunto we are called.  
But as touching Samson, God governed him by his spirit. Wherefore when he died, he slew more of the Philistines than he did before while he lived. What fruit therefore had the Philistines by their deceit and treason? They bought to themselves death, and present destruction. And even as to them that love god all things work to good, so to the adversaries and enemies of God, all things are turned to their destruction.  

The difference between the death of the Philistines and of Samson. A most profitable admonition of Solomon  Samson dieth together with the Philistines, but the end and manner is far divers. For they die in their wanton behaviour, cruelty, and idolatry, but this Samson in faith, and calling upon the true God. But as touching the matter itself, the residue were to either of them alike. Wherefore Solomon admonisheth us most wisely, that we must not measure the godliness of men by outward things, because they happen alike, both to the godly, and to the ungodly. That Samson died in the faith, hereby it appeareth, because even in the very destruction he called upon God, and was heard, and because God restored unto him his old strength. But they which are in the flesh, can not please God: neither can God be rightly called upon, unless faith shine before. How shall they call upon him saith the Apostle, in whom they have not believed? And because he was heard, he prayed by the inspiration of the spirit. For we know not what we should pray. Therefore the spirit doth with unspeakable sighings pray for us.  
Samson had before fallen, he turneth unto god, & he heareth him. So let us also, when we have sometimes sinned, return unto God, & faithfully call upon him, & we shall be heard. For he is the same god that he was then, rich unto all those that call upon him: 
Ambrose.  that which he did unto him, he will do also unto us. Ambrose upon this place writeth, that Samson was so heard of god, that he lost his life triumphantly, 
Samson is a figure of Christ.  and he did not only overcome the Philistines, but also himself: for he represented the image of Christ, who although while he lived, exceedingly hurted the devil, yet when he died, he utterly triumphed over him. The Philistines when they overcame Samson, got unto themselves most certain destruction: So the jews, when they crucified Christ, threw themselves into everlasting condemnation. And, which is to be marveled at, the Philistines with this so great and so sudden destruction, were so amazed, that they suffered the kinsfolks of Samson to come, and honourably to bury him. For when the Princes were perished, the courages of the people were daunted, neither durst they attempt any thing against the Hebrews. This place seemeth here to require a disputation, whither it be lawful for any man, for any cause, to kill himself. But because we shall have a place more opportune for it, at this present I will omit it, and will in an other place fully write thereof.    

¶ The xvii Chapter.  

1 THere was a man of mount Ephraim, whose name was Michaiehu.  
2 And he say d unto his mother: The eleven hundredth pieces of silver that were taken from thee, for the which thou cursedst, and spakedst it even in mine hearing, behold the silver is with me, I took it. Then his mother said: blessed be thou my son of the Lord.  
3 And when he had restored the eleven hundredth pieces of silver to his mother, his mother said: I had dedicated the silver to the Lord, of mine own hand for my son, to make a graven and molten image. Now therefore I will give it thee again.  
4 And when he had restored the money unto his mother, his mother took two hundredth pieces of silver, and gave them to the goldsmith, which made thereof a graven and molten image, and it was in the house of Michaiehu.  
5 And this man Micha had a house of God, & he made an Ephode, and Theraphim, & consecrated the hand of one of his sons, and he was his priest.  
6 In those days there was no king in Israel, but every man did that, which was good in his own eyes.  
first I think good to inquire in this history concerning the time wherein these things happened. For all men do not answer a like unto this question. 
When this history happened  The elder Rabbins do think, that this was done, when josua was old, and he not able for age to execute his office, neither was there any other Magistrate substituted in his place. But this is not very likely, because we read that in all his time the Israelites worshipped God rightly and orderly, 
It is not to be ascribed unto the time of josua.  and that he in the latter time of his life, renewed the covenant of god with the people. Other think that they were done after josuas' death, when othoniel governed. This sentence R. Selomoh defendeth. The son of Gerson thinketh that this happened under Eglon king of Moab, whom Ehud afterward slew. 
R. Selomoh. Levi been Gerson.  But this also can not be proved, for in the x. chap. of this book it is written, that the people cried unto the Lord when they were oppressed of their enemies. And that jiphtah was stirred up by the spirit to bear rule. But before God aunsweareth the very sharply. For he said: I will not help you, because you always return unto your Idols, and forsake me. But rather call upon your gods let them help you. Which words when the people heard, they repented, & put away from them their idols which they had made. But this idol which is now spoken of, 
These things seem to have happened after the death of Samson.  endured to the time of Samuel: Wherefore it cannot seem probable that it was done at that time. The order of the holy scriptures is of most high authority with me, and therefore I think that these things happened after the death of Sanson. Forasmuch as from that time even to Heli there were many years passed, wherein the Philistians possessed the land of the jews, neither suffered they any magistrate to be over them. 
josephus.  josephus agreeth with the Rabbins, but he is many times deceived. Wherefore it shallbe best to follow that opinion, which agreeth with the simple order of the holy history.  
Howbeit there is one thing which seemeth to be a let, 
An objection.  namely if a man reckon the years from Samson unto Saul, he shall find them to be scarce .60. or at the most .70. And when as by reason of filthy whoredom the tribe of Benjamin was almost brought to nothing, and they which remained of it, had no wives, but those which they got by violence: how could it be, that in so short a time it should so much increase, the Saul was out of that tribe chosen a king? This argument hath a certain show, but it is not firm nor sound enough if a man more deligentlye examine it. For although there were but a few remaining of that tribe, yet were they not so few, but they mought very much multiply. For there escaped six hundredth men of war, who had wives given them partly of the men of jabes Gilead, and partly by violence. And six hundredth men were able in the space of .60. or .70. years to beget a great issue, and to see their children's children. They could not indeed be so many as to be equal with the other tribes, but yet they might increase to a sufficient numbered.  
But that is far more hard which is objected concerning Pinhas, 
another objection.  namely that he remained on live even to the time of the wars of the Beniamites. Which if it be so, then must he be at that time .300. years of age Therefore some think that it is more commodious to draw back this history unto the beginning of the judges. But I see not what should let, but that god might permit him to live so long. For when he had slain a prince of Israel & a Madianitish woman, when they were committing whoredom, god granted him not only to succeed his father in the priesthood, but also gave him very long to live. 
D. Kimhi.  But undoubtedly I chiefly allow the order and course of the history, from which unless great necessity urge, I will not departed. And in this sentence I follow the judgement of David Kimhi, whose authority in expounding of the text I think is not to be contemned. Yea and all the Hebrews in a manner agree in this, that Pinhas lived a very long time, and there are some which produce his age even unto the time of Elias the Prophet. Unto whom I do not agree, because no necessity compelleth me thereunto. Howbeit as concerning this thing I will not much strive: But I leave it free to every willing mind to follow which opinion he will.  
And in this history first I mark the institution of idolatry, than the consecration of a priest, which was twice done. For first Micha instituted his son a priest: and then when by chance he met with a Levite, he made him a priest. But wherefore was this ido le made? 
What a vow is.  For her vows sake. For the promise of the mother of Micha was not simple, but with a vow. And a vow (as all divines affirm) is a holy promise made to God of things which are ours. Wherefore it must needs be that this woman was a widow, with whom peradventure her son dwelled. For if she had been a wife, or a maiden unmarried, or a widow in the house of her father, she could not have vowed a firm vow, as it manifestly appeareth by the book of Numb. Those persons might not vow with out the consent of their father or husband. For the law ordained that if they were against it, the vow should then be void. Hanna did in deed vow in the first of Samuel, but we must believe that Helkana her husband confirmed her vow. This woman sinned, not because she vowed, but because she vowed a thing ungodly, namely, an idol. For it was at that time lawful for any to vow any thing of his own things, for the adorning of the temple of God, and to amplify his honour. But to institute a new and forbidden worshipping, it was utterly ungodly.  
The son had stolen from his mother that money: neither is it any maruall if he would steal, which was so ready to idolatry. He which sinneth against the first table, doth easily sin against the second.  
The mother curseth the thief, whosoever he were: neither doth she so grievously take the matter for the money taken away, as for that she could not perform her detestable vow. And she curseth, as men in a manner use to do, in adversities. Yea and God himself also used curses in the old testament, in the assembly to the mount Hebal & Garizim. The priest also cursedly prayed for barrenness, diseases, loss of children, and other things of like sort. And in our time, the Pope, 
Women do easily fall to cursings.  by what wicked zeal I know not, in the day of the supper of the Lord sendeth forth curses upon all those which have alienated themselves from his institution and sect. This woman cursed the thief: and no marvel. Because women when they fail in strength, do easily fall to cursings.  
The son as soon as he heard the curse of his mother, was a feared. For so hath nature ordained, that children do wonderfully fear the curses of their parents. But this man feared not to violate the law of God: which thing happeneth not seldom unto men, to have horror of small sins, and to neglect them that are more grievous. There is some fruit sometimes of curses, even as of excommunication. There are some sometimes so hard & obdurated that they can be bowed by no other means then by curses, although they be corrected by public and apert reprehension. But whither this son knew that his mother had by a vow dedicated that money unto the Lord, before he took it away, it appeareth not by the words of the history.  
Neither is this to be passed over, in that the mother saith that she had consecrated it unto the lord, and he useth the name of .4. letters. 
The manner of idolatries. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Wherefore we must consider that there are two kinds of Idolatry. The one is, whereby a strange God is called upon, the other is, whereby the true God indeed is worshipped, but not with that worshipping which he himself hath commanded, but by images or idols, or by some other means invented of ourselves. To the second kind of idolatry pertaineth the sin of this woman. As often as we hear an image that is made, and a strange God not added, we must understand that that image was made under the show of the worshipping of the true god: but that religion is far contrary to the institution of sound religion. Wherefore when the people (as it is written in Exodus) made themselves a golden calf, Aaron proclaimed a holy day unto the Lord, that is to the true god, and not to an idol. For they counted it absurd, to worship, either the true god himself without an image, or else an image without the title of the true God. And so must we think that jeroboam did when he consecrated the golden calves in Dan and Bethel. For I do not believe that in images he instituted the worshipping of Baal, or Astharoth, or Chamos, but he would under them worship the Lord. Into the self same error fell the Samaritans also, 
josephus.  who (as josephus writeth) would have a temple among them like that which was at jerusalem. And the self same thing went the jews about at Helio polis, when they were in exile in Egypt. And it was detestable to worship god with oblations and sacrifices in any other place, then in that which he himself had chosen to be worshipped in. Wherefore the woman vowed that she would make an idol, which she delivered unto her son, that he should institute a new religion in her house. I will (saith she) that thou have the silver, but thou shalt make an idol thereof.  
Why these two words graven and molten are so joined together, 
graven and molten.  the interpreters do doubt. Some of the Hebrews and some of our writers do think that there were two images, of the which the one was graven, and the other melted. But this seemeth not to be so, because these words are oftentimes joined together in the holy scripture: neither is it necessary, as often as we find them, so to understand many images. Other think that that image was first melted and then graven, or wrought. The opinion of other is, that we should read graven and molten disiunctively, that is, an image which was either graven or molten. But I very well allow the opinion of David Kimhi, 
D. Kimhi.  who writeth that it was the manner to grave images first out of marble stone, or some other matter, and afterward to cover them with silver or copper plates or pieces. And so in one and the self same image was either: For it was both graven, & the plates also were melted & extenuated to lay over it. For this hebrew word Nasach signifieth to cover. We must understand by this word house of god, a private temple, wherein she would worship the idol. How much the pieces of silver were, or of what kind, value and weight it is not expressed. The Rabbins do think that they were silver syckles. And a sickle (as josephus saith) contained .4. drams of Athenes. And a dram of Athenes (as Budeus gathereth in his book de Ass) contained three shillings of Towers. A shilling of Towers is the half part of half a batses. 
A sickle josephus. Budeus  wherefore a dram was as much in value as a shilling of Argentine, that is, three half batses. By which means a Sickle contained six baises. That is .4. shillings. 
Two sorts of Sickles. Obuli.  But there was two manner of sickles, one was usual and profane, & the other was of the sanctuary. The holy sickle was double so much as the profane. Wherefore Ezechiel in his 45. chapter saith, that a profane sickle contained .20. half pence, but the sickle of the sanctuary .40.  
There is a fable among the Hebrews, that this woman was Dalila which deceived Samson, as though she had received this money for the reward of her prodition. These things are said by the Rabbins, but without reason. But I with reason think contrarily. For Dalila received of every one of the Lords of the Philistians xi C. pieces of silver. Wherefore seeing there were five of the lords, then must she needs have received 5500. sickles. But these whereof we now entreat were but .1100. Seeing therefore the number agreeth not, the feigned tale of the Hebrews is easily confuted.  
The son bringeth again unto his mother the money which he had taken a way. She straightway saith: Blessed art thou in the Lord my son. As though she should have said: Now I revoke my curses, and turn them to good and lucky prayers. How superstitious the woman was, appeareth by these words. She commendeth her son, because he had brought the money again: but she reproveth him not, because he had before stolen it. Straightway she entreateth with him about idolatry. This money saith she, thou shalt not lose, thou shalt have it indeed, but yet in an idol. Neither made they only a molten and graven image, but also an Ephod: 
The papists tunicle.  by which word we must by the figure Sinechdoche understand all ornaments longing unto a priest. For an Ephod if we speak properly, signifieth a priest's garment that cometh over his shoulders.  

Theraphim  They made also Theraphim. Touching the signification of this word, there is great ambiguitye among the expositors. But I understand it to be that idol which they had graven and molten, when all the other things were ready which served for idolatry, they at the length brought that image unto the temple. And of these Theraphim or images they were wont in the old time to ask oracles. In Genesis we read that Rachel the wife of jacob stolen away the Theraphim of her father. And in the first of Samuel the .19. chapter when David escaped, Michael put in his bed Theraphim. In Amos also the third chapter, it is written: There shallbe neither Ephod nor Theraphim, that is, ye shallbe so vexed and led into exile, that ye shall neither be able to worship god nor idols. In ezechiel also it is written: They shall inquire of Theraphim. An in Zachary the ten chapter: The Theraphim spoke lies. Other think that Theraphim were certain instruments of Astronomy, whereby hours, degrees, elevations, declinations, both of the sun and of other stars are taken. Which opinion Abin Ezra reciteth in the history of Rachel. But I think not this sentence true. For here is entreated of an Idol, in worshipping whereof there needed no astronomical instruments.  
It is said that Micha filled the hand of his son. By which Hebrew phrase is signified that he consecrated him a priest. This form of speaking seemeth to arise hereof, because Moses when he consecrated Aaron and his sons, did put in their hands sweet cakes, the shoulder, breast, and other things, which by them should be offered unto god.  
Now is the idolatry instituted. But how could that be done in Israel? Because saith the history there was no king in Israel: but every man did that which seemed right in his own eyes. By these words is declared that it was a wicked and detestable act, that the mother and the son committed. If there had been a law full magistrate, who ought chiefly to have a regard to the worshipping of God, and observation of the first table, this had not been permitted nor suffered unpunished. Wherefore let it not seem marvelous if the law slept: For there was no Magistrate which should have been the keeper thereof. And if at any time there be Magistrates which have no care of these things, because they execute not their office, it is all one as if there were none. Public wealths do oftentimes degenerate a kingdom into Tyranny, Aristocratia into Oligarchia, & a public wealth into Anarchia, & an unruliness of the people, 
Anarchia which is w●● of a ruler, is a destruction o public wealths  that every man doth what himself listeth. And there is nothing in the society of men more pernicious, then that every man should follow his own will. For our nature is corrupt & vitiated, therefore whosoever followeth it only as a leader, must needs exceedingly err. But a law is a true mind, and a firm and sure rule of men in doing of things. Plato in Cratilo elegantly saith: As we call the mind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Plato. What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  so call we the law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is an abiding & stable mind, otherwise the mind of men is wandering. For the which seemeth good unto one, the same seemeth not so unto an other. Neither doth one and the self same man abide always in one and the self same opinion. Wherefore for as much as all things are uncertain, as often as any man doth that which seemeth good in his own eyes, for the most part he strayeth from the true end.   

7 There was also a young man out of Bethelehem judah, of the family of judah: who was a Levite, and sojourned there.  
8 And the man departed out of the City, even out of Bethlehem judah, to dwell where he could find a place: and as he iourneied, he came to mount Ephraim to the house of Micha.  
9 And Micha said unto him, whence comest thou? And the Levite answered him I come from Bethlehem judah, & go to dwell where I may find a place.  
10 Then Micha said unto him: Dwell with me, and be unto me a father & a Priest, & I will give thee ten pieces of Silver by year, & a suit of apparel, & thy meat and drink. So the Levite went in.  
11 And the Levite was content to dwell with the man, & the young man was unto him as one of his own sons.  
12 And Micha consecrated the hand of the Levite, and the young man was his Priest, and dwelled in the house of Micha.  
13 Then said Micha: Now I know that the Lord will be good unto me, seeing I have a Levite to my Priest.  
Here is set forth the consecration of an other Priest. For by chaunse there cometh a young man of the tribe of Levi, whom Micha hireth to minister in his holy services, and removeth his son from the priesthood. And the Levite sojourned to find out a place where he might get his living, for he desired a state of life. Micha receiveth him to be his priest. By this History is gathered, 
Idolatrous worshippyngs do imitate the true worshipping of God.  the idolatrous worshippings, although they be contrary to the institution of god, yet they enterprise as much as may be, that they may be like unto it. For even as Apes will seem to be men, although they be not men in deed, so idolaters, although they worship not the true God, yet they will seem to worship him. For they labour to retain some show of his worshipping as much as may be. So Micha, that he might seem to worship the true God rightly, instituted an Ephod, a temple, and a priesthood. Lastly, because he would not much stray from the institution of God, he ordereth a Levite over his holy services and ceremonies.  
The Levites wandered hither & thither. 
The tribe of Levi was dispersed among other tribes.  For that tribe was dispersed among the other tribes. In which thing we must remember the manner of the public wealth of Israel. The other tribes had lands and possessions, and contained themselves in some certain regions. But the Levites dwelled dispersedly among them, that they might the easilier minister unto them. The Levites in deed had their Cities also: but many of them wandered abroad through other tribes. This young man was of Bethlehem which pertained unto the tribe of judah.  
But it may be demanded, if he were a Levite, how he belonged unto the tribe of judah? There are some which think that he had a Levite unto his father, but his mother was of the tribe of judah. For tribes were oftentimes mingled as concerning matrimonies. 
D. Kimhi.  But David Kimhi somewhat doubteth concerning that thing. For he saith it is not the manner of the holy Scriptures, for the sons to derive his tribe or family of his mother. Other answer, that which Kimhi saith, is for the most part true, but not always. For if the mother were an inheritor, the son had his surname of her, and to prove this true, they allege a place of the .2. book of Paralp. where Ezron of the tribe of judah took to wife the daughter of Machor of the tribe of Manasseh, & the children which he had by her, were named by the name of their grandfather on the mother's side, & were called the children of Machor. And that was done, because the mother was an heir of 30 Cities. So it may be, that this young man's mother was an inheritor of Bethlelem, of the tribe of judah. But me thinketh these things are spoken superfluously, 
The Cities called Bethlehem.  & peradventure not very truly. For it is said a young man of the tribe of Levi, of Bethlehem juda. And in that it is again added of juda, the ought to be referred unto Bethlehem, that it might be separated from the other Bethlehem that lay in the tribe of Zabulon. If we fellow this interpretation, then is there no ambiguity. But how dwelled the Levite in Bethlehem? Not undoubtedly as a Citezine, but as a stranger, and he wandered abroad to seek his living. Wherefore it is not very likely that his mother was an inheritor, when as he was compelled to seek his living beggingly.  

Why the tenths were not at this time given unto the Levites.  And that the Levite so wandered abroad being compelled by hunger, was not for lack of order by the law. For by it the tenths were given unto the Levites to live by. But as the times were then, they were not given unto them, partly because the Philistines oppressed the jews, in polling them of their riches, & partly because there was no Magistrate, to look that the people should pay their tenths. And men are of themselves willingly in a manner so covetous, that unless they be compelled they will not pay them. Lastly, because the Israelites were at the time very prone unto idolatry, neither did they much regard the worshipping or Ministers of the true God: therefore they suffered the Levites to starve. Wherefore it is no marvel if this young man were compelled to wander abroad, & to beg his living. Nehemias' in his .3. chap. saith, that when levites had not so much given them as was sufficient for their living, they fled away, neither would they minister in the temple.  
The Levite came and turned into Micha, not minding to tarry there, but to go on in his journey, but Micha, when he understood that he was a Levite, hired him to be his Priest. The name of the Levite is not in this place spoken of, howbeit by the latter end of the .18. chap. of this book we learn that he was called jonathan the son of Gerson, the son of Menasse.  

How much the stipend of the Levite was.  He promised him ten silueringes a year: which sum is (as they say) in a manner as much as five crowns of Cows, & an order or suit of apparel, that is, garments for winter, & garments for summer. Hereby we gather, that although Micha were an idolater, 
The law of nature judgeth that the holy ministry is to be had in honour.  yet had he the ministry in estimation. For he noorisheth his Priest, he giveth him apparel, wages, and other things necessary. So did also the Gentiles which knew not god. It seemeth to be the law of nature, that they which labour in the holy services, should have both living, & honour. He doth not in deed give him any great stipend, but yet so much as was sufficient. Paul said: Having meat and drink & clothing, 
The Synod of Antioch.  with these things let us be content. Also in the Synod of Antioch (as it is had in the .12. question the .3. chap. Episcopus) the stipend for a minister, is appointed to be so much as is sufficient for the necessity of life. And afterward in the .20. 
The seventh Synod.  question the .1. chap. Clericus, and it is the seventh Synod, is decreed the same thing, where the gloze demandeth: What Church is to be counted rich, and what Church poor: and it answereth, 
What Church is rich.  that that Church is sufficiently rich, which can nourish his ministers with their family, so that they may be able also to keep hospitality. But in our time nothing is sufficient. They heap benefice upon benefice, neither make they any end of seeking for riches. What then at the length shallbe sufficient? The gloze answereth, that the can not be prescribed, for we must have a respect unto the place, person, & time, & sundry and divers things agree to sundry persons, times, and regions. 
The Synod of Chalcedonia  The Synod of Chalcedonia decreed that one man should not have a title in sundry Churches. But they have now long since abolished these things.  
And that the law of nature (as I said) willeth that Ministers should be nourished, appeareth also by that which Paul writeth to the Conrinth. in his .1. Epistle, when he teacheth that same, he bringeth arguments even from nature. No man saith he, goeth on warfare at his own charges. Thou shalt not mosel the mouth of the ox which treadeth out the corn. Who feedeth a flock, and eateth not of the milk? Wherefore the young man sinneth not in that he taketh a stipend. For that was lawful both by God's law and by the law of nature. 
Wherein this Levite sinned.  But in that he letteth his ministry to hire unto an Idol, he very heinously sinned. For now he worshipped not God, but his belly. Such also were they which Paul sayeth, served not the Lord jesus, but their belly. This man nothing cared in what Religion he ministered, so that he might get a living. For this thing do very many even now a days labour for, yea all the massmongers for the most part, who nothing regard, how ungodly it is to say Masses. Herein is all their care to keep still their revenues and benefices. This Levite sayeth not, God is not so to be worshipped. Such a cup such a cover. An evil Micha, hath gotten an evil Levite. In his thing also the Levite sinned, because he was nothing made afeard by the example of Core, who when he would have usurped the office of a Priest, was swallowed down quick into the earth. This young man was not of the family of Aaron, he was only a Levite of the family of Gerson, as some say. Neither doth Micha inquire of him from whence he was, or of what family, or how well he was instructed in the law of GOD, but he straightway consecrateth him a Priest. But he ought first diligently to have examined him: for GOD would not have unclean Sacrifices offered him, and shall we think that he abhorred not from corrupt Priests? This young Levite thought it a goodly thing to be exalted to the ministry of a Priest. Thou shalt be to me a Father and a Priest. 
Ministers of God are to be● counted for fathers.  He seemeth undoubtedly with great reverence to honour the Minister. And in deed the Ministers of GOD are to be counted for fathers. For the holy Ghost useth their ministry for the regeneration of other. So Paul said, he had again begotten the Galathians, when as he had before begotten them unto God. The same Paul writeth unto the Corinthians: Although ye have many schoolmasters, yet have ye not many fathers.  
Now the Lord will do good unto me. Now GOD (sayeth he) will increase my things: for there were many which would come unto those holy serseruices, and he should be partaker of all the oblations and Sacrifices, and so the miserable man thinketh that gain is godliness. And in deed Paul sayeth to Timothe, that piety is a great gain with sufficiency, but he addeth: That they which will be rich, do fall into temptations and snares of the devil, and many which desire to be rich, have fallen into shipwreck from the faith, and have wrapped themselves into great sorrows. All these things happened unto Micha: for he both strayed from the faith, and was most grievously afflicted with unlooked for calamities. For the Danites, as we shall hear, invaded his house, and overthrew it with all his felicity. They led away the Levite with the idol. And yet he in the mean time flattereth himself and saith: The Lord will bless me.    

¶ The xviii Chapter.  

1 IN those days there was no king in Israel. And at the same time the tribe of Dan sought them an inheritance to dwell in: for unto that time their inheritance had not fallen unto them among the tribes of Israel.  
2 Therefore the children of Dan sent of their family five men out of their coasts, valiant men, out of Zora and Eshtaol to view the land and diligently to search it out, & they said unto them: Go search out the land. Then they came to mount Ephraim to the house of Micha and lodged there.  
3 And when they were nigh the house of Micha, they knew the voice of the young man the Levite, and they turned in there, and said unto him: who brought thee hither? What makest thou here? and what hast thou to do here?  
4 And he answered them. Thus and thus doth Micha unto me, and hath hired me to be his Priest,  
5 And they said unto him: Ask counsel I pray thee of God, that we may know, whither he will prosper the way whereby we walk.  
6 And the Priest said unto them: Go in peace. Your way whereby ye walk, is before the Lord.  
In that it is said there was no king in Israel, is signified that it is not to be marveled, 
The Danites were left destitute of their brethren.  that Religion, and the Public wealth was then troubled. There was no Magistrate, which should justly have punished these sins. By this place is understand that the Danites were left destitute of their brethren, when they should get their possession, which thing undoubtedly should not have been done: for they ought every tribe, one to have helped an other, in getting their inheritance. For so had Moses & josuah prescribed them before, but the Israelites forgetting their brethren, studied every man by himself for his own commodity and profit. 
The utility of a Magistrate.  Hereof sprang Idolatry, and the taking away of other men's goods, because there was neither king nor Magistrate, to restrain these evils. Hereby we may know how much a Magistrate is to be made of: Who if he be good, then keepeth in he good order both the public wealth & the worshipping of god. For he is the keeper as well of the first table, as also the latter. Neither hath he a care only for the bodies of his citizens, but also for their souls. And how ill soever the Magistrate be, yet to defend the common society of men, he many ways profiteth the public wealth. But now all things were decayed, because the public wealth was destitute both of a king, & also of a Magistrate. They were not deprived of this good thing by the institution of God, but by their own sin, whereby they were delivered into the power of the Philistines.  

An objection touching the primitive Church.  But thou wilt say: did not Christian men so in the primitive Church? For they had not their Magistrates, but were most cruelly vexed of tyrants. That is true in deed, but in the mean time they had very excellent Ministers of the Church, and therewith all most abundant and great benefits of the holy ghost. And when the Apostles wrought wonderful miracles, there seemed to be the les want of a Christian Magistrate. Paul by a great power of the holy Ghost made blind Elimas' the sorcerer. 
Heresies increase unless the Magistrate repress them.  Peter slew Ananias and Saphira. They delivered unto Satan such as were past correction. Howbeit in the mean time increased many heresies, because there was no Magistrate to keep them down, even as now in Israel, when they wanted their princes, Idolatry crept in. Afterward were given unto the Church both Christian princes & Magistrates, and therewithal there ceased such gifts of the holy Ghost, because they seemed not so necessary, when Christian Schools, Christian Physicians, and Christian judges happened unto the Church.   

¶ Of the head of the Church.  
THis place the Papists object unto us, 
An objection of the Papists.  & think that it maketh very much to establish their tyranny. See (say they) hereof sprung so many sects & heresies among you, because ye have not an Ecclesiastical Magistrate, & for that ye have fallen from the only head of the Church. Wherefore that the state of the Church may be the quieter, there must be one head thereof in earth. But we neither will, nor may suffer this: because it is manifestly repugnant unto the word of God. We acknowledge one head of the Church that is Christ, from whom we feel that both life & spirit floweth and spreadeth abroad into all the rest of the body.  
But they say there must also be an other head of the Church. For Christ (say they) is the head as touching the soul and justification. But there must be an other head also, concerning the retaining of outward rites and ceremonies, for the weeding out of heresies, & to unite Churches together. To this we say, that it is sufficient that every Church have his minister or Bishop, who may dispense the word of God and the Sacraments, & retain discipline as much as may be. But that there should be some one man to govern all the rest, neither is it necessary, neither ought it to be suffered: because (as I have said) the head is from whence life and spirit is derived into all the body. And such a head is Christ only. 
God would have in the Church not one Minister only, but many.  And we must mark the institution of GOD, who would have many Ministers in the Church. For so is it written unto the Ephesians, Christ hath ascended into heaven, and hath led captivity captive, and given gifts unto men. And that we should understand how he hath given them, it is added: Some he hath given Apostles, some he hath given Prophets, some Evangelists, some Pastors and teachers, for the renewing of the saints into the work of administration, for the edification of the body of Christ, wherefore to build the body of Christ, God will have many and sundry gifts of the spirit and ministries retained in the Church. Let these men every one execute his office, let them confer together, if there happen any controversy, and if need be, let them assemble together to Synods. But that every controversy should be referred unto the bishop of Rome, and that all men should obey the Pope only, it is intolerable, and utterly Tyrannical.  
Neither do the Popes contain themselves, 
Pope's do also change the institutions of God.  to excercise power only in outward things, but also they change the institutions of God, and rules of religion: Which thing we have now had experience of to the great hurt of the Church. It is a very good saying which the Apostle hath unto the Romans in the .12. chap. Even as in one body we have many members, but all members have not one & the self same office: so we being many are one body in Christ, & every one the members of others, having sundry gifts according unto the grace given unto us. And the same things in a manner are written in the .1. to the Cor. the .13. chap. Wherefore we must not think that if we acknowledge not the Pope for head, that for that cause the Church is troubled: yea rather hereof springeth the contention and confusion in the Church, because many, for that they will have the Pope to be head, do most manifestly stand against the truth.  
Neither is it true that they say, how that the Church can not consist, 
The Church was long time and that happy without a earthly head.  except all men obey the Pope only. For the Church was long time and that in much better state, before the Pope obtained his tyrannical power. Then (say they) ye will have no Magistrate in the Church. We will have governors in it, but not one only: we will have Aristocratia kept in it, as Christ hath instituted. They on the contrary side object that there ought to be but one only, because in this place it is written that all things were troubled in Israel, because they had not a king. But we must consider, that the Scripture now speaketh so by anticipation: for as much as yet there was no kingdom instituted in Israel. Wherefore a king is in this place to be understand for a lawful Magistrate.  

An objection of the Papists: Thou art Peter, etc.  But leaving this place, they say that Christ said unto Peter: Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my Church. I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, etc. These things (as they will have them) have a respect unto one only, and aught to be understand of one which should be the head. But was not this self same thing said unto others also? Undoubtedly in john Christ said unto them all: Receive the holy Ghost, whose sins ye forgive, shallbe forgiven. Wherefore Peter did not alone receive the keys of the kingdom of heaven. But they say that it was said unto Peter only: Feed my Lambs. Yea but this he spoke unto them all, when he said: Go into the whole world, 
Christ is the foundation of the Church.  and preach the Gospel to all creatures. But where as they boast that this saying belongeth unto Peter alone: Upon this rock I will build my Church, it shall not be so soon granted them. For Christ is the foundation of the Church, as the Apostle hath taught. And there are some of the fathers, which do interpret that Christ referred these words, not to Peter himself, but to the confession which he had made of Christ. But grant that Peter was in some sort after Christ the foundation of the Church: the same thing also may we say of the other Apostles, forasmuch as in the Apocalypse are read .12. foundations of the celestial jerusalem. 
How there are 12. foundations of the Church.  But of this matter we have spoken more abundantly before, and shall have better occasion hereafter to speak thereof: only these things I thought good to bring, that it should not be thought, that the Papists had gotten the victory when they obtrude this place to the unlearned.  
They sent spies. The cause was, because they had not lands enough to dwell in, and to till. But how could this be, when as all the land of Chanaan was distributed by josua? I answer, that it was in deed given unto every tribe according to sundry portions, but yet were not the Danites come to their full and whole possession. Yea, we gather by the History of Samson, that the Danites dwelled yet in tents, where the spirit of the Lord began to come upon Samson. Farther we must remember, that they at the beginning were content with tributes, which they exacted of those, whose lands they should have possessed. But they were made unto them as thorns and briars. For when as they had not driven them out, but dwelled together with them, they quickly learned Idolatry of them. Wherefore we read in this book that the Danites were compelpelled to dwell in the hilly places, when they could not descend and possess the plain. But now those hilly places seemed very narrow, for they increased in number, and therefore they needed more room to dwell in.  

The promise of GOD was not weaker than the enemies of the hebrews.  If thou shalt say: was the power of the enemies of greater force than the promise of God? No undoubtedly. For it was not the enemies that excluded them out, but they hindered themselves, for that they followed Idolatry. Wherefore GOD punished them, and long time drove them back from the possession of their portion. That thing therefore which happened, is to be ascribed unto their impiety, and not to the strengths of their enemies. And to the promise of God was joined a condition, namely if they should abide in the law of God. Their wickedness was the cause, that God did not straightway perform his promises.  
They send spies to spy out for them some commodious place in the plain. They send out five spies. Mikstsothim: which is from their coasts, & they are signified to be in extremies: which may taken two ways, namely that these spies were either of the basest sort, or of the highest. For either of these in their order are extreme. They were in deed valiant and warlike men, but peradventure obscure, whereby they might be the more unknown of their enemies. For they the are noble are more easily known. Contraryly other think that it is declared, that they were most honest & most noble: because spies ought to be wise men, & such as have good skill in warlike affairs. Homer writeth that Ulysses was commanded to be a spy, 
Homer●.  and that he in the apparel of a beggar went through Troy. Moses also sent josua & Chaleb which were very excellent men, to search out the land of Chanaan. But whether they were of the basest sort or of the highest, it helpeth not much unto the matter. And peradventure this opinion is more simple, namely that they were sent from the utter parts of the places wherein the Danites dwelled.  
They came to the house of Micha. By a by way as it is thought, & not the right way as their journey lay. For it is very likely, that there was in the place an Inn, whereunto men out of every quarter resorted unto the idol. So we see it happeneth in the Papacy, for in places where superstitious Pilgrimages are had, there are many Inns builded, as at Humbert, and at Maria Lauretana.  
The spies laboured with the young man the Levite after they knew his ministry, to ask an oracle for them. And he answereth them in the name of jehovah, when they asked him by this word Elohim. Those men were wise & witty. 
How they knew the Levite by his speech.  For when they heard the young man speak, they perceived he was a Levite. And although all the Israelites spoke Hebrew, yet were there sundry forms of speech among those tribes. Wherefore we have before heard, that the Ephraites were known by the pronunciation of this word Siboleth. They might therefore peradventure note that the young man spoke in the speech of the tribe of juda, for as much as he was of Bethlehem, & peradventure they heard him entreating of things divine: wherefore when they perceived that he was a Levite, which executed holy services there, straightway they inquired of him an answer of the success of their journey. They nothing regarded how rightly he did it, but straightway said: Ask of god. So at this day soldiers when they go on warfare, they come to their Mass Priests, & desire them to say a Mass for them either of George, or of Sebastian, neither have they any regard whether the Mass be good or evil. This is to deal with god after our blind reason, At the first burned it may seem that the spies did not evil. For it is a point of piety to ask counsel of god, when we shall do any thing. But we ought to take heed, that what soever is taken in hand, the same be joined with right reason & sound judgement of the mind. For our actions must flow from the heart, which as it is affected, 
Good looketh also upon the heart, and not upon the actions only.  so are they to be judged either good or evil. Wherefore although god require of us actions, yet he much more requireth the heart. We must not separate the action & heart or purpose a sunder: let them abide joined together as the Lord requireth them.  
If thou demand of a Philosopher how the action is good, & whether it alone maketh the man good, he will deny it, & will say that the action must be directed be a right reason, which if it be away, then is the action corrupt. Wherefore the goodness of every action dependeth of reason of the mind, and of judgements. 
The goodness of an action dependeth of the mind or judgement of the doer.  If these be evil, them must the action also needs be corrupt. Look what the root is in a tree: the same is reason in a moral action, & in religious works & such works as are truly Christian faith: it is as it were the soul of good works, as without which nothing can be acceptable unto god. But faith leaneth to no other thing than to the word of God. 
Faith is the soul of good works.  Wherefore for as much as these men command to ask counsel of God contrary to the word of God, they do exceadingly displease God: they were more led by their own commodity, then by true piety. So many at this day say: What evil is it to come to Mass? and there, with a godly mind to pray unto god? The Mass hath a great show of piety: but we must remember that it can not be good, for as much as it is apertly repugnant to faith, and to the word of God. Let every man take heed he be not deceived with the outward show of piety: and let him diligently consider, that outward works make not a man good, but rather contraryly good works must proceed out of a good man.  
But now come I to examine, & consider the which is here entreated as touching the asking counsel of God, 
The commandment for ask counsel of God is moral.  & I find that it is commanded, that in things of great difficulty the mind of the Lord is to be inquired of. This commandment though it were given unto the jews, yet it pertaineth to the moral kind of precepts. Wherefore it bindeth us also. But unto the jews were adjoined certain outward ceremonies, from which we are by Christ delivered. They were bound to come to the Priest, to the Ephod, and to the place of the ark of the covenant, or to the Prophet: those things are now taken away. And yet ought we also, when we take in hand to do any thing, to ask counsel of the Lord, but removing away these additions, which were necessary in the public wealth of the Israelites. But where shall we in this time ask counsel of the Lord? 
We ought to ask counsel of the holy scriptures when we appoint to do any thing.  In the holy scriptures, as we have before taught. Wherefore every Christian ought to have them ready at hand, & to do all things by their guiding. Whatsoever we shall do, let us first look in them, whether it be just or unjust. This is to ask counsel of the Lord, which thing if we do not, we shallbe always in doubt concerning our things. Wherefore Paul hath rightly admonished: Every thing that is not of faith is sin. Neither are we ignorant but the faith cometh of hearing, & hearing by the word of god. Wherefore whether we take in hand a journey, or do or go about any thing else, we must not waver or doubt in mind, but must be assured that our work pleaseth God. Which thing when we know, we must refer the event thereof unto God. 
Horace.  Let it suffice us to have known that. Remember this saying of the Poet: If the world should break and fall, let the ruin thereof pierce the fearful.  

The estate of the hebrews & ours is diverse  But why the hebrews were so careful for the success of their matters, we have in an other place declared. Their state was not all one with ours. They were much careful for their public wealth, because God had promised them that it should endure even unto Christ's tyme. Neither was true religion in any other place publicly received. Wherefore they were very careful for the success of their expeditions, namely that the public wealth wherein only was appointed sound religion, should not take hurt. Wherefore god also very oftentimes gave them oracles for their events. But our state is far otherwise. Sound religion is not at this day bound to one public wealth only. For the inheritance of Christ is dispersed thorough out the world, neither shall it endure so long, as one only public wealth standeth. But rather if one public wealth fall by reason of sins, an other shall rise. If there arise persecutions for the gospel sake (which oftentimes happeneth) it is lawful to depart to an other place, which thing was not so free for the jews, for they had not a temple of god, & his outward worshipping in any other, then at jerusalem. Superstition & idolatry possessed all other nations. Farther, this was an other cause, for that the jews for their religions sake were hated of all nations: wherefore they had the more need to be by oracles admonished of the event of their things. Wherefore for as much as such difficulties are far from us, it is sufficient to seek out by the holy scriptures, whether those things, which we do & meddle with, do please god. And to the study joined with faith, let prayers be added, that that which we ourselves are not able to do, god himself may bring to pass. And then at the length let us diligently & valiantly attempt the thing which we have taken in hand. So far (as I think) the precept for ask counsel of the Lord pertaineth unto us.  

Why the Levite answered in the name of jehovah.  And in this History let us consider (as I have before said) that the Levite answereth in the name of jehovah, that is, of the Lord, because he would signify, that he knew well enough, that the Idol was nothing. I (sayeth he) answer in the name of the Lord. This sentence, which R. Selemoh followeth, seemeth plausible. But to me it seemeth not so. For I think that the young man did it to get authority to his Religion. For which cause he is the more grievously to be accused, for that he contaminated the name of GOD, in applying it unto an Idol. He answereth: your way is in the sight of the Lord, that is, God himself will go out before you, and direct your journey, all things shall go well and prosperous with you, when as God is with you, and directeth you. And so did it succeed in very deed. For they luckily spied out all things, the event came to pass as they desired. Wherefore it may well here be demanded why God so prospered these evil works.  
Before I answer to this question, 
Our works do not therefore please God because they have good success.  this I think good to put in by the way, that we ought not to take it for a sure token that our doings do please GOD, because sometimes they have a prosperous success: otherwise if we should measure things by the event and success, we should allow the wicked and most evil doers, for as much as fortunate and prosperous things do happen unto them. We should also praise deviners, sorcerers soothsayers and conjurers, because they have sometimes foretold things that are true. It is sometimes permitted unto the devil to divine by them.  
Let such foretellynges be referred unto the .13. chapter of deuteronomy, where it is thus written: If a Prophet rise up among you, or a dreamer of dreams, and shall give thee a sign or wonder, and that which he hath foretold thee come to pass: Thou shalt not hearken unto his voice. If he entice thee to Idolatry, let him be killed (saith he) neither let him be spared. 
The Lord proveth his by the miracles of the ungodly.  Afterward is added a reason, why God dealeth after this manner, which thing was at the beginning demanded: because (saith he) the Lord proveth you, whether ye love him or not. And therewith agreeth Paul in his .2. Epistle to the Thes. the .2. chap. where he entreateth of Antichrist: His coming (saith he) shallbe by the working of Satan, with power, signs, & liyeng wonders, & withal deceatefulnes in those which perish, because they received not the love of the truth, to that end they might be saved. And therefore God shall send them the efficacy of illusion, that they should believe lies, that all they should be judged which have not believed the truth. Wherefore although we do see signs, yet must we not straightway give faith unto those by whom they are wrought, but must diligently examine, whether they attempt to teach any thing contrary to the word of God.  
In the Papistical Masses & merchandise of relics, were oftentimes wrought great miracles, & yet ought we not to believe such superstitions, & to fall from Christ & the true worshipping of god. 
How miracles profit for salvation.  God suffereth this kind of miracles to be wrought that ingrate men, & those which have forgotten their God, should be deceived, & be taken as it were by these nets, & that the godly should become the more vigilant & better. Neither are these things spoken to despise all miracles. For they which are done in a true cause & for sound doctrine, are certain praises of god, & trumpets of the truth. But contrarily, they which under the pretence of miracles do with draw men from the worshipping of GOD, we ought to count them cursed, though they work never so great miracles.   

7 Then the five men went and came to Lais, and saw the people which were in it, dwelling carelessly, after the manner of the Sydonians, quiet and sure. And for that there was no man in the land which made them ashamed in any thing, nor which by the inheritance received the kingdom, and for that they were far from the Sidonians, neither had they any business with other men.  
8 So they came again unto their brethren in Zora and Esthoall, and their brethren said: What have ye done?  
9 And they said: Arise, that we may go up unto them. For we have seen the land, and behold it is very good: and do ye sit still? Be not slothful to go to enter and possess the land.  
10 When ye shall enter, ye shall enter into a careless people, farther, the country is large in room: for god hath given it into your hands, a place which wanteth nothing that groweth in the earth.  
11 Then there departed thence of the family of the Danites, from Zorah & from Eshtaol, six hundredth men appointed with instruments of war.  
12 And they went up, & pitched in Kiriah iearim in judah: Wherefore they called that place. Mahaneh dan unto this day: and it is behind Kiriah-iearim.  
13 And they went thence unto mount Ephraim, and came to the house of Michah.  
14 Then answered the five men, that went to spy out the country of Laish, and said unto their brethren: Know ye not, that there are in these houses an Ephod, and Theraphim, and a graven and molten Image. Now therefore consider what ye have to do.  
15 And they turned thetherward and came to the house of the young man the Levite, which was in the house of Michah, and saluted him peaceably.  
16 And the six hundredth men appointed with their weapons of war, which were of the children of Dan, stood by the entering of the gate.  
17 Then the five men that went to spy out the land, went in thither and took the graven Image and the Ephod, and the Theraphim, and the molten Image: and the Priest stood in the entering of the gate with the six hundredth men, that were appointed with weapons of war.  
18 And the other went into Michahs' house and fet the graven Image the Ephod, and the Theraphim, & the molten Image. Then said the Priest unto them: What do ye?  
19 And they answered him, hold thy peace: lay thine hand upon thy mouth, and come with us to be our father and Priest. Whether is it better thou shouldest be a Priest unto the house of one man, or that thou shouldest be a Priest unto a tribe & to a family in Israel?  
20 And the priests heart was glad, and he took the Ephod and the Theraphim, and the graven Image, and went in the midst of the people.  
21 And they turned and departed, and put the children and the cattle, and the substance before them.  
The City of Lais is in the book of josuah called Lesem. And they saw the people dwelling in security. This word people is in this place joined with an adjective of the feminine gender. It is therefore the figure Enallage, because one gender is put for an other. They dwelled careless after the manner of the Zidonians. The Zidonians feared not the hebrews, 
The Zidonians were most strong men.  because they were none of those seven nations, which were delivered to be possessed of them. Farther the Zidonians were men most mighty and of them came many Colonii, which were people dispersed, to seek new seats and specially at Carthage. Wherefore Virgil calleth Dido a Sidonian, 
Virgil.  because she came from thence. But why this City of Lais was in such security, 
Why the City of Lais was secure.  there may be other causes given. First it had no molestious neighbours, whereby there should have been any danger at hand towards them: farther there no was tyrant, which usuped unto himself the dominion of the City. Wherefore for as much as they were not vexed, neither by any Tyrant, nor of enemies, they lived securely. These causes are gathered out of the text, & also mentioned of the hebrews. But I think moreover, that the City had not severe Magistrates, which should have kept the people in doing their duties, 
Securiti of the flesh is a thing pernicious.  which thing engendereth most great danger unto Cities. Neither is there any vice in a manner more hurtful, than the security of the flesh Wherefore God will have his to be vigilant and attentive: because when all things seem to us to be safe and quiet, then is danger most of all at hand. Whilst the Sodomites lived most pleasantly and most securely, they were or they were ware burnt with fire from heaven: and in the time of Noah, when men made banquets daily, married, and took wives, they were a with sudden flood oppressed. Wherefore it is rightly said: when they shall say, peace, peace, and allthings are safe, sudden destruction shall come. It is added, that they were far from the Sidonians, 
A league ma●e with a people far distant, is little profitable.  for because by that means they mought the easilier be conquered. Peradventure they had made some league with the Sidonians: but confederates which dwell far a sunder, cannot but with difficulty give succour and be at hand, when need requireth: which thing histories every where do teach us. It is also added, that they had no business or traffic with other men: which is therefore spoken, because cities are sometimes helped, not by reason of a league, but because of communicating of business, namely, because they cannot be destroyed, without the misery of many men. These things the Spies diligently marked: wherefore it appeareth that they were wise & subtle men.  
Come, arise, the land is large and wide, neither is there any thing wanting in it. 
What are the chief points of this exhortation.  They do in few words finish their exhortation appointed. Then are we stirred up to take in hand any thing, when it is easy & profitable. These two things are the principal points of this exhortation. They declare unto their people, that that land is good and fertile, as wherein wanteth nothing that serveth for plentifulness and abundance. In placing ourselves these things only are wont to be considered. And the reasons thereof they conclude by security. Then they add spurs to prick them, when they say: God hath given it into your hands, which thing peradventure they add, because of the Levite, which answered them, that their journey was in the sight of the Lord: or because that portion of the land when it was divided, fell to the tribe of Dan.  
There went out two hundredth men. It is not described after what manner, or with what furniture they went forth, only it is said that they were armed. But by those things which follow, we understand that they had their cattle, children and wives in their company. And they pitched in Kiriath iearim. It seemeth that it was a journey of three days: for they pitched twice before they came thither: unless peradventure they went a by way, and not the right way. Kiriath-iearim is a City of woods or forests. Whereby is given a reason why that place was called the tents of Dan. And it lay on the backside of the city of Kiriath-iearim. They came to the house of Micha, and there they pitched again.  
The five men answered. 
With the hebrews to answer is to begin to speak.  The verb of answering in the Hebrew phrase signifieth as much as to begin to talk, or to begin to speak. They made mention of the Ephod and graven image, whilst that they persuaded the fellow to theft or rather sacrilege. Their counsel was that it was expedient, to have with them those holy things.  
They came to the house of the young man. It is an exposition of that which was before said, how that they came unto the house of Micha, namely where the young man the Levite ministered. They saluted him peaceably, and peradventure they began to ask counsel of him, of the success and event of their expedition. The six hundredth men stood before the door, and held the Levite about the gate, whilst the five men spoiled the temple. For entering into it, they took away all with them. afterward they entreat the young man to go with them. And he, for that he had no other guide but his belly, easily assented unto them. 
An objection of the Papists.  With this argument of the Danites the Papists oftentimes assail us: Ye teach by corners in one or two cities or provinces. Why do ye not rather come to the catholic church with us are riches, honours, and benefices. Ye are fools: ye neither provide well for yourselves, nor yet for others.  
By this kind of persuasion the heart of this Sacrificer was won, who was not ready to cry out. And being persuaded, to the end he might be the more in safety, he went in the midst of the armed men, lest peradventure Micha, requiring his things again, should have pulled him back again to his house: or rather he went so with his Idol, that he might somewhat resemble the Ark of covenant. For we read in the book of Numb. that as often as they went forth, and removed their host, the Ark of the covenant was carried about by the Levites, in the midst of the host, so that the one part of the host should go before, and the other part should follow behind. After this manner the Levite would set forth his Idol unto the Soldiers.  
But this is to be marveled at, that men were so blind and mad, to make them their Gods, 
How great the blindness of idolaters is. Augustine.  which were subject to theft and to sacrilege. Augustine in his x Tome, and xix Treatise elegantly derideth such defenders of cities and houses. Which have eyes and see not, feet and hands and can not move themselves. Such saith he, were the governors and keepers of the Capitolium: who seeing they could not defend themselves, how much less were they able to defend a city? Neither let any say: They were not Gods that were taken away out of the temple of Micha, but only two images of Gods. But Augustine saith: If they can not defend their own images, what hope is there that they can defend Cities or houses? 
Virgil.  But this thing is so much ridiculous, that even the Ethnic poets deride it. For Virgil hath song of his Aeneas: He carried Troy with him into Italy, & their Gods being overcome. Undoubtedly miserable Gods, which could be overcome of men, and be carried into an other place. Some will object: That the Ark of the Lord was also taken once, and led away after a sort captive of the Philistians. I grant that: But how was it carried away? To be kept as a prisoner? No undoubtedly. For when it was put in the temple of the Philistians, it threw Dagon their god to the ground. Farther, it struck the Philistians with so grievous plagues and wounds, that at the last they were compelled to send it home again with honour. And it was taken, not because God can either be overcome, or taken, but that the Hebrews should be admonished of their sins, who without repentance or faith, did put all their confidence in an outward thing.  
They placed their children, cattle, and substance before. Because they suspected that Micha would with armed soldiers pursue them, to see if he could recover the things which they had taken away. Wherefore they would chiefly provide for their children, cattle, and substance. This word Supplex which we turn substance, is called in Hebrew Kechodah, either because it signifieth a burden or a pack, or else a thing whereof men make their boast.   

22 When they were far of from the house of Micha, the men that were in the houses near to Michahs' house, gathered together, and pursued after the children of Dan.  
23 And cried unto the children of Dan: who turned their faces, & said unto Michah, what aileth thee, that thou makest an outcry?  
24 And he said: ye have taken away my Gods, which I made, and the Priest, and go your ways: and what have I more? How then say ye unto me, what aileth thee?  
25 And the children of Dan said unto him: Let not thy voice be heard among us, lest peradventure men of a bitter mind run upon thee, and thou lose thy life, with the lives of thine household.  
26 So the children of Dan went their ways, and when Michah saw that they were to strong for him, he turned and went back unto his house.  
27 And they took the things which Micha had made, and the Priest which he had, and came unto Laish, unto a quiet people, and without mistrust, and smote them with the edge of the sword, and burned the City with fire.  
28 And there was none to help, because Laish was far from Zidon, and they had no business with other men: also it was in the valley that lieth by Bethrehob. After, they built the City, and dwelled therein.  
29 And called the name of the City, Dan, after the name of Dan their Father, which was borne unto Israel: how be it the name of the City was Laish at the beginning.  
30 Then the children of Dan set them up the graven image: and jonathan the son of Gershom, the son of Manasseth and his sons were the Priests in the Tribe of the Danites, until the day of the captivity of the land.  
31 So they set up the graven image, which Micha had made, all the while the house of God was in Shiloh.  
In that it is said that they which dwelled nigh the house of Micha were gathered together, is declared that the number of the houses had increased, & that by reason of peregrinations, there was in that place a village builded.  
Were gathered together. In Hebrew it is Noecu, by which verb is signified, that they were raised up by an outcry. For so are men gathered together when they hear an outcry on every side.  
The Danites made him afeard, and threatened that men of a bitter mind would invade him, whom they so call, either because they were angry (for choler is of his nature bitter) or else because they were desperate, as they in a manner are which seek new dwelling places, and departed from home, because they can not there abide commodiously. It is again repeated that they of Lais were far from Zidon: which declareth that they were in league with them.  
But in that it is written that jonathan and his sons were Priests there, even to the day of the captivity of the land, we must not (as far as I judge) understand it of the captivity which the hebrews suffered, either by the Assyrians or by the Chaldeians: but of that which happened, when they were plagued by the Philistians: when also the Ark of the Testament was taken away. I know also that there are some of the hebrews which fable that this jonathan was the nevew of Moses by his son Gerson, and that his Grandfather is here called Menasseh, putting between this letter Nun, for to honour Moses with all. As though the holy scriptures do not oftentimes make mention of most wicked children borne of excellent Parents. But this is to be marked, that that is not very firm, neither can it be certain, in that it was before said, that this Levite was a Gersonite, because Gerson was the Son of Levi, and not of Menasseh. Wherefore it must needs be uncertain of what family of the Levites this man was. But now let us diligently weigh such things as are in this chapter, worthy of peculiar noting.  
Let us chief consider how hurtful it is to want a Magistrate. 
An evil Magistrate also wanteth not some utility.  For although sometimes there happen an evil or to favourable a Magistrate, yet if the thing be well weighed, there cometh from him more good unto the public wealth, than there would come evil, if there were in it no Magistrate at al. The Sun and Moon, although they have sometimes aspects not very favourable, whereby now and then ensue pestilences, dearth of corn, overflowing of waters, or altar, to the end that holy services should be done thereon, but only they would have it to be for a monument, that they should not be counted strangers from their brethren, but be thought to pertain to the same people, and the same God. Wherefore if at that time the Israelites so hated Idolatry, that they would for that cause have made war against the Rubenites and Gadites, it is not credible that they would have suffered the impiety of Micha. 
How this history is touched in the book of josua.  How then could this history be mentioned of in that book? One of these two things we must answer, either that there were two cities both of one name pertaining unto the Danites, which they by force conquered, so that of the one is mention made in the book of josua, and of the other in this history. But this seemeth to be but a feigned tale. For those things which are written in the book of josua, do seem altogether to pertain to this place. Farther, all the Hebrew Interpreters do agree that it was the same city. Let us therefore rather say, that when, as in the book of josua there is described the distribution of the land, and that it cometh unto this city, that which was done long time after, is there added by an interpretation, to expound after what sort the Danites should in success of time obtain that city. And that particle was added, not of any mean man, but either of Samuel or else of Ezra, or of some other Prophet. And this is not to corrupt, or to confound the scriptures, but to put in something that is not from the purpose, whereby the whole matter may be the better understand, so that it be done by the holy ghost. And I could bring forth a great many examples, which are found to be spoken in the scriptures, by the figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or anticipation. But those things ought to be sufficient, which are red in the beginning of this book.   

¶ Of Security.  
But because there is mention made of security, I will speak somewhat largely of it in this place, how it is to be praised or dispraised. Security seemeth to be a contempt of God's justice, whereby sins are punished. If we speak of that, that can never be but vicious. But there is found an other also, which undoubtedly is to be allowed, and is laudable,  

Hope is a mean between security & desperation  But to make the thing more plain, let us consider three things, Security, Hope, and Desperation. Hope is ever the mean, which ought always to be commended. Security is excess: but Desperation is want. For as in putting away the mercy of God, we are made desperate, so in contemning his justice we become secure. Wherefore we may conclude that Security is a certain immoderate hope.  

Whereof security springeth.  And it springeth hereof, either because we attribute to much to our own strength and wisdom, as though by ourselves we think that we are able to obtain any thing: or else though we think that it lieth in the mercy of God, yet we suppose that he for our worthiness ought to accomplish it. So do they which promise themselves remission of sins, or eternal felicity, although they do no repentance, but live unpurely and wickedly. Or else it springeth hereof, for that we do not believe that there is in God any execution of justice. And this Security whereof we entreat, 
The fear of God is contrary to desperation. Bernhardus.  is not only contrary unto Desperation, but also unto the fear of God. For Desperation springeth of to much fear of the justice of God against sins: but Security thinketh of nothing at all of that justice. Wherefore Bernardus hath rightly said: Even as the fear of God is the beginning of wisdom, so is security the ground of all impiety, and the beginning of foolishness. For the fear of the Lord (as the scriptures testify of it) pertaineth chiefly unto piety and religion. Wherefore in the Acts the ten chap. Cornelius is called a man religious, and fearing God. Wherefore justly hath security impiety joined with it: & as it springeth of an evil beginning, so also bringeth it forth evil & naughty fruits, as sluggishness, luskishnes, & slothfulness. Therefore they which trust unto themselves, neither seek for help at gods hand, nor yet for aid of men.  
These people of Lais lived securely, 
What Negligence is.  although they were joined in no league or fellowship with their next neighbours. They were also infected with Negligence, which is nothing else, than a privation of that endeavour which we ought to apply for the governing of things. By it the will is weakened, and the cheerfulness of the body is diminished. This kind of security hath always a danger joined with it. For those things are not driven away which may be hurtful. For how can that be done, when as they are secure or careless, thinking rightly neither of their own strengths, nor yet of the mercy of God, yea they are utterly unknown unto themselves? For if they knew themselves, they would not live so securely. 
Augustine.  Augustine upon the four score and nineteen Psalm writeth: Where as is most security, there is most danger. And he addeth, that a Ship when it is brought into the Haven, thou thinkest it is in safety. But by the same way that the Ship entereth in, the wind also entereth in, and oftentimes tosseth it, and breaketh it upon a rock. Where then can there be security? Adam fell in Paradise, judas in the fellowship of Christ, Cain in the household of Noah, many in the Law, and many also in the Gospel. Where then shall we live securely? Undoubtedly no where. Therefore Ecclesiasticus doth right well admonish us: Son stand in the fear of the Lord, and prepare thy soul to temptation. The Israelites saw the Egyptians drowned in the red sea. Was it then meet for them to live in security? No surely. Yea within a while after they were tempted in the wilderness. Christ was baptized of john: was he therefore made secure? No. For he was straightway tempted of the devil. Wherefore we ought then to be most of all careful, when we are received into the favour of God, for then the devil doth most of all watch for our destruction, and seeketh to make us to fall. And therefore there is no place for security.  
But are we so made of God, that we can in no place be secure? 
What Security is good and laudable.  Not so undoubtedly. For there is an other good and laudable Security, which (as Augustine saith) consisteth in the promises of God, and is taken hold of by faith. This engendereth not luskishnes or sluggishness, but cheerfulness and diligence. Of it David hath very well song in his four score and eleven Psalm: He which dwelleth in the help of the most highest, shall abide in the protection of the God of heaven. Where as it is written in the latin Adiutorio, that is, in the help, the Hebrew word signifieth a cover or secret place, which no man taketh hold of, but he which hath faith in the promises of God. By that buckler we are defended, with that shadow we are covered against all hurt: this is the Security of faith, and of the spirit, which cleaveth unto the word of God. 
Security of the flesh.  And therefore it cannot be but commended. But the other Security is of the flesh, and therefore it is execrable and detestable. Against it are set forth most manifest commandments of Christ, namely that we should always pray, knock, seek, and watch: for the day of the Lord will come like a thief. If the good man of the house knew what time the thief would come, he would undoubtedly watch, neither would he suffer his house to be invaded. We ought always to pray and watch, because although the spirit be ready, yet the flesh is weak. Paul admonisheth us to put on the armour of God, that we may resist in the evil day. Stand (saith he) with your loins girded with the girdle of truth, putting on thee the breast plate of righteousness, and having shoes on your feet, to be ready to the Gospel of peace, above all things taking unto you the shield of faith, whereby ye may quench all fiery darts of that evil one, and take unto you the salet of health, and the sword of the spirit, which is the word of God. So doth Peter also arm us against security, in his first Epistle, the fift chapter: The Devil (saith he) your enemy goeth about like a roaring Lion, seeking whom he may devour: resist him being perfect in faith.  

There is a certain fear which is evil.  But because I have said that Security is contrary unto fear, I will not that any man should think that all manner of fear is to be praised. Because there is also an evil fear. And that springeth of an evil judgement of good and evil things. As if a man should think that the adversities of this world, and the crosses which the elect suffer, are both altogether evil, and utterly to be feared. Against these things we must sing together with David: I will not fear what man doth unto me. There is also an other fear of the ungodly to be reproved, which fear an evil conscience engendereth. For they which live filthily and wickedly, are always afraid, that the heavenly vengeance hangeth over them. 
Plutarch. Sores of the mind.  Such fears plutarch in his book of felicity calleth sores of the mind. There are (saith he) sores as well in the mind, as in the body. And he addeth a trim similitude. As they which in a fever either cold or hot, because inwardly they are cold or hot, are more grievously sick, then if there were heat or cold applied outwardly to their bodies: So they which are vexed in the mind, are much more tormented, than they which are afflicted in the body. After the same manner we may say, that they always tremble and are afraid, whose consciences are troubled. Wherefore David said: They have trembled for fear, where as no fear was. So Cain, and so judas also were wonderfully afraid. 
Seneca.  Seneca unto Lucillus, in his hundredth and two Epistle saith, that no place shall make a wicked man quiet. For thus he always thinketh: Though I be not yet taken now, yet I may at the length be taken. And that I have not hitherto been taken, it came rather of fortune, then of confidence. They also do exceedingly fear, which are themselves horrible and fearful unto other. For he must needs fear many, whom many fear.  
Against such fears Seneca hath invented remedies, namely that we should live justly, 
remedies against evil fear  and commit nothing that is wicked. But by this means, who can at any time be secure? For who is he which sinneth not? But we much better rest ourselves in the faith of Christ, and put all our confidence and security in his mercy only. After this manner Paul teacheth us: Being justified (saith he) by faith, 
Carefulness is not always laudable.  we have peace with God. This medicine is of force against all diseases. Also Carefulness, which seemeth to be contrary unto Security, is not always to be praised: because in it are two vices to be taken heed of. The first is, that being moved with it, we seek not by injust means to remedy an evil that cometh unlooked for, as the jews did when they said: If we suffer this man to live, the Romans will come, and overthrow our place and Nation. Wherefore they decreed to destroy him.  
furthermore we must beware, that we be not so moved for temporal things, to cast away our hope and confidence of the goodness and providence of God. 
What is the true and laudable Security.  Wherefore the true Security is that which is received by faith, and consisteth of the promises of God. Paul did put us in mind of this, when he wrote unto the Romans: If God have given his Son for us, how shall not he give us all things with him? Who shall lay any faults against the elect of God? It is God which justifieth, who then shall condemn? It is Christ which died, yea and which rose again, who sitteth also at the right hand of God, and maketh intercession for us. Who shall separate us from the love of God? Shall affliction? Shall trouble? Shall persecution? Shall hunger? Shall nakedness? Shall danger? Shall the sword? I am persuaded, that neither death, nor life, nor Angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature, can separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ jesus our Lord. Now it sufficiently appeareth (as I think) what manner of Security is allowed, and what manner is condemned.    

¶ The xix Chapter.  

1 ALso in those days, when there was no king in Israel, a certain Levite dwelled as a stranger on the side of mount Ephraim, and took a wife a Concubine, out of Bethlehem juda.  
2 And his Concubine played the whore there, & went away from him unto her father's house to Bethelehem juda, & there continued a few days, namely four months.  
3 And her husband arose & went after her, to speak unto her heart, and to bring her again: he had also his servant with him, & a couple of Asses, and she brought him in into her father's house, & when the young woman's father saw him, he rejoiced of his coming.  
4 And his father in law, the young woman's father retained him: and he abode with him three days. So they did eat and drink, and lodged there.  
5 And when the fourth day came, they arose early in the morning, and he prepared to departed: then the young woman's father said unto his son in law: comfort thine heart with a morsel of bread, and then go your way.  
6 So they sat down, and did eat and drink both of them together. And the young woman's father said unto the man: be content, I pray thee, and tarry all night, and let thine heart be merry.  
7 And when the man rose up to depart, his father in law was earnest, therefore he returned and lodged there.  
8 And he arose up early the fift day to departed, and the young woman's father said: Comfort thine heart, I pray thee: and they tarried until after midday, and they both did eat.  
9 Afterward when the man arose to departed with his Concubine and his servant, his father in law, the young woman's father said unto him: Behold now, the day draweth toward even. I pray you tarry all night: Behold the sun goeth to rest: Lodge here that thine heart may be merry, and to morrow get you early upon your way, and go to thy tent.  
10 But the man would not tarry, but arose and departed, and came over against jebus, (which is jerusalem) and his two Asses laden, and his Concubine, were with him.  
By reason of sundry calamities and plagues wherewith the Philistians afflicted the people of their grievous sins, the Israelites had now no lawful Magistrates: whereby came to pass that many wicked acts were committed, the worshipping of God violated, and civil wars arose, which must needs happen, where sins remain unpunished. And that which mought have been restrained by the punishment of one or two, brought the destruction of many thousands, both of the Israelites, and also of the Beniamites. We shall see in this history (which the holy ghost referreth to the end of this book) first a most heinous wicked act of the Beniamites. secondly vengeance taken of that Tribe by the other Tribes, whereby the Beniamites were in a manner clean destroyed. And lastly we shall hear the wonderful instauration of that Tribe.  
The occasion of this war was thus. A certain man being a Levite, had a wife, who committed adultery, and fearing the sharpness of her husband, fled to her Parents. Not long time after, her husband went to seek her, findeth her, and is reconciled unto her. The woman as she returned home together with her husband, was with most filthy whoredom defiled of the Gabaonites, whereby she miserably perished, & so suffered punishment for her first adultery. For God punisheth sins by sins. Neither suffered he adultery being not punished by the Magistrates, to go unpunished.  
As touching the history, it is no marvelous or strange thing, that the Levite dwelled as a stranger. For although that Tribe had certain Cities and suburbs appointed it, yet very many of the Levites went to the towns and villages of the other Tribes, to serve them as touching doctrine & counsels: whereof I have a little before somewhat spoken.  
This man dwelled as a stranger on the side of mount Ephraim. The Hebrew word signifieth a side, a hip or thigh. And by translation it signifieth a region or coast. And this is a very elegant Metaphor, when there is mention made of a mountain. He dwelled therefore on the side of mount Ephraim.  
He took a wife a Concubine. By this place is manifestly gathered, that the Concubines of the Fathers were wives. For the jews were not bound to the laws of the Romans, when as both at this time they were not made, and also they pertained not to that nation. Which I therefore speak because the Romans had Concubines, which were not wives. But the Hebrews sometimes called their wives Concubines, because they were not of the same honour and dignity that their wives were, which had authority in the house. Yea the Master sometimes married his handmaiden, as Abraham married Agar, jacob Bilham and Zilpa. Peradventure in contracting of those matrimonies there wanted tables, or some outward ceremonies, wherewith they used to adorn the principal matrimonies. Neither yet was that a let, but that these were matrimonies. Of this thing I have spoken largely before. Wherefore I will at this time cease to go any farther therein.  
But in that the Levite had a wife, which was of the tribe of juda, it is not to be marveled at: because unless maidens were inheritors, they mought marry in other tribes, which thing was not permitted to those that had inheritance, to the end that possessions should not be confounded. Farther, forasmuch as the tribes of juda and Levi excelled the other in dignity, they were the easilier coupled together in matrimony. For the principality seemed well to agree with the Priesthood. It is called Bethlehem of juda, to put a difference from the other Bethlehem, as we have before declared.  
She committed adultery by him. We might also say against him. For there is great injury done unto the man, when the wife playeth the whore. And this preposition All signifeth either. But the plainer sense is by him. As though it should have been said that she committed adultery, when she was yet together with her husband, and had not departed from him.  
She fled to her father. Being so afeard of her husband that she durst not come in his sight, she got her to her father's house. Adultery is committed, which is a grievous crime, and yet is not punished by the punishment of the law, for that there was no Magistrate to execute judgements. And though in all person's adultery is a grievous wicked act, 
The wife of a Minister if she be an adultres, sinneth more grievously than other.  yet in the wife of a Levite or Priest it is far more grievous, for as much as the holy ministry ought to be well spoken of. Wherefore if the daughter of a Priest had played the harlot in her Father's house, she was not stoned as other were, but burnt with fire, as it is expressedly written in Deuteromy. But why this adulteress was not slain, the cause (as it is before said) was, for that there was no Magistrate in Israel. And this adulteress might think to herself that she had escaped punishment, 
This adulterous woman escaped not the punishment of God.  as touching men, but she could not escape the hand of God. For god shall judge adulterers and whoremongers, as the Epistle to the Hebrews teacheth, which thing he doth sometimes by magistrates: and sometimes when they cease, by himself. The woman was with her parents .4. months, in which space of time, her husband being either moved with mercy, or wearied with solitariness, went to seek his wife, and to speak to her heart. 
Two manner of ways of punishing the guilty.  By this Hebrew phrase is signified that he would comfort her being in misery and afflicted, or give her some profitable counsel, peradventure that she should repent her of the sin which she had committed, promising her that if she would do so, he would receive her into favour again.  
He joined a couple of Asses. That he might have one to carry his wife, and the other to lad with things necessary for his journey. The wife as soon as she saw him, brought him into her father's house. By which act she declareth that she was not utterly alienated from her husband. The father of the maiden, that is his father in law, met him and joyfully embraced him. Whereby we gather, that the old man also wished a reconcilement between them.  
He abode there three days. He abode there in very deed five days: but three days willingly, the other two days he was in a manner compelled by his father in law. And they did eat and drink. These things declare that they were reconciled, and that the matrimony was renewed between them. But when he would have departed, the father in law said:  
Thou shalt strengthen thy heart with a morsel of bread. And by this word bread he understood all kind of meat. The old man would not so soon let them go, because he desired to have favour and love confirmed between them, to th'end they should not afterward be easily separated, the one from the other: This was his purpose. Behold the day is weakened. He useth a Metaphor, and signifieth the passage of the Sun to the west, & that there was a little of the day remaining. So also men when they come to age, are weakened in the body. The Levit would tarry no longer: which turned to his great hurt.  
Let us by the way note in this place, that for him which shall make a journey it is unprofitable to tarry long at banquetings. For commonly they are oppressed with night, before they can come to their lodgings.  
Now it seemeth that I should entreat of adulteries, whereby I might declare the nature and grievousness of that sin, and setforth the punishments of that crime, which are appointed both by the civil laws & by the ecclesiastical, but these shallbe spoken of when we are come unto the history of David, who committed most filthy adultery with Bethsaba. Now I have determined to entreat only of the reconciliation of the husband and the wife, after the committing of adultery, and I will touch the whole matter briefly.   

¶ Of the reconciliation of the husband & the wife after that adultery hath been committed.  
THe civil laws are utterly against the reconciliation of the husband and the wife, after the one hath committed adultery. 
The civil laws abhor from reconciliation after adultery.  For in the Code ad. l. juliam de adulteriis in the law Castitati nostrorum temporum it is ordained, that if a man married again a wife condemned of adultery, he incurreth the crime of being a bawd. And in the same title in the law Crimen, it is had, that he which retaineth still in matrimony a wife that hath played the adulteress, can not accuse her of adultery. Although afterward by a new law it was otherwise provided for. Neither was it a light thing to be condemned is a bawd: but it was even as grievous as if a man had been condemned of adultery. Yea and if a man retain her that is condemned of adultery, he may himself without an accuser be condemned of adultery. And if a man marry again her whom that he hath once repudiated, he cannot accuse her of the adultery before committed. But if she again commit adultery, he may. Because in marrying her again he seemeth to have allowed her act. And if any woman be condemned of adultery, no man can take her to wife. Wherefore the civil laws do abhor from reconciliation after adultery, so that it be convict and condemned. For if it be only his suspicion, it is lawful for the husband to retain and accuse her whom he suspecteth: Who if he afterward see that he was led by a vain suspicion to accuse her, he may cease from that which he hath begun, so that he first obtain a release of the judge.  
Jerome upon the .19. chapter of Matthew may appear to agree with the civil laws. For he writeth: she which hath divided one flesh into one or two, ought not to be retained, lest her husband be made subject unto the curse. For as it is written in the .18. chapter of the proverbs: He which retaineth an adulteress, is ungodly and a fool. In deed so have the .70. interpreters turned it, but the verity of the Hebrew hath it not. The same Jerome saith: If there happpen any sin, it breaketh not matrimony. But if there happen adoultery, than the wife is not lawful. And in the .32. question the first, are rehearsed the words of chrysostom. If a man have to do with an adulterous wife, let him do penance. And the same chrysostom upon the .26. chap. of Matthew: Even as he is unjust which accuseth an innocent, so is he a fool which retaineth an adulteress. The same thing is had in the decretals de Adult. in the chap. Si vir sciens: And it was decreed at the counsel of orleans. The husband which retaineth an adulteress is partaker of the crime. And if a woman repudiated, mary an other, her last husband being dead, she can not return unto the first. For now she is unclean unto him, as it is written in the .24. of Deut.  
But now omitting these things, let us see the reasons which serve for reconciliation. God himself which is only good, would be the husband of the church, and that not only in our time, but also in the times of the fathers. But the church, especially the old church, oftentimes turned aside to idolatry, and committed whoredom with the Gods of the Gentiles, as every where appeareth in this book, and also in the history of the kings, and in the prophets: Nevertheless yet jeremy called it back again in the name of God to return to her husband. Which self thing Hoseah the prophet also did, & that with many words. And if god be ready to receive his wife being an adulteress, man ought also to return into favour again with his wife, especially if she repent, and begin a new life. For as many as are christian men, profess the imitation of God. Theridamas is also an example of David, who took again his wife Michol, although her father had placed her to an other man. 
justinian  justinian also in his Authentikes, when he commandeth that an adulteress should be beaten & be shut up in a monastery, yet he giveth liberty to the husband to take her again, if he will, within the space of two years, & so he most manifestly alloweth reconciliation.  

Augustine  Augustine in his. 2 book to Pollencius is very much in this, that they should be reconciled. For many in his time would not receive their wives which had committed adultery, as such, as which were now polluted & contaminated. Where fore he wrote: dost thou think her polluted, whom baptism and repentance hath purged? Whom God hath cleansed? She ought not to seem to thee polluted. And if she be now reconciled unto the keys of the church, & admitted into the kingdom of heaven, by what right canst thou put her from thee? These things are had also in 32. question .1. If she have fallen, thou must know it came of human nature, & mercy must be showed her, if she arise. For we would the same to be done unto us. And extreme right, is extreme wrong. In the decretals de adulteriis & stupris, in the chap. Si vir sciens, it is had out of the counsel of orleans. An adulteress if she repent, aught to be received. The gloze in that place demandeth, by what right or duty she ought to be received. It answereth: Not by the law of necessity, for if the man will not, he cannot be compelled to receive her, wherefore he ought by the law of honesty to take her again. But I would demand whither it ought not also to be done by the duty of piety & by the strength of the commandment of God, forasmuch as Paul to the Philip. saith, do these things, whatsoever are honest and just? Therefore it is also done by necessity of the commandment. But the glosser in that place entreated of the outward judgement, wherein no man can be compelled to receive an adulteress. But in the Cannon now cited it is added: Not very often. For if she fall often into adultery, she ought not to be received. The Gloze in the same place objecteth unto itself christ, who when he was demanded, how often we should forgive our brother when he offendeth against us, answered not only seven times, but seventy seven times. To this he saith, that the words of the Cannon are to be understand, that when the adulteress so oftentimes falleth, the church shall not entreat for her reconciliation, partly because there should be opened a window to wickedness, 
When the church ought to entreat for those that fall.  and partly because she might think that penance is but feigned and dissembled. There is also added an other answer, that that is spoken for a terror, least men should more freely and carelessly commit sin. Hereby is gathered that the church ought to entreat for the reconciliation of the repentant, that they may be reconciled. Wherefore an adulteress, either showeth signs of repentance, or else showeth not. If she show signs, the church ought to entreat for her, that there may be a reconciliation made. But if she show none, the church shall not entreat for her: otherwise it should seem to maintain sins.  
Now must we answer unto the arguments which seemed to be against reconciliation. 
Answers unto the reasons on the contrary part. The counsel of Orleans. The cause why the law of Moses prohibited the return of a wife repudiated unto her first husband.  As touching the civil laws they are to be corrected by the word of God. Jerome and chrysostom do speak of such an adulteress which repenteth not, which self same thing is manifestly understand by the counsel of Orleans. For that it is there had: He which retaineth an adulteress, is partaker of the crime: but if she repent, let her be received. But why the law of Moses suffered not, that a wife repudiated should not after the death of her latter husband return unto her first, the cause may easily be assigned. For if he had permitted that, than divorcements would easily have been had, in hope sometimes to recover again their wife. God would that she that was repudiated, should return no more, to the end that she should not easily be repudiated. There might also be conspiracies made against the latter husband, whereby the wife might, when he were dispatched away, return again unto her first husband. Wherefore the law of God was most just, which pertained not unto adulterous women, which by the commandment of God ought to be stoned. By these things now it is manifest that it is lawful for the husband to return into favour with his wife being an adulteress, so that she repent: who yet ought to accuse his wife of adultery, if it be a public crime, or if she persever in her wickedness, or else if she bring forth any children by adultery, lest the lawful heirs should be defrauded: for unless she be accused, the husband cannot deprive the son borne in adultery, but that he shall inherit. Farther, let the church entreat and work with him, that he would receive again the woman being repentant. Wherefore our Levite ought not to be reproved, because he received again into favour his wife being an adulteress, so that she repented her of her adultery. But now will I return to the interpretation.   

11 When they were near to jebus, the day was sore, spent and the servant said unto his master: come, I pray thee, and let us turn into this city of the jebusites, and lodge all night there.  
12 And his master answered him: we will not turn into the city of strangers that are not of the children of Israel, but we will go forth to Gibaah.  
13 And he said unto his servant: Come, and let us draw near to one of these places, that we may lodge in Gibaah or in Ramah.  
14 So they went forward upon their way, and the sun went down upon them near to Gibaah, which is in Benjamin.  
15 Then they turned thither to go in and lodge in Gibaah: and when he came, he sat him down in a street of the city: for there was no man that took them into his house to lodging.  
16 And behold, there came an old man from his work out of the field at even, and the man was of mount Ephraim: but dwelt in Gibbaah, and the men of the place were the children of jemini.  
17 And when he had lift up his eyes, he saw a wayfaringe man in the streets of the city: then this old man said, whether goest thou, and whence camest thou?  
18 And he answered him, we came from Bethlehem judah, unto the side of mount Ephraim: from thence am I: and I went to Bethlehem judah, and go now to the house of the Lord: and no man receiveth me into his house.  
19 Although we have straw and provender for our Asses, and also bread and wine for me and thine handmaid, and for the boy that is with thy servant: we lack nothing.  
20 And the old man said: peace be with thee: all thy penury be upon me: only abide not in the street all night.  
jerusalem was therefore called jebus, because the jebusites in the old time inhabited it. The servant counseled his master to take lodging before the Sun should set. But he would not. We will not turn in (saith he) neither to this city nor to that, neither to any other city of strangers which are Gentiles. But it may seem marvelous how jerusalem is called strange from the Israelites, when as in the beginning of this book there is mention made that the Hebrews took it & named it jerusalem. 
How it is said that jerusalem was at this time a city of strangers.  They which said that this history is to be referred unto the first times of the judges, namely that it was done before othoniel began to judge, from the death I say of josua, to the government of othoniel, seem to be led by this argument. In that space of time they say these things happened. These men's conjecture hath in deed some show of truth. But it is not very firm. For we must know that the jews often times behaved themselves ill in falling from the worshipping of the true God. Wherefore he left them destitute of his aid, whereof they being bereaved, they were again overcome of those, whom before they had overcome, whereby it came to pass that the jebusites recovered again their city and dwelled in it. Wherefore those things which are written in the beginning of this book, are not against those which are now declared. For the jebusites having recovered their city, inhabited it as they did before, and it was called after the old name.  

The wise counsel of the servant.  The servant did give his master wise counsel, if a man should look upon that the event. For it is dangerous to travail by night especially for a man that is a stranger and unarmed, as this Levite was, which had with him only his wife and his servant. Neither is this any new or unaccustomed thing that servants are sometimes wiser than their masters, although it oftentimes happeneth, that counsel hath authority of the giver: as we understand happened here, where counsel although it were profitable, 
Aristotle.  is despised, peradventure because it came from a servant. Aristotle in his politics saith, they which excel in mind & counsel aught to bear rule and they which are strong of body must obey. But that cometh not always to pass: yea rather it oftentimes happeneth that masters which are not of the wisest, but yet strong in body, have servants far wiser than themselves, although they be not very strong in body. Farther we must not deny, 
The gifts of God are not bound unto the estates or conditions of men.  but the prudence and counsels which are the gifts of God are not bound unto the conditions or estates of Lordship and servitude, nor also to the temperatures of bodies. God giveth them, to them whom he thinketh good, & that most freely, sometimes to servants, and sometimes to Lords, sometimes to poor men, and sometimes to rich men. GOD ministered unto a man being a servant good counsel: which yet the Levite would not fellow to his great hurt. For if he had turned into the City of the jebusites, peradventure he had not fallen into that calamity which followed.  
These things are spoken concerning the counsel of the servant if we consider the utility thereof: but yet a thing is not to be judged by the event. 
The Levite is excused.  Neither is the Levite in this place rashly to be accused: because it seemeth that he had a show of honesty & piety. For he thought, that if it were possible, he should not go unto the ungodly & Idolaters, such as were the jebusites, and he had a great deal better opinion of the hebrews, then of strangers. Yea and the servant, for that he so earnestly desired to turn into the jebusites, may be accused either of sluggishness, for that he being weary of the way, would take no pains to go any further: or else he may be accused of unadvisedness, because he considered not with himself that the jebusites were enemies unto the hebrews: or else of an ungodly mind, for that he little passed to turn unto Idolaters. Wherefore it seemeth that the Levite did rightly and wisely, if we look upon the ordinary way and law of piety, and not upon the end. But all things happened contraryly. For in Gibaa (as we shall hear,) his wife was by violence oppressed, and so died: and civil war stirred up, wherein many thousands of men died. 
What we ought in counsel to count doubtful, and what certain.  Wherefore we ought always to suspect our counsels as touching the end, but yet not as touching justice, not that we should fear, lest god should cast us away, but least for our sins there might hap some miserable end. Wherefore when we have determined to do any thing, we must with most fervent prayers pray unto God to turn to good the counsel which we have taken, and to direct our purpose. For unless he build the house, 
What is to be done after we have taken counsel.  they labour in vain which build it. And except he prosper our enterprises, all things are in vain taken in hand. And yet in the mean time we must use a very great diligence. But now we read not that the Levite called upon God, when as yet he was in some danger. jacob when he should journey into Mesopotamia called upon God with a great faith.  
The counsel or purpose of the Levite was to turn into Cities which the hebrews inhabited, especially either unto Gibaa or unto Rama. These Cities were not far from jerusalem. He entered into Gibaa, where no man bade him to his house. That City longed to the tribe of Benjamin. It may seem that he would rather have gone to Rama, but (as it is written) the sun went down upon him nigh unto Gibaa, wherefore he entered into a City of men uncourteous. For when the man being a stranger stood in the streets in the night time, no man received him into his house. But where as barbarous inhospitality reigneth, there also are more grievous wicked vices wonted not to be wanting. 
Why no man bade the Levite to his house.  But why no man received him into his house, the cause was, for that in a great number of evil citizens, there were very few good men, & if there were any, the same were afraid to receive him into their house, least for his sake some evil should happen unto them. For they knew the wantonness and the filthy lusts of those men. And so whilst the stranger was despised, the law of God was in that City had in contempt. For it commanded, that gentleness should be showed unto strangers, yea and God called himself the tutor and revenger of strangers, neither could those citizens seem any longer to be the people of God, seeing they had cast away his law.  

A praise of hospitality.  And even as to contemn strangers is a most grievous vice: so is Hospitality a virtue most excellent. Wherefore in the Epistle to the hebrews it is written: Forget not liberality and Hospitality. Although (not to dissemble) in Greeke it be somewhat otherwise written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
What is the general word of hospitality.  But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the general word of Hospitality. Then it followeth: For with such sacrifices God is well pleased. Out of which place the Papists go about to defend merits, as though he which showeth himself liberal towards the poor, shall deserve something at God's hand. But in the Greek is read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth not, shallbe won by desert, but receiveth with a glad and cheerful mind: which is to be referred unto God, and not to those which show liberality unto the poor. The sense therefore is this, that god doth rejoice in such sacrifices, & doth accept them with a glad mind, yea and Christ himself also shall say in the last judgement: I was a stranger and ye lodged me, for he that receiveth a stranger, receiveth Christ in him. So Abraham & Lot when they thought that they had had strangers in their house, received the son of God & angels. The Gabaonites being void of this virtue, contemned the Levite being a stranger walking in the street. But there was in that City a certain other stranger, which was borne in mount Ephraim, who being moved with mercy, received the Levite into his house. And so in Gabaa a stranger was better than the citizens. This man peradventure was a husband man, and in the evening returned out of the field from his rustical work. The Levite telleth him that he hath provendre for his Asses, and also that he wanted not bread and wine, that he might the easilier and willinglier be received. As though he should have said, we shall not be burdenous unto any man, for we have all things that are necessary for our living.  
Peace be with thee: Thy poverty be upon me. Care not (saith he) I will furnish that which wanteth. I nothing pass what thou hast with thee, or what thou hast not. The humanity of this man was great, which appeareth so much the more excellent, because he dwelled among the inhuman and cruel Gabaonites. He was borne & brought up in an other place, where the fear of God was more regarded, then among the Gabaonites. Yet he seemeth not herein to be praised, for that he dwelled so long among ungodly and wicked men. 
We must fly the fellowship of wicked men.  For we ought not to esteem any thing so much, that for the cause thereof we should have a will to dwell among idolatrous & wicked men. Wherefore if any grievous chance happen in that society unto men which are otherwise good, they can not complain that the same happeneth unto them undeserved. Lot sped ill because he dwelled among the Sodomites. He saw the country fertile and plentiful, & having great plenty of herds and flocks, he would abide there. But with that he escaped not unpunished. For once he was led away prisoner, and except Abraham had delivered him with an army which he had assembled, he should all his life time have served in most hard bondage. Afterward when these Cities were burnt, he scarcely escaped from burning. Which benefit he may ascribe rather unto Abraham, then unto himself: 
How unprofitable evil fellowship is.  for if he had perished together with them, he should have had no cause to have complained of God. Evil fellowship always for the most part, either hurteth or eye engendereth danger.  
The Gabaonites being of the tribe of Benjamin, are called also the children of jemini, because that family was noble in the tribe. Wherefore this family possessed the City, 
D. Kimhi.  although David Kimhi expoundeth the sons of jemini, for strong and migthy men, for jemini in Hebrew signifieth the right hand. Wherefore the children of jemini (as he thinketh) are they, which have law and right in the right hand, and therefore do not what is lawful, but what they can. I do not deny but that the Gabaonites were such, but I rather allow the first exposition as the truer and more simple. For it is manifest that it was a family in Benjamin, of which came Saul also.  
Mesapua signifieth in Hebrew whatsoever meat is given unto cattle, besides straw and chaff, that is tars, Oats, and Barley. The old man had compassion of the stranger, either peradventure because he was his contreyman, or else at the least for that he himself also dwelled there as a stranger. For common miseries do oftentimes join men together. Wherefore in Virgil Dido saith: 
Virgil.  I not being ignorant of evil, do learn to succour the miserable. After the same manner the Lord saith in the law: afflict not strangers, because ye were sometimes strangers yourselves in Egypt. But the Gabaonites had utterly forgotten their old estate. But the old man, because in time passed he had been a stranger, or rather because he was even then also a stranger, was moved with mercy. Yea & God doth sometimes somewhat afflict those that are his, that they should learn to have compassion over other. For they which always flourish in wealth and riches, are not greatly moved with the miseries of other men. And Paul to the hebrews saith, that Christ was made like unto his brethren in all things, that he might have compassion of other.  
The Levite maketh mention that he would go unto the house of God, that is in Siloh where the ark of the Lord was. And Siloh was in mount Ephraim. He would therefore go thither, peradventure to give thanks unto god, because bringing home his wife again he had luckily finished his business. Other think that the young man added these things of the ark and house of God, to the end the old man should be the more gentle unto him, when he should understand that he was no common man, but a Levite, which would go unto the holy tabernacle of God.   

21 So he brought him into his house, & gave foddre unto the Asses: Afterward they washed their feet, and did eat and drink.  
22 And as they were making their hearts merry: Behold, the men of the City, wicked men, be set the house round about, and smote at the door, and spoke to this old man the master of the house, saying: Bring forth the man that came into thine house, that we may know him.  
23 And this man the master of the house went out, and said unto them: Nay my brethren do not so wickedly, I pray you: seeing that this man is come into mine house, do not this villainy.  
24 Behold, here is my daughter, a virgin, and his concubine: them will I bring out now, and humble them, and do with them what seemeth you good: but to this man do not this detestable act.  
25 But the men would not hearken to him: therefore the man took his concubine and brought her out unto them: and they knew her, and abused her all the night until the morning: and when the day began to spring, they let her go.  
26 So the woman came in the dawning of the day, and fell down at the door of the man's house, where her Lord was, till the light day.  
27 And her Lord arose in the morning, and opened the doors of the house, and went out to go his way, and behold, the woman his concubine was dead at the door of the house, and her hands lay upon the threshold.  
28 And he said unto her, up and let us go: but she answered not. Then he took her up upon the Ass, and the man rose up, and went unto his place.  
29 And when he was come to his house, he took a knife, and laid hand on his concubine, and divided her in pieces with her bones into twelve parts, and sent her throughout all the quarters of Israel.  
30 And all that saw it (said:) There was no such thing done or seen since the time that the children of Israel came up from the land of egypt unto this day: consider the matter, consult, and give sentence.  
Where as it is said, And he gave his Ass' fodder. In Hebrew it is written Vaiabol which signifieth, he mingled, for this verb Balal signifieth to mingle. For in those regions they use to mingle chopped straw with barley, & so to give them unto their cattle. 
The manner of washing of feet very much used in Syria.  And washed their feet. In those places that are extreme hot, when men have done their journey, they use to wash their feet, & to wipe away the dust, which office was sometimes showed unto Christ our saviour, and he again executed the same unto his Apostles. Paul also required this of good widows, namely to wash the feet of the Saints.  
Bring out the man that we may know him. By these words is described a thing most filthy & an horrible act. There was never heard of the like boldness & filthy lust as was this of the Gabaonites: therefore they are called the children of Belial, that is, without an yoke, because they had shaken of good manners, the law of God and of nature, neither would they abide to bear any yoke. Hereby also appeareth their exceeding cruelty, for they did not only despise a stranger, but also would reproachfully have done him great injury.  
But the good old man the host of the Levite, had not only received him into his house, but also afterward defended him with the danger & injury of his house. He goeth forth unto them, exhorteth them not to commit any such thing. First because the thing was filthy & horrible: farther, because the man had entered into his house, & he counted it his part, by right of hospitality to defend him from all injury. Lastli, when he perceived that their lust was importunate & unbridled, he offered unto them his own daughter & the wife of the Levite, rather than they should do him so great a reproach. Howbeit they as contemners both of god & men nothing care for these things. 
Of the faith of Hospitality.  The right of hospitality was of no force with them, which the old man objected unto them. Undoubtedly faith is to be kept with an enemy, and much more with a guest or stranger. Wherefore in the digests de nautis & cauponis in the law .1. there is a double action allowed against the host, if any thing be taken away out of the lodging from the guest, how much more if there be violence done against his body? Among the elders the religion of strangers was great, because it seemed a thing acceptable unto god to defend & save harmless the stranger. 
jupiter Hospitalis.  Wherefore jupiter, as he was called Stator & Pheretrius, so also was he named Hospitalis, as it were a keeper and defender of strangers. 
Busyris a cruel host.  But Busiris like a cruel & bloody Tyrant slew his guests. But his cruelty escaped not unpunished, for Hercules slew him with his club.  

Every man ought to be sale in his own house.  The Gabaonites without all yoke ranged abroad in the night time, beset the house, threaten to break it open, & to stay them that are in it, when as otherwise every man ought to be safe in his own house. Which thing was also decreed afterward by the Roman laws, as it is had in the title de in ius vocando, in the digests in the law plerique: No man ought to have his house invaded. For the private house of every man seemeth to be a certain holy sanctuary to his possessor. But with the Gabaonites there was nothing safe or holy: so much had lack of a governor brought to pass.  

The ungodly are sometimes called brethren.  The old man when he dissuaded them from their wicked crime, called them brethren, to see if by pleasant and gentle speech he could have assuaged them. For if he should have dealt more sharply, he should more vehemently have kindled them. And yet in calling them brethren he lied not, for as they came of the tribe of Benjamin, and he descended of Ephraim, they were begotten all of one father, namely of jacob. Lot also in the like cause called the Sodomites brethren. It was undoubtedly wisdom in most dangerous corrections, to use most gentle words. Yea and Augustine when he wrote to the Madaurenses, 
Augustine.  which otherwise were Idolaters, called them brethren. Wherefore it is to be lamented and marveled at, that the Ministers of the Churches of the Lutherians do so abhor from our men, that they will not in any case call them brethren, as though they denied the son of GOD, and preached not his Gospel. But our Churches nothing regard their importunity, but of Christian charity count them for brethren, whether they will or no: and although they differ from them in the matter of the Sacrament, yet have they not broken the band of brotherly charity towards them. But whether of us do behave ourselves more sincerely and faithfully in the field of the Lord: Christ in the last day, & also in time hereafter shall declare.  
But here cometh a question whether this old man did well, in offering his daughter and the wife of the Levite unto the Gabaonites, to the end they should not violate his guest. To this all men answer not after one manner. Some say that he considered the greatness and horribleness of the wicked crime, and preferred the lesser evil before the greater, and would not break his faith given unto his guest. And by these reasons they think to excuse him. And after the same manner they judge of Lot. 
chrysostom.  And among other chrysostom exceedingly praiseth Lot in that thing: 
Ambrose.  which self thing doth Ambrose also in his book of Abraham the patriarch, because he less esteemed the contumely of his house, than so great a wicked act. But Augustine in his questions upon Genesis, 
Augustine.  considereth these things, both more diligently & also more deeply, and denieth that to recompense one fault by an other, is not in any case to be suffered. 
Compensation of sins is not to be admitted.  By his sentence it was not lawful for him to permit his daughter to the lust of the Sodomites, to the end they should not sin more grievously. Neither is it lawful for us to commit the lighter crime, to avoid a more grievous. For the Apostle hath apertly taught: That evil things are not to be done, that good should ensue. Wherefore when the matter cometh to sin, although it seem light, yet we must utterly abstain from it. And if it should seem that some grievouser sin would follow, if we should refuse to sin, that care is to be committed unto GOD, but we under that pretence ought not to commit any sin. This was Augustine's opinion, which I exceedingly well allow. And not to go from our History which we have in hand, although this old man ought faith unto his guest, yet ought he faith and defence also unto his daughter, and unto the wife of the Levite. Neither was it lawful for him to perform more faith unto his guest, than the word of GOD would suffer. Wherefore he could not justly humble unto them his daughter, or the wife of his guest. For the father hath not the daughter so in his power, that he may put her forth to other men to be abused. Neither ought the daughter to obey in any thing that is sin, though the father will and command her.  
But they say: The lesser evil is to be preferred before the greater. 
How the lesser evil is to be preferred before the greater.  I know that men are wont so to say. But it must rightly be understand, namely that it taketh place in outward afflictions and griefs of the body, and of the life. Because in such discommodities, as often as we must take deliberation what we ought to prefer, the lesser hurt is to be preferred before the greater: because it hath the nature and reason of goodness. But in sin there is no consideration of goodness. And undoubtedly what soever is sin, the same must straightway be rejected, let follow what will. But Augustine, excuseth after a sort Lot and this old man, because they fell with a heavy and troubled mind. It oftentimes happeneth unto wise men, with a troubled mind to do those things, which afterward when they come to themselves, they allow not. But this excuse doth not utterly absolve these men from sin, although it somewhat release them. But if a man will say, Paul preferred the lesser sin before the greater, when he said, he would be accursed of Christ for his brethren, rather than they should persist in that blindness and stubbornness, wherein they were holden. He which objecteth this unto us, must know that he doth not rightly understand that place of Paul. For the Apostle desired to redeem the salvation of the jews with his danger, not undoubtedly with sin, but with his loss or hurt, namely to be accursed of Christ, not certainly to be made an Apostata, or to cease to believe in Christ, but only not to have the fruition of the eternal and blessed life. 
Augustine.  Augustine also hath many things against this compensation of sins. And among other things: What (sayeth he) if a man require, either of a maiden fornication, or of a married woman adultery, and threateneth to kill himself, unless he obtain his request, ought the pure and chaste women to fulfil his desire? No undoubtedly. Neither though he afterward slay himself, shall the chaste women be counted guilty of his death. They ought in deed to be sorry for him, to deplore his act, but not to think they have done evil, because they granted him not unlawful things. The same Augustine upon the .146. 
Augustine.  Psalm writeth: If a man deny dew benevolence unto his wife because he would live chastened, and the wife in the mean time fall into adultery, he sinneth, neither can his intent be allowed. For sin is not to be admitted in the wife, for the exercising of continency. God (sayeth he) doth not recompense such a hurt with such a gain. Wherefore the sentence of Leo the first, 
Leo  in the dist. 46. chapter. Non suo) is to be allowed, wherein he saith, that it is uncomely that any should bestow their faults upon other men's commodities. Augustine in his book De mendacio to Consentius sayeth: For the health of our neighbours, 
Augustine.  we must do whatsoever may be done. And if it come to that point, that we can not help them without sin, there remaineth nothing else for us to do. And he addeth that no man must be brought into heaven by a lie. The same Augustine in an other place sayeth: If poor men see a cruel and bitter rich man, and would steal any thing from him, either to help themselves, or other poor men, they do not diminish sin, but increase it. 
Gregory  And Gregory bishop of Rome in his Epistle to Siagrius: To commit the less sin, to the end to avoid the greater, is to offer Sacrifices unto GOD of a wicked act, 
To chrysostom and Ambrose.  as it is written in the .21. of the proverbs. But in that chrysostom and Ambrose do for this cause praise Lot, they are thus to be understand, namely that they allowed his charity and faith towards strangers, and had a respect unto the horribleness of the sin which the citizens were ready to commit, not that they allowed their abandoning of their women. And thus much as touching this matter.  

How much the horrible sin of the Sodomites is to be detested. Augustine.  But in that the old man calleth it a villainy and a detestable thing, which they went about to commit, he sayeth most truly. For seed was given unto man for procreations' sake. But these pestiferous men abuse the gift given them of GOD, they resist his law, and against nature change men, in that after a sort they turn the male into the female. Augustine to Pollentius: Adultery (sayeth he) is more grievous than whoredom, and incest more heinous than adultery, but that which is done against nature, is of all most wicked and detestable. And he addeth: In things which GOD hath granted, it is more tolerable immoderately to transgress, then lightly to sin in those things which by no means are granted. And in his .3. book of Confessions he sayeth, that the fellowship of human kind is violated with GOD, because nature which we have of GOD, is polluted. This was the cry of the Sodomites and the Gomorhites which ascended into heaven, and the grievousness of their wickedness is most manifest by their destruction. For they were destroyed with fire and brimstone from heaven, punishments undoubtedly agreeable unto so great a heinous crime: by the fire was noted their burning filthy lust, and by brymestone their stinking and unpure wicked crime. 
chrysostom.  chrysostom writeth: Because they followed not fertility, but barrenness, therefore God made that so ill, barren, and infertyle which before was most fertile. But he demandeth: 
Why god doth in the●e da●es defer the punishment of Sodomites.  Why are not they which are in the same fault in these days punished also after the same manner? He answereth, whom that punishment moveth not, for them abideth the unquenchable fire. And they are not so punished in this life, because such men for the most part are conversant among good men: and GOD promised Abraham, that he was ready to forgive Sodom, if there mought have been found there but only ten good men. Wherefore for as much as Cities at this day are not altogether so corrupt, as Sodom was then, therefore GOD dealeth more remissedly with them. It also oftentimes happeneth, that although these men are most wicked, yet they had good predecessors. And GOD (as he hath testified) tarrieth, and differreth the punishment unto the third and fourth generation. Farther, we must mark that this vice wheresoever it rangeth, it is not alone. With it are joined cruelty, inhumanity, pride, robbery, and oppressing of the poor. And when it shall come to this point, that men cruelly withdraw their duties from their neighbours, GOD doth then on the other side withdraw his help and grace. Wherefore they being left unto themselves, that is, unto their own corrupt and vitiate strengths, do degenerate into beasts. 
The Sodomitical sin is to be punished with death.  The law of GOD in Exodus and Deuteronomy made this sin death. And Paul to the Romans showeth that this is the punishment of Idolaters. And in an other place he numbereth abusers of nature with them, whom he excludeth from the kingdom of God. Among the old Grecians this wicked crime was punished with death, and that by the law of Laius, 
Bessarion. Tertulian.  whereof Bessarion maketh mention against Trapezuntius. Tertullian de Monogamia writeth that among the Romans there was a law called Lex Scantinia, 
Lex Scantinia.  which was of the same shapenes. For he would signify that the bishop of Vthinensis was contaminated with this kind of wickedness: He feared not (sayeth he) the law called Lex Scantinia. In the Code ad l. juliam de Adulteriis & stupris in the law Cum vir nubit. Constantius Augustus, commandeth the laws to arise, and the laws to be armed with the avenging sword, that such as are infamed by this crime, should be subject to most cruel punishments. justinian also in his Authentikes in the title ut no Luxurientur contra naturam, maketh this crime death, and addeth that for such a detestable crime, Cities are overthrown, and plagued with pestilences, hunger, and earthquakes. He mought also have added civil wars, which (as this History testifieth) do fellow, and those most cruel. Extra de excessibus prelatorum in the chapter Clerici, it is ordained, that they which are taken in this crime, should be put out of their place and dignity. And the lay men also should be excommunicated.  
But it is to be known that even GOD bendeth himself to vengeance, 
☜  and sendeth fury and madness upon such persons, where the Magistrate neglecteth his duty, and suffereth wicked men to go unpunished. Therefore in Genesis it is written that the angels smote the Sodomites with blindness, so that they could not find the house.  
We must also note that the Gabaonites came in a manner all of them upon a heap unto the door, that it might appear that they all conspired into this so detestable a crime.  
But there ariseth a doubt, whether sin may by any means be excused for this cause, 
Sin is not excused therefore because it is public.  because it was common, and almost all men were infected with it? No undoubtedly, yea rather it was so much the more wicked and heinous, as it was committed of many, and that without punishment. For they did not only conceive and commit wickedness, but also publish and set it forth openly, and without shame ran together to accomplish it. Wherefore it is rightly written, that the sins of the Sodomites cried and ascended up into heaven. Esay also writeth: They have published abroad their sin like Sodoma. And where we see that done, we must think that it is a certain token, that that public wealth shall in short time perish. For men when they are touched with some shamefastness, although they sin, yet remaineth there some hope of amendment and repentance. But when in a manner they openly profess wicked acts, and writ books of them, and will have their wicked crimes to be public, there is nothing else to be looked for, but the vengeance of God. With this wicked vice the Prelates and Papistical Sacrificers in these days are chiefly infected, and also the Antechristes' of Rome, unto whom matrimony is very odious.  
Let us also consider the goodness of God, which stirreth up this old man, to admonish, and reprove them, and to bring them again into the right way. They were men polluted and contaminated and utterly unworthy of so great a benefit. But there are never men so evil, but that GOD doth by some means admonish them of their sins. The old man did his duty: but they contemn and deride him.  
He brought forth his concubine. Who? Not the old man, but the Levite, who delivered his wife, for fear lest he should himself have fallen into their power. But why did not the old man deliver his daughter also? Peradventure, because those citizens cared not for her beauty, who yet counted the wife of the Levite to be very fair and beautiful. They so afflicted her all the night, that in the morning she died. Their wicked crime turned at the length into murder. In this place the hand and vengeance of GOD showeth forth itself. This woman having before committed adultery, and not for it justly punished, 
The adulteress as she sinned so is she punished.  at the length dieth even in adultery, and suffereth the law of the like. But whether she repented at last or no, there is nothing written of that matter. We only see the outward things, it is GOD which searcheth the hearts. But if she did repent, and that with faith, than escaped she eternal punishments. Yet GOD will have discipline established in public wealths, and the malefactors punished, who if they repent, then are they fatherly chastisynges, and not punishments. Neither is it lawful for the Magistrate to neglect his office, although they repent: for if they do cease to punish, God (as it is before said) will by himself revenge. Wherefore that which is written to the hebrews: Whoremongers and adulterers GOD will judge, may be understand two manner of ways, because God sometimes punisheth by himself, and sometimes by the Magistrate.  
The Levite laid his concubine being dead upon the Ass, went home and divided her body into twelve parts, whereof he sent into every tribe a part. But it may be demanded, 
How the Levite distributed the pieces.  how he sent twelve parts into every tribe, when as they were 13. number. Some think it was, because he sent nothing unto the tribe of Levi, for that the levites dwelled dispersedly among the other tribes. Other suppose that he would send nothing unto the tribe of Benjamin, because he thought that they would be no equal revengers, for as much as the Gabaonites pertained unto them. But this sentence seemeth not probable, because it was the sin only of one City, & therefore it pertained not unto the whole tribe: unless peradventure we will say, that he supposed that the Beniamites were of such minds, that they would not know and take vengeance of the offences of their own brethren. Neither was he deceived in his opinion. For so happened it in very deed. Other say that he sent two parts to the tribe of Manasses, because the Manassites dwelled part beyond jordane, and part on this side: therefore they say that in this his distribution were omitted two tribes, Benjamin and Levi, for the causes before alleged. The intent of the Levite was, 
What was the intent of the Levite.  that no tribe should excuse themselves by ignorance.  
He was compelled so to do, because there was then no Magistrate in Israel, neither any certain place of judgement where he might plead his cause. Wherefore he stirreth up all the people to take away evil among them. And it seemeth that he more profited by this means, than he should have done if he had used letters or speech. For those things do very much move, which are set forth before the eyes. And yet in so doing he sought not revengement, either by a wicked or by an unlawful means, forasmuch as he did not tumultuously call soldiers together, neither raised up seditions, or invaded the city, which did him the injury. He brought the cause before them, to whom it pertained to know it: He complained not to Ammorhites or jebusites, but to his own people. Wherefore he ordereth his accusation well and lawfully: neither by accusing doth he violate the law, 
By accusing the law is not violated, but helped.  yea rather he is an help unto it, as on the contrary side, they which hold their peace and utter not wicked acts, are against the laws. For even as of ourselves we ought not to wish any man's death, so must we not suffer the laws to be openly and villainously violated with out punishment. 
This civil war is not to be imputed unto the Levite.  Wherefore let the bishops in the old time look how godly they did, when they made intercession unto magistrates for wicked men, and for such as were appointed to die. If thou wilt say there strait way followed most civil war, which thing seemeth may be imputed unto the Levite. But it is not so, it ought rather to be ascribed unto the Beniamits, which would not punish so great a wicked crime.  
In this history josephus somewhat varieth from the holy scriptures. 
josephus.  first he denieth that this woman was an adulteress, and that she therefore departed from her husband. She was (saith he) very beautiful, and when her husband loved her exceedingly, and complained that she loved not him again, she as one not able to abide his brawlings, fled unto her parents. But the holy scriptures do manifestly teach, that she had played the harlot. In which sentence all the interpreters agree together. Farther he denieth that the Gabaonites thought this, namely to abuse the Levit, he saith that they being alured by the beauty of the wife, desired only to have to do with her. But that also is plainly against the holy scriptures, wherein it is by express words written: Bring forth the man, that we may know him. Farther he denieth that the Levit delivered his wife unto them, but the Gabaonites (saith he) took her by violence. At the last also he addeth this (which I think also is very likely) that the Levite when he sent the pieces of the body, did send messengers also to declare what was done: otherwise he should not much have profited, if he had sent but the pieces only.  
These evils did therefore happen, because there was no magistrate or prince to judge the Israelites. 
In the papistical church there is no magistrate  The same thing also happeneth when there is a magistrate or prince, which doth not his office. And because the ecclesiastical men have at this day shaken of the yoke of the political Magistrate, there is therefore no magistrate among them. Whereby the Christian public wealth suffereth great discommodities.   

¶ Of a Magistrate.  
THis place admonisheth me to entreat of a magistrate, whom I judge may thus be described, namely to be a person elected by the institution of God, to keep the laws as touching outward discipline, in punishing transgressors with punishment of the body, and to nourish and defend the good. There are undoubtedly many persons elected by the institution of God which are not Magistrates as the ministers of churches, which yet are keepers of the word of God, & of his law, but not as touching outward discipline only. Because it is the office of ministers, by the word of God to pierce even to the inward motions of minds: for the holy ghost adjoineth his power both to the right preachings of his word & also to the sacraments which are distributed in the church. But the magistrate only exerciseth outward discipline & punishment upon transgressors. The minister bindeth the guilty & unpenitent in the name of god, and in his name excludeth them from the kingdom of heaven, as long as they so remain. The magistrate punisheth withoutward punishments, & when need requireth useth the sword. Ether of them nourisheth the godly, but after a diverse manner: the magistrate increaseth them with riches, honours and dignities: the minister comforteth them with the promises of god, and with the Sacraments. Wherefore the magistrate is instituted, 
The end of a magistrate.  to the end that the laws should be most diligently kept, the guilty punished & the good helped & nourished. And undoubtedly the law is a dumb magistrate, & again the magistrate is a living and speaking law, and so also is the minister of god (as Paul saith) to their praise which do well: and contrarily he beareth the sword against the wicked, as god's revenger & judge, neither tend these things to any other end, then to the health of men.  
But the form of magistrates is not one only but many, as Monarchia, Aristocratia, 
Many forms of magistrates.  & Policia: or Tirannis, Oligarchia, & Democratia. The descriptions and natures of which forms Plato, Aristotle, and other Philosophers have elegantly taught. Of all those forms the best is to be desired, and all men to whom it pertaineth aught to provide, that a good or tolerable estate degenerate not into an evil one. But if it happen that Tirans or wicked princes obtain the government of things, 
An example of the jews.  that is to be suffered as much as is by the word of god lawful. The jews were by violence oppressed of the babylonians, whom yet god admonished that they should obey, & to pray for the king, although he were a tyrant, & possessed the kingdom of the Hebrews most wrongfully. Cesar also held jewry by tyranny, and yet Christ said: give that which is Caesar's unto Caesar's, & the things that are of god unto god. The Apostles also have taught that we must obey princes & pray for them. Nero was a most unpure beast, whom yet the Apostle in his Epistle to the Romans declared that he ought to be obeyed, not only for fear, but also for conscience sake. Phocas possessed the empire of Rome by evil arts, most cruelly slew Mauricius his prince, & also his children, whom yet the Romans' acknowledged as their Emperor, & Gregory the i red unto the people his commandments & writings. If thou wilt demand, what form of a public wealth that jews had, it may easily be known by those things which we have in an other place spoken. They had at the beginning this form Aristocratia: for god allowed the counsel of jethro, which was that theridamas should be choose out wise men & strong & such as feared god, which should govern the public wealth, as it is written in Exodus & Deut. Yea & god himself did so with his spirit inspire these .70. men, whom he had commanded to be choose as helpers of Moses, that they also prophesied. So were the Israelite governed, although afterward they were governed by the power of a king.  

Princes are called Pasto●●.  But this is not to be omitted, the princes in the holy scriptures are not only called Deacons or ministers of god, but also pastors, of whom Ezechiel complaineth for many causes for that they cruelly & perversely fed the people of God. Homer also calleth Agamemnon the feather of the people. For they ought not to bear rule as thieves or hired men, to flese & to oppress, but to keep, nourish & feed like pastors. They are also called fathers, 
Magistrates are called fathers.  wherefore the Senators among the Romans' were called Patres conscripti, that is appointed fathers, neither was there a greater or more ancient honour in the public wealth than to be called pater patrie, that is the father of the country. Yea also a magistrate is contained in the law of God under this commandment: Honour thy father & thy mother. Wherefore princes own unto their subjects a fatherly love. And they ought always to remember, that they are not rulers over beasts but over men, & that themselves also are men, who yet ought to be far better & more excellent than those whom they govern, otherwise they are not apt to govern them. For we make not a sheep a head over sheep, but the chief wether & then the shepherd, And even as a shepherd excelleth the sheep, so ought they to whom the office of a magistrate is committed, to excel the people. But now must we consider by whom Magistrates are ordained. That sometimes is done by the consent of the Senate, sometimes by the voices of the people, 
By whom magistrates are ordained. God is first ordainer of magistrates.  or by the will of the soldiers, or else by succession of inheritance. But these are but instruments. But the proper cause of Magistrates is god himself: which may be by many reasons proved. First there is by god a certain light kindled in the hearts of men, whereby they understand that they can not live together without a guide, & there hence sprung the office of a magistrate. The law of god also commandeth to obey Magistrates. And before the law given by Moses (as it is written in Gen.) god ordained that he which sheddeth man's blood his blood, also should be shed, not undoubtedly rashly & by every man (for that were very absurd) wherefore we may gather by those words, that a magistrate was not obscurely instituted by god, which should punish manquellers. Paul also writeth, that all powers whatsoever they be are ordained of god. And Christ answered unto Pilate: Thou shouldest have no power against me, except it had been given thee from above. By these testimonies and reasons it followeth that god is the true & proper cause of Magistrates.  
But here some cavil, & say that if all magistrates are of God, then must all things be rightly governed: but in governing public wealths many things as we see, are done viciously & perversely. Undoubtedly under Nero, Domician, Commodus, Caracalla, & Heliogabalus good laws were contemned, good men killed, & discipline of the city was utterly corrupted. But if Magistrates were of god, such things could never have happened. This reason neither can nor ought any thing to move us: because the office is to be separated from the person: 
The office is to be separated from the person.  & undoubtedly it is possible, that he which hath the office may be a wicked & noghty man, when as yet nevertheless the power is good & very profitable. For there is nothing so good, but that men by their malice may use it ill. Therefore it is no marvel if there have been kings & Emperors, which sometimes have abused that power given them, which yet they were not so able to corrupt, but that men received by it many good things & conodities, as I have before showed. By the testimony of Daniel it is most manifest that Magistrates are of God. For he (saith he) giveth & transferreth kingdoms as it pleaseth him. Farther we see that the Monarch hath sometimes been in the East, sometimes in the South, afterward in the West, & sometimes in the North: & also that there hath sometimes been good princes, and sometimes evil: sometimes have reigned noble men, & sometimes obscure men. And we understand that it oftentimes happeneth that riches or power profit not to get or keep a kingdom: and to think that these things are done by chance without the providence of God, it is most absurd.  
Some Astronomer will peradventure say that these changes or mutations are imported by the stars: but Daniel the minister of the truth, saith that it is God which changeth times. For even as he hath in the year appointed courses of times, 
The changes of the wicked are not to be ascribed unto the stars.  so hath he as it pleaseth him sometimes ordained & sometimes taken away princes. He did cast down Saul, & he also promoted David. And he foretold that he would so do: lest it should seem to have happened rashly or by chance. Yea and kingdoms & public wealths may be called certain work houses or shops of the will of god. For that is done in them, which god himself hath decreed to be done, although princes oftentimes understand it not. God called the Medes and the Assyrians to afflict the israelites, & them (when it seemed good unto him) he repulsed & took a way. He raised up the Persians against the Chaldeans, and the Grecians against the Persians, and lastly the Romans against all other nations. Who divided the kingdom of the Hebrews into juda and Israel? Undoubtedly God. Ahias the Silonite did foretell that it should so come to pass, and said that the word was come forth from the Lord, that it should so be. Who overthrew Achab? Who caused jehu to be anointed, but only God? But there are certain tyrants' which destroy public wealths. 
What draweth tyrants to Pub. wealths.  I grant that. But our wicked acts deserve it. For there are oftentimes so grievous wicked acts and so many, that they cannot be corrected by the ordinary magistrate, and by a gentle and quiet governance of things, and therefore god doth then provide tyrants' to afflict the people, and yet for the most part he tempreth and lenyfieth his punishment in raising up good and godly princes. 
God sendeth good Princes after tyrants.  After the fall of Nero he set up Vespacian: after Domician, he sent Neruan and Trojan: after Commodus, Pertinax and Severus: after Heliogabalus, Alexander. But they which say: The wicked acts of tyrants' are not of God, yet do they range and spread abroad in kingdoms and Empires, therefore Empires and kingdoms are not of god: they (I say) make a false Silogismus a secundum quid ad simpliciter that is, from that which appeareth to that which is indeed, neither doth this rightly follow: Certain things in a magistrate are not of God: therefore the magistrate is not of God. Or tather they reason 〈◊〉 from accidences for vices and wicked acts chance to public powers, but are not knit unto them (per se) that is of themselves, or by their nature.  

The godly may use Ethnic magistrates.  But some man will doubt: If the Magistrate be an Ethnic & also a tyrant, whither it be lawful for a godly man to use his help and aid? What else? Paul appealeth unto Cesar a most wicked tyrant. But it may seem that he did against his own precepts. For in his first Epistle to the Corrin. he reprehended those Christians which pleaded causes at the judgement places of the ethnics. He justly reproved the Corinthians, because there were Christians among them, which might in the church have decided their causes. Neither was it convenient that Christians should contend with christians at the judgement places of the ungodly. But Paul when he appealed unto Cesar, had not to do with christians, but with the jews, & precedent of Rome. Wherefore forasmuch as he had not a faithful magistrate, neither could it otherwise be done, & his life also was sought, he did not ill in imploring the faith and aid of the common magistrate, although he were an Ethnic. For even as we use the Sun & Moon, so also is it lawful to use the public and ordinary magistrate, what manner of man so ever he be.  

The church used an Ethnic Magistrate.  The Christian church did the same thing, when there were yet no Christian Emperors. For Paulus Samosatenus was condemned as an heretic, & being a bishop he was displaced. But because he would not render up the house which longed to the bishop, there was request made unto Aurelianus the Emperor, & aid obtained at his hands to compel him to deliver his house unto the new bishop. Who can say that the church herein sinned, because it used the public magistrate, though he were an infidel? But let us return thither from whence we digressed, and constantly believe that the magistrate is of god, although oftentimes (our sins deserving the same) many things under him are done wickedly & unjustly. Howbeit Hoseah the Prophet seemeth yet to be against us when he saith: they have reigned, but not by me. 
How it is said that tyrants reign not by god.  But we must know that Hoseah entreated of tirans, which neither regarded laws, neither nourished the good, nor took away the evil from among the people, & therefore they reigned not by god, but by their own lust: they regarded their own affections & not the law of god. Farther they invaded kingdoms, being stirred up by their own wicked desires, & moved by their own ambition, not as they which felt the calling of god unto the kingdom, neither took they upon them the power with a will to obey god, but to satisfy their own ambition. This was not to reign by god. But that they were not exalted to the kingdom by the will of god, it is contrary in a manner to the whole scripture. For god calleth Nebucadnezar his servant, because he would use his ministry to afflict the Israelites, when as yet it might have been said that he reigned not by god, forasmuch as he fought against the jews by his own lust & covetous desire of his mind, & not of a zeal to fulfil the will of god. Wherefore the sentence of Hosea the prophet is nothing against us, but that we may believe that the Magistrate is of God, and that we ought to obey him. Paul saith: Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. The same thing is written to Titus. And in the first Epistle of Peter, the second chap. And Paul to Timothe addeth, that we should pray for them.  
But the Papists, and they which will be called Ecclesiastical men, 
Ministers of the church are not exempted from the ordinary power. chrysostom.  will not hear these things. For they cry that they are exempted from public and ordinary powers, when as yet the Apostle used no exception when he said: Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. And: He which resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. Yea and chrysostom also upon that place saith, that the Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, and Moonkes, are comprehended under that law. And chrysostom wrote these things of Ecclesiastical persons, when as yet he was Bishop of Constantinople, and there were then also Christian Emperors.  
But it is a sport to bear the arguments, 
What the false ecclesiastical men trifle of two swords.  which these false Ecclesiastical men use. In Etravag. de Maioritate et Obedientia, chap. unam sanctam, Bonifacius the viii (whom they say entered in as a Fox, reigned like a Lion, and died like a Dog) saith that there are two sword in the Church. And lest he should seem to speak it rashly, he citeth these words out of the xxii chap. of Luke: when I sent you without bag or scrip, did ye at any time want any thing? They said unto him: No. Christ added: But now I say unto you, let every man take his scrip and wallet, and he which hath none, let him sell his coat and buy a sword. They said unto him: Behold here are two swords. Christ answered, it is sufficient. Bonifacius saith: Two swords are sufficient for the Church, namely the spiritual sword and the temporal. Wherefore they which say that Peter had not an outward sword, do seem not to understand the words of Christ, wherein he said: Put up thy sword into the sheath. Thy sword (saith he) and not an other man's. For he had a sword of his own, although he were bidden to put it up.  
But there must needs be some order kept and observed in these swords. For what powers soever there be, they are ordained of God. For there should be a great confusion, if for that being two sword in the Church, the one should not be governed by the other. Wherefore the temporal sword ought to be governed by the spiritual. And to make this argument more plain: The church (saith he) hath two swords, but it useth them not after one and the self same manner. For it exerciseth the spiritual sword, but the temporal sword ought to be drawn, only at the beck and sufferance of the Church. This is so obscure, that it may in a manner seem to be a riddle. How be it this is his meaning, 
The Pope maketh subject unto himself the sword of the Emperor.  that the sword of the Emperor ought to be drawn only at the will and pleasure of the Pope, that when he commandeth, he must strike, and by sufferance, that is he must go forward in striking, so long as he listeth and will suffer it. Wherefore these things must be in order: and the order is that the temporal sword be reduced unto God by the spiritual. For (as that Dionysius saith, 
Dionysius.  who is thought to be an Areopagite, although he be far an other) all inferior things are referred unto the chiefest thing, but yet by a mean. Wherefore, saith he, the temporal sword must be drawn at the beck of the Pope, that by that means it may be referred unto God. So we see is now brought to pass. For so often only as the most holy willeth that war be made against the Lutherians, he will that the Emperor straightway should obey. And if any Prince will not with much submission obey him, straightway are sent Legates hither and thither, that all other kings and princes should apply themselves unto his beck, and make war and vex him, which will not obey him. 
The Pope preferreth himself before all kings and princes.   
Bonifacius addeth moreover that he himself is above all kings and princes. For principality is to be esteemed according to the dignity of the things which by it are exercised. We (saith he) exercise spiritual things, and they temporal, wherefore their sword is inferior to ours, and they themselves also unto us. He addeth also an other reason, they pay unto us tenths, but tenths are paid by the inferior unto the superior. Wherefore seeing kings & princes pai tenths, they do testify that their lands & revenues pertain unto the church, & that they are subject unto it. Moreover, he which blesseth, is greater than he which is blessed. But Bishops consecrate and anoint kings. The Gloze addeth: That of kings only the right shoulder is anointed, but the heads of Bishops are anointed. And upon Kings is poured oil, but upon Bishop's Chrisma. Wherefore we must needs confess that Kings are inferior to Bishops. Farther, kings receive the crown and sceptre of Bishops. For who saith he, anointed Saul, and who anointed. David, but only Samuel? who anointed jehu, but a Prophet sent by Helizeus? The matter also which is entreated of by bishops, is greater than that, about which kings are occupied. For Christ said unto Peter: whatsoever thou shalt bind in earth, shallbe bound in heaven. This power is greater than all human power. And God saith unto jeremy: I will set thee over nations and kingdoms, to root out and destroy, to scatter and to plant. Therefore we are greater than all the power of kings, and are exempted from their right. Wherefore profane and lay powers of Emperors and Kings must be judged by the Ecclesiastical men, 
The Pope will not be judged or governed of any.  & aught by us to be appointed, and may by us be overthrown. For to whom it pertaineth to build, to the same it belongeth to destroy. Therefore the spiritual Magistrate ought to judge of the civil Magistrate. But if the spiritual offend in any thing, of whom ought he to be judged? The inferior, saith he, aught to be judged of the superior. But the Pope, which is the highest of all, of whom shall he be judged? Of no man saith he, but only of God, because the spiritual is judged of no man, but he judgeth all things.  
Oh how finely and trimly ordaineth he his tyranny? He calleth himself only spiritual. The Gloser, although he were otherwise gross enough, yet he could not be so much a block, but that he saw that these things were spoken very absurdly. How, saith he, is the Pope spiritual, if he be unpure and wicked? He expoundeth himself by this distinction: 
Two manner of spiritualties of the Canonists.  There is one manner of spiritualty saith he, of the person, and an other of the state. Wherefore if there be any spiritual person, he may reprove all men by a brotherly admonition: but he ought to be reprehended of no man. Because for that he is spiritual, he committeth nothing filthily. But sometimes some person which is not spiritual in life and manners, ought yet to be called spiritual, because of his degree. As are many bishops and Popes: wherefore we must call the bishop of Rome whatsoever he be, spiritual and most holy. But what thing else is this, then to teach us to lie, if they will have a filthy varlet called most holy? Bonifacius at the last concludeth, that all Emperors and Kings must be subject unto his power only. And he addeth a reason: Unless we will together with the Manichees appoint two beginnings: which thing we ought not to do, for Moses said not, in the beginnings, but in the beginning God created heaven & earth. 

The Pope pronounseth that he of necessity of salvation ought to be obeyed.  
Of the two manner of powers, the civil and ecclesiastical.   Wherefore, saith he, we define, determine, and pronounce, that all men ought of necessity of salvation, to obey the Pope, as the chiefest power. And so he excellently I promise you concludeth that all Ecclesiastical men are exempt from the civil Magistrate.  
Before I come to confute this their most shameless boasting, I think it expedient briefly to speak of the two manner of powers: of the Ecclesiastical power I say, and civil. In that it is said that the Ecclesiastical power is preferred before all civil functions, it is somewhat that they say, if it be rightly and aptly understand. All ecclesiastical power cleaveth unto the word of God, so that without it is none: but the word of the Lord is a rule common, whereby all things ought both to be directed and be tempered. 
Ambrose instructed Theodosius.  For it teacheth in what manner the outward sword and public wealth ought to be governed. And generally also it showeth how allthings ought to be done of all men. So Ambrose (whom Theodosius the Emperor raged to cruelly, and without all consideration against the Thessalonians) persuaded him, that in all punishments of death, there should be xxx days space after the sentence given, lest the Magistrate should do those things in a rage and fury, whereof although he afterward repented him, yet they could not be amended. So many Bishops, oftentimes in things most weighty, showed forth their authority, and many times either put away cruel wars, or else pacified them, & out of the word of God preached among them. Wherefore the Ecclesiastical power after this manner comprehendeth allthings, because out of the word of God it findeth how to give counsel in all things. For there is nothing in the whole world, whereunto the word of God extendeth not itself. Wherefore they are far deceived, which use to cry: 
The preaching of the word of God hath all men & all state's subject unto it.  what hath a Preacher to do with the public wealth, what hath he to do with wars? what with Apothecaries? what with Cooks? But let them tell me, when the Minister of the word perceiveth the law of God to be violated in these things, why should he not reprehend them by the word of God? Why should he not admonish them? Why should he not exhort them to cease from sin? 
The Minister of the Church worketh by the word, and not by the sword. How far civil power extendeth  Nndoubtedlye it is his duty to correct sinners, not in deed with the sword, or punishing by the purse, not by imprisonment, not by banishment, but after his own manner, that is by the might and power of the word of God.  
Again, the political power is extended to all those things which pertain to political power. But after what manner? Shall civil power require good motions of the mind, and inward repentance? It cannot cause these things: yet it must wish these things, and use those means whereby they may be had. For he ought to have a care, that Bishops, Pastors and Teachers in the Church do teach purely, reprehend fatherly, and by the word of God administer the sacraments. This thing in deed the Magistrate doth not by himself, but he ought to have a regard, that they may be in a readiness, which should do them well. Wherefore either power extendeth most amply, and comprehendeth all things, but not after one and the self same manner. And the rule of either of them is to be taken out of the word of God, which is plain to be in the Church.  
Again, there are two subjections: One is political and civil, 
Two kinds of subjection.  whereunto all men are subject, who if they offend in any thing against the laws, let them at the just Magistrates hand look for imprisonment, punishment by the purse, banishment, death, and outward pains. But if they do well, let them look for honours, rewards, dignities, and praise. And after this manner the civil power is not subject unto the ministry of the word, because by it it can not by these kinds of punishments be afflicted and constrained. The other subjection is spiritual, that is of faith, and of obedience. For straightway, as soon as men hear of their duty out of the word of God, and that either this thing or that is to be done, or this or that thing to be avoided, they give place, believe, and obey. Because they perceive, that that which is spoken, is the word of God. And these are the ends of either power. 
A sentence of Valentinian the Emperor.  And so is to be understand that saying of Valentinian the Emperor, out of the book called Historia Tripartita, which thing is had also in the distinction .63. chap. Valentinianus: Choose (saith he) such a bishop, unto whom we which govern the Empire, may sincerely submit our heads, and use his admonitions as medicines. etc. By which words is understand that it longeth unto the Ecclesiastical power, 
An error of the same Valentinian.  to admonish out of the word of God for salvation. Although the same Emperor afterward erred. For when he had appointed Ambrose Praetor of the City of Milan, the people did choose him bishop. Which thing when the Emperor knew, 
A bishop ought not to have a care only over souls, or only over bodies.  he gave thanks unto God therefore after this manner: I had made him ruler over the bodies of men, but thou wouldst have him ruler over the souls. etc. Valentinian did not rightly put a distinction between offices. For why? Ought bishops to have a care only over souls, and not also over bodies? What if they give themselves to gluttony or drunkenness, or live licentiously touching outward things, shall they not reprove these things? Undoubtedly they must reprove them. Neither must princes have a care only over the bodies of men, and neglect their souls. For we do not imagine that a prince is a neateherd or a swineherd, to whom is committed only the care of the belly, flesh and skin of his subjects: yea he must provide that they may live virtuously and godlily. But what if Christian Princes when they are by the word of God admonished of public and most grievous sins, will not hear, neither amend that which they have naughtily committed. What I say shall the bishop do herein? Ambrose excommunicated Theodosius the Emperor, when he exercised so grievous tyranny against the Thessalonians. Innocentius also excommunicated Arcadius, when he had exiled john chrysostom, who admonished him freely and truly, as it is had in the dist. 96. chap. Duo sunt, & in the dist. 18. in the chap. Quoniam quidam. And they are the words of the sixth Synod, where it is decreed that there should every year be had two Synods. And if princes would hinder them, let them be excommunicated.  

Eusebius.  But what do I make mention of these latter things? Let us read Eusebius in his vi book, and xxxiiii chap. where he saith that Philip the Emperor, who lived in the time of Origene, was the first Christian prince, and when he would have been present together with the faithful on Easter even, and have communicated with them in prayers, the bishop, because he was a wicked and naughty liver, rejected him among them that were put to penance, that he should make open confession before the Church, and acknowledge his sin, otherwise he could by no means be admitted unto the Communion. This did the bishop at that time against the Emperor & chief Monarch of the whole world. Wherefore the civil power ought to be subject unto the word of God which is preached by the Ministers. But again the Ecclesiastical power is subject unto the civil, when the Ministers behave themselves ill, either in things human or Ecclesiastical. For these powers are after a sort convertible and sundry ways are occupied about the self same things, and mutually help one an other, even as Aristotle Theodectes calleth rhetoric and Logic interchangeable arts, 
Aristotle.  because either of them are occupied in the self same things after a sundry manner. The Ecclesiastical power is subject unto the Magistrate: not by a spiritual subjection, but by a politic. For as touching the Sacraments and sermons, it is not subject unto it, because the Magistrate cannot bend the word of God or the Sacraments, which the ministry useth, neither can he compel the pastors and Teachers of the Church to teach otherwise, or in any other sort to administer the Sacraments, then is prescribed by the word of God. Howbeit ministers in that they are men and Citizens, are without all doubt subject unto the Magistrate, and also their lands, riches, and possessions. So Christ paid tribute, so also did the Apostles, and the whole primative Church, when there were yet most holy men. Their manners also are subject unto the censures and judgements of the Magistrates.  
furthermore, we must add that Ministers are subject unto the Magistrate, not only as touching those things which I have rehearsed, but also (as I before signified) concerning their function. Because if they teach not right, neither administer the Sacraments orderly, it is the office of the Magistrate to compel them to an order, and to see that they teach not unpurelye, and that they mingle not fables, 
Prince's may put Ministers out of their place, if their be have themselves ill.  or that they abuse not the Sacraments, or deliver them otherwise then the Lord hath commanded. Also if they live noughtelye and wickedly, let them put them out of the holy ministry. This did Solomon, who dejected Abiathar, and substituted Sadok in his room, as it is written in the first book of Kings, the second chap. And in the new Testament, justinian displaced Silverius & Vigilius, which thing I doubt not but other princes did sometimes. But how justly, I will not presently declare: this one thing I will say, that that thing was lawful for them in the causes now alleged. But some man will say, that I speak now of the fact, and not of the right. Yea but I speak also of the right. For the king ought to have with him the law of God written, because he is ordained a keeper, not only of the first table, but also of the latter. 
It longeth not to the Minister of the Church to put down Princes.  Wherefore he which offendeth in any of them both, falleth into his power. But although a king may remove an unprofitable and hurtful bishop, yet can not a bishop on the other side put down a king, if he offend. john in deed reproved Herode, but he displaced him not of his kingdom. Ambrose and Innocent excommunicated Emperors: but they went no farther. Yea and Christ called Herode a wolf, but he took not away from him his kingdom, and he paid tribute unto Tiberius, a most wicked tyrant, neither was he at any time author to any man to shake of his yoke. Wherefore let Popes take heed by what right as they lust themselves, they put Kings and Emperors out of their place. This thing did neither any of the Prophets, nor the Apostles, nor Christ.  
The Pope's boast that they have great power: but if it be any that they have, it consisteth wholly in the word of God. Let them teach, preach, and admonish, if they will exercise their power: otherwise the civil and temporal power, whom they so much crack of, is far from the ecclesiastical Ministers. In sum, even as there is found no king nor Emperor so great, which is not subject unto the power of the word of God, which is preached by the Ministers: so on the other side is there no bishop, which when he hath offended, ought not to be reproved by the civil Magistrate. What difference so ever there be, the same (as I have said) is wholly as touching the manner of reproving. The Ministers of the Church do that by the word, and Princes by outward punishments. But our false ecclesiastical men willbe princes and reign. But Christ would be no king. And when he was sought for, to that end to be made a king, he utterly refused it: yea he openly professed that his kingdom was not of this world. He said also unto the Apostles: Princes of the nations do bear rule over them, but ye shall not do so. Peter also (whose successors they affirm themselves to be) admonisheth Ministers, not to exercise dominion over the Clergy. But these men will have prisons, soldiers and swords, and stir up wars, as they lust themselves.  
Perduenture they will object unto us the Assamonites, 
Of the Assamonites or Machabites.  out of the old Testament, whom it is certain that they were both Kings and Priests, and confounded both the powers. That history in deed is written in the books of the Machabites, but we must see whither they did it rightly, or wickedly and ambitiously. Undoubtedly I think they did it not orderly: for God by his word had many times adjudged the kingdom unto the Tribe of judah, even to the time of Messiah. And contrarily he commanded the Levites, that they should possess no lands, and much less to occupy a kingdom among their brethren. But if a man had rather say, that they did this thing by a certain secret revelation and hidden judgement of GOD, he shall not amend their cause. For that which is so done, ought not to be drawn into an example. But I think rather that they offended in so doing. They did well undoubtedly, when they delivered their Country from tyranny: but that thing being finished, they ought not to have taken upon them the kingdom. Neither did GOD obscurely declare that that their act displeased him. For (as we gather out of josephus) that house afterward never wanted Tragedies. 
How the Apostles sometimes used outward punishments.  They farther object unto us, that Peter slew Ananias and Saphira, and that Paul struck Elimas' the Sorcerer with blindness. That is true in deed: but they did these things by the word of God, not by violence, not by the sword, neither by the labour of a hangman. Let these men do the same things by the word, and we will regard them. Why do they not hearken unto Paul to Timothe: Let no man going on warfare for God, wrap himself in cares of this life. If they will go on warfare for God, why do they in such sort hinder themselves with worldly business? Have they so much leisure from their own affairs, that they can have a care over other men's things? Let them answer plainly: would they at this day abide, that any king should attempt to teach the Gospel, or administer the Sacraments? They would not suffer it. Neither did God himself also suffer it: 
The offices of both the powers must not be confounded.  but he struck Ozeas with Leprosy, when he would have burnt incense unto God. Why therefore do they invade other men's borders? These functions ought to be separated, because either of them requireth a whole man a part by himself: yea rather scarce hath been found any one man at any time, which could rightly execute either of them, so hard a thing is the execution of them both. Howbeit, both of them do help one an other: for the politic Prince giveth judgement, and the Ecclesiastical doth not in deed give judgement, but he teacheth how judgement ought to be given. Have no respect (saith he) of persons in judgement: afflict not the poor and stranger: receive no bribes. etc. So on the other side the political Magistrate preacheth not, neither administereth the Sacraments. But unless these things be rightly ordered, he ought to punish the Ministers.  

Wherein either power differeth and agreeth.  And to be brief, there are two things to be considered of us in this collation. In the civil Magistrate is to be considered both the power, and also the man which beareth and exerciseth the power. He in respect that he is a Christian man, is undoubtedly subject unto the word of God, and in respect that he beareth power, and governeth, he ought also to be subject unto the same word of God. For out of it ought he to seek rules to govern and to administer. In the Minister of the Church also is to be considered both the ministry itself, and also the person which executeth it. As touching the person, the minister is subject unto the Civil power: for he is both a Citizen, and payeth tribute as other men do, and is under the correction of manners. But as concerning the ministry, he is also someway subject unto the Magistrate: For if he either teach or administer the Sacraments against the word of God, he must be reprehended by the Civil Magistrate. And yet must he not seek for rules and reasons of his function at the same Magistrate's hand, but out of the word of God. By this distinction we may easily understand the differences and agreement of either power.  

To the arguments of Boniface.  Now resteth to come to that Thraso Bonifacius to confute his arguments. first, he gathered out of that which the Apostles answered: Behold here are two swords, and Christ added: It is sufficient, that the Church hath two powers, 
How the church may have twssiwoordes.  and both of them committed unto him. To that I answer, that it is possible, that sometimes there may be two swords in the Church: but there were not so always in it, neither peradventure shall be always so. What outward sword had the Church in the time of Christ, and of the Apostles and Martyrs? 
The Church hath now almost all arts.  But yet now (they will say) it hath. I grant that, because kings and Emperors are Christians, which in the old time were ethnics. The Church hath also husbandry, trade of merchandise, the art of Carpenters, and other such like. For they which exercise these things, are members of the Church. But that cometh to pass (as the Schoolmen speak) per accidens, that is by chance. For there might be a Church, though those things were not. So now, because there are Princes in the Church, it is said to have an outward sword. But because Princes are in our time a part of the Church, it doth not therefore follow that the sword of Princes is the sword of ministers: even as although there be in the Church husbandry and trade of merchandise, and also the art of Carpenters, it cannot thereby be gathered that ministers are husband men, merchants, and Carpenters.  
Now I come to the place of the Evangelist. The Apostles said, they wanted nothing, when they were sent without wallet and scrip, unto whom Christ said: Let every one take unto him his scrip and wallet, and he which hath none, let him sell his coat, and buy a sword. What would Christ signify by these words? Nothing else undoubtedly, but to show that the state and condition of times hereafter should be far otherwise then they were before. Hitherto (saith he) whilst I was with you, ye felt no grief, neither wanted you any thing. But now harder times are at hand: now shall ye have need of coats, scryps, and swords. By these words he declareth that he should departed from them, and that he would send them into the whole world to preach and teach the Gospel, in which ministry they should meet with so many adversities, that they should think themselves to have need of swords. It is a figurative kind of speech, whereby is understand one thing by an other, as is that in Genesis, when the Lord said, that he repented that he had made man. For God is not in very deed touched with repentance, but he doth that, which men repenting use to do, that is, he changeth that which he hath done. And undoubtedly then he by the flood destroyed human kind which he had created. So now he hath not instructed his Disciples, to fight with iron, but only by a certain paraphrasis describeth the condition of the time to come. And even as a gown oftentimes signifieth tranquillity and peace: so in this place a sword showeth troublesome and unquiet times.  
After this manner chrysostom interpreteth these words, 
chrysostom.  expounding this place of Paul: Salute Prisca and Aquila. The Lord (saith he) hath not broken the law, which before he had made, saying: And he which striketh thee on the one cheek, turn unto him the other. Bless those that curse you, pray for them that persecute you. How then doth he command his Disciples to buy themselves swords? He meant no such thing, saith chrysostom: For it is a figurative kind of speech, whereby he signified that he should be taken away from them, and that they should be afflicted with many calamities. These words are not so to be taken as they appear at the first sight. In an other place Christ saith also: That which ye have heard in the ear, preach on the house tops. And yet we never read, that the Apostles stood on the house tops, when they preached unto the people. Neither assuredly was it decent to have left the street and temple, and to have spoken from the house top. The sense was, that those things which they had heard privately, they should speak openly and manifestly. The Lord also said: Destroy this temple, and in three days I will restore it: which is also spoken figuratively. For he commanded not to overthrow the temple of Solomon (as the Evangelist himself interpreteth) but understood that which he spoke, of the temple of his own body: wherein (as Paul saith) corporally dwelled all divinity.  
But to return to the matter, that Luke so meant chrysostom proveth by these things which follow: That in the son of man should be fulfilled that which was spoken of him: And he was counted with the ungodly. But the Apostles understood not Christ: for they thought that he had spoken simply, and (as the words sounded) spoken of an outward sword. And so did Boniface utterly interpret it. And in that Christ addeth: It is enough, he understood that two sword are sufficient in the Church, so that there ought to be now neither more nor fewer. But chrysostom understandeth it far otherwise. For when Christ perceived that the Apostles understood him not, by that answer he declared that he would omit the thing. And in deed so is a schoolmaster wont to say unto a child which yet understandeth not that which is taught him: It is enough. Otherwise undoubtedly two swords were not sufficient against all the adversaries of Christ. There should moreover have needed coats of male and shields. Wherefore chrysostom concludeth that the speech was figurative & parabolical. furthermore, 
In the times of the Apostles the church had not two swords.  if Bonifacius exposition be received, we must think that the Church in the time of the Apostles ought to have had two swords, which is most far from the truth.  
But let us come to that which Christ said unto Peter: Put up thy sword into thy sheath. Thy sword (saith Boniface) not an other man's sword. But what gathereth he by those words? Although Peter have his sword, yet if he be commanded to put it up, how can he have it drawn? or to what end hath he a sword, if he may not use it? But Boniface will peradventure answer: I have in deed a sword, but I use it not, but by an other man's hand. Or I use not mine own sword, but the sword of the Emperor, & other princes. For they ought to draw the sword at the beck and sufferance of the Church. I would gladly demand, whither Christ, when he bad Peter to put up his sword, meant this, that he should in deed use it as he listed and would himself, 
Every man is said to do that himself which he doth by an other man.  but yet by the labour of an other man? Assuredly that which a man doth by an other, he seemeth to do it himself. If a man by money or gifts get one to kill his enemy, although he do it not with his own hand, yet nevertheless he should be an homicide: otherwise even Princes doth not with their own hand kill the guilty, but command the hangmen to punish them. There is in this answer of Bonifacius a deceit of equivocation. For we demand whither an ecclesiastical Minister may bear the office of a civil Magistrate, and use a civil sword: and they remit us unto the sword of Peter, a man otherwise private.  

Bernardus.  Howbeit Bernardus in his .4. book de Consider. ad Eugenium, seemeth to interpret the two sword. I grant that Bernard hath certain things like unto this, but yet not utterly the same. But we must remember, in what time Bernardus lived. He lived at that time, wherein all things were corrupted in the Church, and if a man read those his books de Consideratione, he shall see that he grievously complaineth of the corruption of his time. Eugenius was by the Romans excluded the City, and peradventure he meditated by violence to restore himself. Wherefore Bernard exhorted them to preach the Gospel, to deal against the Romans with the word and with Sermons, rather than with the sword. Eugenius said: what wilt thou have? That I should feed Serpents and Dragons and Beasts? Yea rather assail them saith Bernard with the word, & not with iron. And in an other place he saith: If thou wilt have both sword, thou shalt lose both. Neither is it to be thought that Eugenius would by himself have fought, but peradventure he assayed to move war by other, from which purpose Bernard dissuaded him. And thus much of him.  
But in that Bonifacius addeth, that those swords of the church ought to be in order (namely that the one should be subject unto the other, & that he proveth by this saying of Paul: Those powers that are, are ordained of God) is manifestly declared how this man wresteth the scriptures. For this word ordinatae, that is ordered, is in Greek written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which is nothing else, then instituted or appointed. But be it so, as Bonifacius hath expounded it, what manner of order shall this be at the length? Undoubtedly, it should be that the Minister should teach, and the civil power should hear and believe. But this is nothing unto the Pope which teacheth nothing.  
The lowest things saith Dionysius are by means reduced unto the highest. Wherefore Bonifacius concludeth that the outward sword ought to be referred unto God by the spiritual. Undoubtedly I will easily grant that the sword of the spirit, that is the word of God, is the mean whereby the other sword, namely the outward, aught to be tempered and directed unto God. But why doth not the Pope retain this mean? 
The Pope useth not the sword of the word.  Why useth he not the word? Why teacheth he not? why preacheth he not? Nndoubtedly princes that stray, are not by him revoked into the right way, yea rather contrariwise the Pope and bishops of the Church are sometimes rebuked and justly reproved of princes.  
Aaron assuredly, being high priest, 
It longeth to princes sometimes to admonish and correct ecclesiastical men.  fell grievously in making the golden calf and obeying the foolishness of the people. Moses accused him grievously, whom it is certain that he was a civil magistrate. For toward the end of Deut. he is called a king. And when the priests abused the money which was offered for the mending of the coverings of the temple, who remedied that, but only joas the king? I will not speak of David and Solomon, and others which divided the lots of the priest, & orders of the Levites. And I will not at this time prove these things by any more examples. For they are manifest enough of themselves. Wherefore I grant that the civil power may be corrected of the ministers by preaching of the word. But the Pope useth not this kind of government, but rather an incredible tirrannye.  
They boast moreover that they themselves are greater in dignity, for that they excercise spiritual & heavenly things, where as princes are occupied only about earthly and civil things. Be it so: for we deny not but that ministers are occupied about things greater and more divine than magistrates are. But doth the Pope alone minister them? Yea rather he never doth it at al. Wherefore if the dignity of the ministry depend of those things, then will it follow that many bishops and priests do in dignity far excel the Pope, which never preacheth, & most rarely, and to very few, administereth the Sacraments.  
Let us come to tenths, 
Of tenths.  by the payment whereof Bonifacius laboureth to prove that all princes are subject unto him. This argument seemeth to have some show, because at the first sight it agreeth with the .7. chap. of the Epistle to the Hebrews, where Paul proveth the dignity of christ to be greater than the dignity of the priesthood of the Levites. For thus he gathereth: Abraham paid tenths unto Melchisedech, at which time Levi was not yet, but was at the time in the loins of Abraham, & so paid tenths in him. And he which payeth tenths to an other, by the self same thing professeth himself to be inferior unto him. Christ was priest according to the order of Melchisedech. Wherefore the Apostle concludeth that the priesthood of the levites was much inferior unto the priesthood of Christ. I have opened the spring from whence Bonifacius derived his argument. The place is very dark, and needeth explication, and moreover Bonifacius doth not aptly apply it to his purpose. First we ought to understand that tenths in the old time pertained unto ceremonies, & that aswell in Melchisedech as in the Levites. 
Both the priesthood of Levi & also of Melchisedech signified Christ.  For in either priesthood they were referred unto Christ. And either priesthood was in very deed a figure of Christ: for even as the levitical priest entered once every year into the Sancta Sanctorum, and that never without blood: So Christ by his blood entered once into the tabernacle, that is into heaven, and again Melchisedeche for that he had neither father nor mother, resembled Christ, which in respect that he was God, had no mother, and in respect that he was a man, wanted a father.  
But what signified the tenths in either priesthood? 
Christ was more plainly signified by the priesthood of Melchisedech, then by the levitical priesthood.  Undoubtedly they signified nothing else, then that the elders ought to refer all their things unto christ. By that ceremony the people worshipped even Christ. And if a man will confer Melchisedech and the priesthood of Levi together, although both of them seem to shadow Christ, yet shall he see that he is more expressedly & manifestly signified by Melchisedech, as the Epistle to the Hebrews testifieth. Bonifacius saith: we receive tenths of all the lay men. Ye do take them indeed, but now that Christ is come, the paying of tenths is no more a ceremony, as it was before the coming of Christ, when by tenths men worshipped Christ, which was to come in the flesh, and confessed that they ought unto him both themselves, and all that they had. After which self same manner they paid the first fruits of all their things. 
tenths at this day are no more ceremonies but rather rewards and stipends.  But our men do in these days receive tenths. But by what law? Not undoubtedly by the ceremonial law, but by the moral law. Forasmuch as it is meet that the Minister should be nourished of the people. For the labourer is worthy of his reward: and he which serveth the Gospel, it is meet that he live of it. Wherefore whither stipéds be paid unto ministers out of lands or out of houses, either in ready money or in tenths, it skilleth not, so that they be not maintained filthily, but honestly. indeed these rewards in some places do retain the old name of tenths. But in many places they are not called tenths, but stipends or wages. And assuredly they are in very deed rather rewards, which are dew unto the labours of the ministers, than tenths.  

Stipends are paid both to superiors and also to inferiors.  And as touching this foresaid argument, we must understand that such rewards and stipends, are things indifferent: because they are sometimes paid unto inferiors, and sometimes to superiors. For tributes which are given unto kings and princes, are their stipends which we give unto them, partly to nourish and sustain them, and partly to confess that we are subject unto them, and lastly the they may have wherewithal to defend the public wealth and us. And sometimes inferiors also do receive stipends. For princes pay them unto soldiers, and yet cannot we therefore say that the soldiers are greater than Kings and Princes. And notwithstanding I would not have any think, that I speak these things, to dimynyshe the dignity of the Ecclesiastical ministry, but that men might understand that their arguments are very trifling. 
The church which payeth the stipend unto the minister is greater than he Why in the church kings are consecrated Power is given unto princes of god, and not of bishops.  Neither doubt I to affirm, that the church itself which payeth the stipend unto the minister, is greater than the minister. Wherefore if we speak of tenths, as they are at this day given unto ministers, they are no cause that they should be greater than those that pay them. But in that kings and Emperors are consecrated and anointed of bishops, and in that they receive the crown and sword of them, it nothing helpeth their cause. For if we speak of the civil power, that is not given of the bishop, but of God. But this thing is there done, that after the king or Emperor is chosen of god, in such manner as is agreeable, prayers should be made for him in the assembly of the church, that god may confirm and strengthen his heart, that he may increase piety in him, and instill in him a fear of his name, prosper his counsels, and so make fortunate his actions, that they may prove profitable unto the church, and unto the public wealth. And the bishop whilst these things are in doing, is the mouth of the church, & goeth before it, in expressing the prayer. And this function was derived of an old ceremony and custom of the jews. And the the king receiveth not his power of the bishop, but of God, even their own decrees also do testify. In the dist. 96. chap. Si Imperatur, Gelasius saith, that the Emperor hath the privileges of his power at gods hand. Why then doth Bonifacius arrogantly claim it unto himself? namely that which longeth to God only. For as Paul saith: All power is of god. In the Code de jure veteri enucleando in the law first, 
Justinian.  justinian declareth that his power was given him of the divine majesty. And the Gloze (in extravag de maioritate & obediencia in the chapter unam sanctam toward the end, saith, that power is given unto kings of God only, and that therefore they do indeed receive the crown of the bishop, and the sword from the altar.  
But let us more narrowly examine Bonifacius argument: I (saith he) do give power unto Emperors. Therefore I am greater than Emperors. Let this most blessed Thraso answer me, who consecrated him when he was chosen Pope? Undoubtedly the bishop Hostiensis. Let us conclude therefore that the bishop Hostiensis is greater than the Pope. And if that follow not, then is the argument also of Bonifacius of no force, because (as I have now showed) it cleaveth unto a broken foundation. For they are not bishops which give power unto kings. Farther, 
All emperors were not consecrated of the Pope.  were there not many Emperors which were never consecrated of bishops, and yet were nevertheless for all that Emperors? Neither were the old Grecian Emperors so anointed. Wherefore that is a new invention. But what if I prove that the head bishop was sometimes consecrated of the civil magistrate? Undoubtedly Moses consecrated Aaron, when as yet (as it is said) Moses was a civil prince. Wherefore Bonifacius laboureth in vain about his consecration, because he can gather nothing thereby.  
He boasted moreover of the keys. 
Wherein the keys of the church consist.  We (saith he) have the power of binding and losing. But the power of the keys consisteth herein, that ye should preach the word of god truly. For he which believeth the gospel, is loosed: & he which believeth not, is bound. But when ye neither preach, nor teach, neither can ye bind, nor lose. And farther this subjection which we have granted is spiritual, namely of faith and of obedience: and not civil, and with dominion.  
Afterward was jeremy objected, unto whom the Lord said: I have appointed thee over nations and kingdoms, etc. First here I demand what kings jeremy dejected, or whom he abrogated of their Empire, and what new kings he instituted? They can show of none. What therefore signify these words: I set thee over nations and kingdoms? Undoubtedly nothing else, then that by the spirit of prophecy & word of god he should foretell what kingdoms god would overthrow for sins, and what new ones he would institute. Why do not the Popes so excercise their power? Let them set before kings and princes of the earth the threatenings of god, 
prophets are not the efficient causes of the overthrow of kingdoms. Ministers and prophets are an occasion, but not a just cause of ruins.  and let them be in this manner over nations and kingdoms. Can jeremy be called the cause of the overthrow of kingdoms? He was not properly the efficient cause, but only a certain occasion. For when he had admonished the king of judah, and he believed him not, the prophet by his preaching was some occasion that he should be condemned and overthrown. So Paul saith: To some we are the savour of life to life, and to other the savour of death to death: When as yet the Apostle properly killed no man, but his preaching after a sort brought death unto those which would not believe. It is god therefore that separateth, overthroweth, scattereth & planteth. Neither disdaineth he sometimes to call us his fellow workers.  
Bonifacius goeth on, the lay power ought to be judged of the Ecclesiastical, but by what kind of judgement? Undoubtedly by this, that in the church he set forth the anger of God against sinners, & that they be admonished and corrected by the holy scriptures. But the bishops may expel kings and put them out of their kingdom, where is the permitted? From whence have they that? what writings will they bring for it? 
The Pope ought to be judged of the church.  But that is most intolerable that the Pope saith that he can be judged of no man. And yet john .23. was in the counsel of Constance put down, and not only by god, but also by men. So these men plant and replant Canons, and the same they allow and disallow, as often as they think good. Yea and Emperors have sometimes thrust out and put down Popes, as it is before said. Paul to the Gal. saith: If an Angel from heaven preach any other gospel, let him be accursed. If the Pope (which may come to pass, and hath already long since come to pass) obtrude wicked opinions, who shall pronounce him accursed? 
It is the duty of the magistrate to execute the sentence of the church against the pope  Shall he be utterly judged of no man? The church undoubtedly shall give sentence upon him: and the magistrate (for that he is the chiefest part of the church) shall not only judge together with it, but also shall execute the sentence. Farther it longeth unto the magistrate to provide that the riches of the church be not given unto the enemies of godliness. Wherefore if bishops become enemies of the church, a faithful magistrate ought not to suffer the goods of the church to be consumed by them. The Canonists have this oftentimes in their mouth: That for the office sake is given the benefice. When therefore they do not their office, ought the magistrate to suffer them to enjoy their benefices?  
But let us hear how Bonifacius proveth that he can be judged of no man. Because he that is spiritual (saith he) judgeth all things, but he himself is judged of no man. A godly and well applied argument I promise you. But let us see what kind of judgement Paul writeth of in that place. He speaketh not undoubtedly of the common kind of judgement, whereby men are either put to death or put out of their room. He entreateth there only of the understanding of things divine, and which avail unto salvation. These things I say properly belong unto the judgement of the spiritual man: but concerning common judgements, and knowledge of civil causes, Paul never thought of them in that place. Which is easily perceived by his words, we have not received (saith he) the spirit of this world: but a spirit, which is of God. If thou wilt demand for what use the spirit is given us: He answereth, that we should know those things that are given us of God. And because the spirit of this world cannot give judgement of things divine, it is added: The carnal man understandeth not those things which are of the spirit of god. The spiritual man judgeth all things. What? Doth he judge also civil and common causes? No undoubtedly: but he judgeth those things which pertain unto the salvation of men: he himself is judged of no man. Without doubt both Peter and Paul were judged by the civil power, whereunto Paul appealed to be judged there, and yet were they both spiritual.  

Peter & Paul were judged by the civil power.  But that place is thus to be understanded. He that is spiritual, in that he is such a one, cannot in things divine and such as pertain unto salvation, be rightly judged of any man, which is not endued with the same spirit that he is. The wicked and worldly ones count him oftentimes for a seditious, unpure, & infamous fellow: but only God and his spirit looketh upon the hearts.  

Note.  Lastly Bonifacius concludeth, that there is one only chief power which longeth unto the pope, lest we should seem with the Manichees to make many beginnings. 
We put this one only beginning, and not many.  And he addeth: That god in the beginning, and not in the beginnings, created the world. We also abhor from the Manichees, and do put one only beginning, and pronounce one only fountain and offspring of all powers, namely, god and his word, without which can be no power, either civil or Ecclesiastical. For the foundation of either of them dependeth of the word of god, & so we make but one beginning & not two. Farther, if Bonifacius will urge these words of Genesis: In the beginning god created. etc. there ought to be in the world but one only king. For when Paul said: One Lord, one faith, one baptism, he added not one Pope.  

A Schism of three Popes.  At the length our Thraso cometh so far, that he excludeth them from the hope of salvation, which acknowledge not the Pope for the chief prince & head of the church. But when there were two or three Popes all at one time (which thing both happened, and also endured the space of .60. years full) it must needs be that those were at that time Manichees, and did put two beginnings, which were of Bonifacius opinion. Moreover, what think they of the Grecians, of the Persians', and Christians which dwell in the East part, for as much as they acknowledge not the Pope, who yet nevertheless read the scriptures, believe in our Lord jesus Christ, and both are, & also are called christians? Al them Bonifacius excludeth from the hope of salvation. This is the ambition and unspeakable tyranny of the Popes.  
When we object unto the papists these words of Paul: let every soul be subject unto the superior powers, they answer: that every soul ought to be subject unto the superior power, but yet to theirs, not to other men's power, otherwise the frenchmen ought to be subject unto the Spaniards, the Spaniards to the Germans, which thing, for that it is absurd, it is concluded, that every man ought to obey his own Magistrate. But now the clergy acknowledge the bishops for their power, and aught to be subject unto them: and the bishops acknowledge the archbishops and Primates, and they lastly acknowledge the Pope. After this manner say they, we obey the power, and satisfy Paul. What have we to do with kings or civil magistrates? But this is nothing else, then most filthily to abuse the words of Paul. 
The Papists do rend into two parts both the kingdoms and the people.  Do they not see that they divide the public wealth into two bodies, which ought to be one body only? For when they divide the kingdom of the clergy, from the kingdom of the laity, they make in one kingdom two peoples, and do set over either people a magistrate. And thereby cometh to pass, that the Clergy which are frenchmen, seem not to be frenchmen: and the Germans seem not to be Germans. And this maketh not conjunction, but division.  
Farther, of what power I pray you speaketh Paul? Not undoubtedly of Bishops or archbishops, but of that power which beareth the sword. He doth not without a cause (saith he) bear the sword. He speaketh of that power to whom tribute is paid. For for this cause (saith he) ye pay tribute. But Bishops neither bear sword, nor exact tributes of the people. Wherefore Paul speaketh not of them. And though Germany Bishops bear the sword, and do gather tributes and customs, they do not that in respect that they are Bishops, but in respect that by accidens they have the civil power adjoined unto them: how rightly, let them see to it. But it is manifest that Paul spoke of the Civil power, unto which he commanded that every soul should obey. Neither is the interpretation of Origene probable, wherein he affirmeth, that Paul said: Every soul, 
Origene.  and not every spirit. Because (saith he) the spiritual man is moved with no affections, neither possesseth he any thing in the world. Wherefore he is not subject at all unto the outward power. Wherefore Paul commandeth every soul, that is, every carnal man to obey the civil power. But what? Was not Christ spiritual? who was more spiritual? And yet he acknowledged the superior power, and paid tribute. What say you to the Apostles, were not they spiritual? And yet they never exempted themselves from the civil power: yea rather they obeyed and taught others to obey them.  
But let us hear what our Bonifacianes answer farther. They say that they have not this power ordinarily, and by the right of their fruition, but granted them by privileges and gifts of princes. And why say they is it not lawful for us to enjoy the privileges and liberality of princes? But we ought here to have a regard, not what princes have done, but what they ought to have done. God without all doubt hath made subject every soul unto the higher power. It was never lawful for any prince to break that law. 
Whether it were lawful for princes to exempt Ecclesiastical men from their subjection.  Nor human reason seeth not better than the providence of God, what should become of the affairs of human kind. And the event itself also sufficiently hath declared how much that remission of princes hath profited. For after that Bishops and false Ecclesiastical men got themselves once from the subjection of the civil power, they strait way became far worse than they were before, and made the people which were committed to their charge, nothing the better. Wherefore let them cease to say that Emperors and kings have given them these things, let them rather hear the word of god, wherein they are commanded to obey princes. But they have not only withdrawn themselves from obedience toward princes, but also have claimed unto themselves an immunite or franchises. 

What immunity is.  
What tribute is.  
What custom is. Vlpiane.   And an immunity is a liberty from doing of homages, & bearing of civil burdens. And among burdens are numbered tributes, & customs. Tributes are those which are paid of lands and possessions. Customs are those which are paid of merchandises, & of those things which are either carried out or brought in. These things Vlpiane calleth the sinews of the public wealth, as without which it can not either consist, or be governed. By what right therefore and reason have these men withdrawn themselves from the public commodity? With what face do they boast of such liberality of princes, which neither Christ, neither the Apostles, nor the Prophets used? And although they have this thing as they say, 
Ministers of the Church are exempted from personal burdens and from such as are filthy. Vlpianus.  by the gift of kings and Emperors, yet must they take heed, that it be not hurtful unto the citizens, and least whilst they are lifted up, other be above measure burdened. And yet are they not by privileges and laws of princes exempted from all burdens. In deed they are franchised from personal burdens: & that not without great reason, which even the Ethnic princes saw also. In the digests de Vacation & excusatione munerum, in the law Praetor: Vlpianus saith: If a man have gotten a benefice, neither can hurt of conscience be absent from it, he is acquitted. And Constantine the Emperor, in the Code de Episcopis & Clericis in the law .1. and .2. 
What personal burdens are. Filthy burdens.  exempteth them from personal and filthy burdens. Personal burdens are those which are accomplished by the industry of the mind and labour of the body. Filthy burdens are those, as to burn lime, to dig sand, to keep the cundite, to heat the bath, and such other of like sort. From these burdens they are worthily exempted, because the ministry by such filthy exercises should come in contempt. And they are made free from personal burdens, because when they should give their minds to holy things, they ought not to be withdrawn to other things. Wherefore princes have rightly granted these things unto Ecclesiastical men, that they should not be absent from the study of religion, and that they should not be contemned of the common people.  
But what if a man claim himself to be a Minister only by his apparel or garments, and doth nothing in the Church, is this freedom also granted unto him? 
Justinian.  No undoubtedly. Yea Justinian in the Code de Episcopis & Clericis in the law generaliter sancimus, saith that he meaneth only of those, which diligently give themselves to holy things, and not of vagabonds and idle persons, which brag only in the name of the Ministry. Moreover Ministers are not loosed from ordinary charges, although they are exempted from extraordinary charges. 
Ordinary charges. Extraordinary charges.  Ordinary charges are those, which are imposed always by the commandment of the laws. Extraordinary charges, which are exacted only for some present necessity, and afterward do cease. Wherefore if Ecclesiastical men have manors & lands, as other citizens have, for them they ought to pay. 
Why they are acquitted from extraordinary charges.  For the Church when it taketh lands, taketh them with their burdens. But they are free from extraordinary tributes, because in the old time Ecclesiastical men were poor, & besides necessary food and apparel had nothing remaining, or if peradventure there remained any thing, all the same, whatsoever it were, was bestowed upon the poor. But now it is clean contrary: for both they abound in riches, and they bestow very little upon the poor. And yet if any great necessity happened, 
They are not exempted from all extraordinary charges.  they were compelled to pay also extraordinary charges. As if there were any high ways to be mended, and any bridges to be made, any ships to be edified, for to transport an host, as it appeareth in the Code, by the laws of the Emperor. Neither undoubtedly doth brotherly charity suffer, that when other are burdened, they should lie still abounding in wealth and riches. Neither is it to be suffered, that they should live at ease, and other in pain.  
Yet the Pope in his decretals (de Immunitate Ecclesiae in the chapter. Non minus, where the words of the Counsel holden at Lateranum are cited. And in the chapter adversus consuls) will have the Ecclesiastical men utterly exempted. And Bonifacius the .8. in his .6. de Immunitate Ecclesiarum, in the chapter Clericis laicos, permitteth them not to pay any thing. Yea and he excommucateth the prince, which taketh tribute of a Minister of the Church, and also the Minister himself which payeth it. This law as to cruel, Benedictus the .11. after a sort mitigateth, in extravag de Immunitate Eccles. in the chap. Quod olim, yet he permitteth not the prince to do any thing without asking counsel of the Bishop of Rome. For he in deed doth not excommunicate those princes which do receive tribute of Ecclesiastical men, but only those that exact it of them. For he permitteth not, that princes should exact any thing by their own right, which thing yet sometimes he permitteth, namely in an extreme necessity, as in danger of religion and life, so that first there be had the consent of the Bishop and clergy, and afterward also the agreement of the Pope. So long therefore hath he decreed that they must tarry. So these men do exempt themselves from the obedience and tributes of princes and kings, which (as I have before said out of Vlpiane) are the establishementes and sinews of the public wealth. 
A saying of Diocletian.  When I think upon these things, I call to remembrance a profitable saying of Diocletian: of whom when a Philosopher desired an immunite: This request (said he) disagreeth with thy profession. Thou professest (said he) that thou wilt overcome thy affections, but thou showest that thou art overcome of avarice. So these men profess themselves to be spiritual. But in a spiritual man is nothing more required than charity, which counseleth us not to live franchised and securely, when other are oppressed with cares and burdens. Thomas Aquinas bringeth a place of Genesis to show that Priests are exempted from tributes, 
Thomas Aquinas.  not in deed by the law of GOD, but by a law made by princes, and yet nevertheless agreeing with the law of nature. For Pharaoh king of Egypt provided, that the Priests should not pay the fift part of their fruits for tribute, when as yet so much was exacted of all the other Egyptians. Wherefore he concludeth that Priests are exempted. This place is diligently to be considered. First let us note, that the Priests of the Egyptians had their daily living out of the treasury of the king. They had meat and drink and money given them to live by. Afterward it came to pass, that when the hunger waxed great, all the Egyptians sold their lands unto the king, therewith to buy corn to drive away the hunger. But when that famine was past, the king rendered the lands unto the old possessors, but yet upon this condition, that every year they should pay him the fift part, but of the lands of the Priests there was no fift part paid. And no marvel: because they sold not their lands unto the king when they were kept of the common cost. Yet it is to be thought that they paid so much tribute of their lands as they were wont to pay before the famine. Neither undoubtedly can any other thing be gathered out of that place, but that Priests ought to be nourished of the common cost: but in that they paid not the fift part, that happened for an other cause, as we have now declared.  
They bring forth also the .8. chapter of Esdras, where Artaxerxes provided that when he had laid a tribute upon the jews, there should be nothing levied of the Levites in the name of a tribute. But this is not to be marveled at, seeing the levites had no lands to pay tribute of. For unto them pertained only oblations, first fruits, and tenths. For which cause they were released of tributes. Also julius Cesar de bello Gallico saith, 
The Druites paid no tributes. Plini.  that the Druites which were Priests in Gallia paid no tributes. But Plini in his .16. book and .44. chapter, writeth that the Druites had no lands. And yet are not these things spoken to this end, that I should think that it is not lawful for the Magistrate to deal somewhat more gently with them, and somewhat to bear with them: 
It is honest that the magistrate deal somewhat more gently with Ministers.  Because they must always apply themselves to holy things, and study for nothing else. Whereby it cometh to pass, that they can not increase their substance, yea rather very oftentimes they suffer great loss, neither have they their stipends, but during their life. This thing only I dissalowe, that they claim unto themselves immunity, both real and personal, they utterly refuse both ordinary and extraordinary charges, and that by tyranny or against the word of God, and for that the Pope will not suffer princes to exact tributes of Bishops and Ecclesiastical men, when they will themselves: and because they will not give them, if they be required. The word of God hath otherwise commanded, when it saith, let every soul be subject unto the higher power. And therefore (sayeth he) ye pay tributes. None is excepted: neither would Christ himself be exempted. 
chrysostom.  chrysostom upon that place of Paul: It may (saith he) seem grievous unto Christians, for that they being the children of God and appointed for the kingdom of heaven, are subject unto princes of this world. But he answereth: Whilst we are in this life, our dignity is hidden. For it appeareth not what we shallbe. Wherefore whilst we live here, let it not be grievous unto us to rise up to the Magistrate, to give them the way, and to honour them. These things are full of comeliness and are decently done of the saints. Now that we are regenerate by the word and the spirit, it might seem that we need no Magistrate. Wherefore the jews, because they were the people of God, took it very grievously that sometime the babylonians reigned over them, sometimes the Persians, sometimes the Grecians, sometimes the Romans, 
Anabaptists & Libertines.  and other nations which knew not God. The anabaptists also and Libertines cry that it is a thing unworthy for a Christian to suffer a Magistrate over him. The Clergy of the Pope also have shaked of this yoke from themselves. But the Apostles which foresaw that this thing would come to pass, did very often inculcate, that the Civil power should be obeyed, which precept is two ways transgressed: one way is, when men say they will not obey the Magistrate, 
Sin committed two manner of ways against the Magistrate.  and seditiously make war against him. The other way is, when they cirumvent him by subtlety and guile, that he can not execute his office. For there are in courts, which flatter in the ears of princes, dispraise & praise whom they lust, complain of the good, as evil, and commend the evil, as good. So according as they will, some are preferred to provinces, and other some are displaced. 
A sentence of Diocletian.  Wherefore Diocletian said: A good, wise, & wary Emperor is oftentimes sold of his subjects. The prince is at home in his palace, they that are familiar with him accuse & defend before him whom they will. Yea and among the Romans the fathers which were called Conscripti, that is appointed, were sometimes called Circumscripti, that is deceived or abused. The course of justice is by many deceits hindered. Neither skilleth it much whether it be done by violence or by guile, because both ways the public wealth is hurt, and the institution of God contemned.  
Neither is this to be passed over in this place (which hath also been often spoken of) that the Magistrate is not to be obeyed, if he command any thing against the word of God. For when he so doth, he is no Magistrate. Because (as Paul saith) he is the Minister of God to good. Wherefore if he command things contrary unto the word of God, he is not in that part his Minister. But thou wilt say: Sometimes grievous, molestous, and hard things are commanded: which yet are not against the word of God. What is to be done in those cases? We must obey: for we are commanded to obey our Lords, though they be hard, so that they command nothing against the word of GOD: which thing if they do, we must answer them with this sentence of Peter, which saith: we must rather obey God then men. Nabucadnezar would have had his Image worshipped, the faithful hebrews answered: Thy image O king we will not worship. Antiochus commanded the Hebrew woman to eat swine's flesh: but she choosed to die with together her seven children, rather than to commit any thing against the law of God. Also the Martin, as well in the old time as also in our time, suffered most extreme punishments, and most cruel deaths, for that they would not sin against the law of God.  

Eusebius. An example of Constantius an Emperor.  Eusebius Casariensis writeth that Constantius the father of Constantine feigned upon a time, that he would put out all the Christians which would abide in their religion, from their honours and offices. But they which were in very deed godly, of their own free will gave over their dignity, and choosed rather to give place unto dignities, then to departed from Christ. But this turned to good unto them, for the Emperor embraced them: and those which had denied Christ for to keep their dignities, he utterly removed from himself, saying: that they also would not be faithful unto him, which had broken their faith unto God. Constantius afterward the son of Constantine, 
Constantius the second an Arrian.  being an Arrian, went about to draw the faithful Bishops into his heresy: but they choosed rather to be banished, 
julianus Apostata.  then to follow that wicked purpose of the Emperor. Afterward julianus Apostata opened the temples of Idols, and laboured to drive the Christians to the Ethnic religion & worshipping, but such as were in deed godly had greater love and regard to Religion of Christ then to their life. 
Achilles.  Yea and Achilles in Homer saith: I will obey the princes, but yet when they command things honest and just.  
And these things pertain not only to subjects, but also to inferior Magistrates. For what, 
Of inferior powers.  if the superior prince command the inferior Magistrates, to receive the Mass in their Cities? Undoubtedly they ought not obey. If a man will say: It is the superior power, therefore it must be obeyed: I will answer: In things civil and human let them obey as much as they ought, but nothing against God. We must always run unto that principle: Every thing is such a thing by reason of an other, wherefore that other shall more be such. Therefore if we obey the Magistrate for god's sake, much more is GOD himself to be obeyed. Wherefore the inferior Magistrates ought not in such things to have a regard what the superior power commandeth, but what God himself hath commanded.  
But there are some which say: 

Whether the consent of the Church is to be tarried for in reforming of religion.  
A Similitude.   that before we depart from the obedience of the Magistrates as touching Religion, we must tarry for the consent of the Church. They which say these things, must mark that Christ never so commanded: Every man for himself is wholly bound unto the law of GOD, whether other consent or dissent. If the good man of a house have many servants, whom he commandeth to do his work in the country, but some of them, when their master is absent will be idle, 
Paul tarried not for consent.  ought the rest therefore to be idle, because some consent not to their common business? Did Paul when he was called to preach Christ, tarry for the consent of his other brethren. No undoubtedly: but as he writeth unto the Galathians, when it pleased GOD to reveal unto me his son, that I should preach him among the Gentiles, I did not straightway ask counsel of flesh and blood, neither went I unto the Apostles which were before me, but I went into Arabia. Wherefore he tarried not for the consent of other, but straightway obeyed his vocation. So also ought we to do: after that GOD hath opened unto us his truth, 
When we must tarry for consent.  we must not tarry. We must in deed tarry for the consent if the thing be doubtful and dark. But our cause is manifest and without all obscureness, which if we will omit till consent be had, the thing itself is lost, 
An act of Tiberius.  and good occasions taken away. Tiberius would have brought Christ into the number of the gods, but he thought to have the consent of the Senate: but the Senate would not: and by that means it came to pass, that whilst the consent was tarried for, Christ could not be numbered among the gods, where as Tiberius was able to have brought it to pass by himself. But I pray you let them tell us: For whose consent they will tarry? For the bishops consent? But they (no doubt) will never consent: for they are sworn enemies unto the truth.  
But let us return unto the inferior Magistrate, of whom we spoke before. We must remember what God hath commanded children concerning their parents: Honour thy father and thy mother. By which words undoubtedly is also commanded honour and obeisance toward superior powers. For they have the place of parents toward the inferior Magistrates. But let us see what Christ hath pronounced as touching this matter. He which loveth father (sayeth he) or mother more than me, is not worthy of me. The same thing without doubt must we think of the Magistrate which is the father of the country. We must obey him, but yet not above the Lord. Yea if he command any thing against him, he is both to be hated, and also to be denied. Neither is it lawful for any man to profess himself to be a Christian, which will not depart from the superior Magistrate in these things, which are against the word of God. This were to have a will to serve two Lords, and to halt in two parts. If GOD be God, let us follow him: and that not by halves, but wholly.  
But it is to be feared (say they) lest whilst we are against the superior power, we engender danger to the public wealth. To this will I answer contraryly to that which Demades in the old time answered unto the Athenienses. 
An answer of Demades.  Cassander the Macedonian, which succeeded Alexander the great, entreated with the Athenienses, to worship Alexander for a God. They stayed at it, but Cassander, unless they would consent, seemed that he would invade them with battle. Wherefore Demades spoke thus unto the people: That it was to be feared, lest whilst they retained heaven, they lost not earth. So do I answer these men, but changing the words: That it is to be feared, lest whilst they to much regard and defend an earthily public wealth, they lose heaven. For although the superior power do fume and threaten, we must stand valiantly to a good cause. For we must worship GOD holily and godly, though all Magistrates and the whole world were against us. And therefore if that superior power command any thing against the law of God, it is not to be obeyed.  

An example of Naboth.  So did Naboth behave himself, he would not grant unto Achab his vineyard which was his inheritance. Neither had he in that thing a respect unto any thing else, then that the law of GOD should remain unbroken, wherein it was commanded that the tribes and famelyes of the Israelites as touching possessions should remain distinct and separated. Wherefore by it, it was not lawful for Naboth to alienate his inheritance for ever. Yet a man being far indebted mought have sold his inheritance, till the year of jubilee. But after that year it returned unto the old possessor again. GOD would by this means, that the inheritances of the Israelites should not be confounded. Wherefore Naboth would not sell his ancient inheritance, that the law of GOD should not be broken, whom Magistrates also ought to follow, and not to give place in their Cities and dominions unto most unpure Masses and Papistical idolatry. The jews, when they were oppressed under the Mocedonians, 
The constancy of the jews against the Macedonians & Romans.  choosed to suffer any thing, rather than that the Image of jupiter Olimpicus should abide in the Temple of God. And when the Romans bare rule over them, how great sedition and tumult stirred they up, rather than they would suffer the Silver Eagle, or the Image of Caligula to be set up in the holy place. Yea & Valentinian the Emperor being an Arrian (as both Eusebius writeth and also Ambrose in his Epistles) would have had the Church of Milan delivered unto him, there with his heretics to have celebrated prayers and holy services. 
Ambrose.  But Ambrose would not give place, but rather abode day and night in the Temple together with the people, that the Emperor should not find it empty and so possess it. If the hebrews would not have the Temple of GOD polluted with Idols, and Ambrose suffered not the Church to be contaminated by heretics, why do faithful Magistrates permit their Temples to Idolaters, and unpure worshippings of Papists?  
They say that these things pertain not unto them, and that these Temples are not in their power. What then? If murder should be committed in those Temples, or any should there conspire against the public wealth, would they leave murderers and conspirators unpunished there? And would they say that these wicked crimes pertain nothing unto them? Would they willingly & wittingly suffer these things? I think not, if they were wise, & if they would keep and defend the public wealth. If a man should object unto them, this Temple is not yours, neither maketh it any matter unto you what is here done: yea but they would then answer, for as much as it is in our City, in that it sufficiently pertaineth unto us. But wicked acts, far more grievous than murders and conspiracies, are there committed, Idolatry I say, sacrilege, and blasphemy. And shall a Magistrate which will be called a Christian, think that these things pertain nothing unto him? But, say they, the superior power hath commanded these things to be done. To this I have already largely answered. Now this thing will I add, if the same power should go about to destroy the City, or to take away or diminish the privileges, they would never suffer that, they would rather run to weapons: but these things which are far more grievous and cruel, are openly and manifestly done and suffered. And which is much most grievous of all, those things are there suffered, where many years the Gospel of Christ hath been received.  
Now resteth (because oftentimes the Magistrate excuseth himself, saying the Ecclesiastical causes pertain not unto him) to declare that to be untrue. Although it be sufficiently declared by those things which I have already spoken, yet for the more easy understanding I think it good to add those things. First I say that the Magistrate is the keeper of the law of God, which containeth not only the latter table, but also the first. Wherefore the Magistrate is a keeper as well of the one, as of the other. I add that also which Augustine saith, 
Augustine.  that not only private men, but also kings ought to serve the Lord. For in the Psalm it is written: In gathering together peoples into one, and kings to serve the Lord. And in an other place. And now O kings understand, be wise ye that judge the earth. Serve the Lord in fear, etc. A private man (saith Augustine) serveth the Lord if he confess his name, and live uprightly. 
How kings ought peculiarly to serve the Lord.  But this is not sufficient for a king and Magistrate. For he by his authority and power ought so to serve the Lord, that he must punish those that are against him: which thing unless he do, he seemeth to assent unto blasphemers and heretics. For the king, when he seeth these men, and suffereth them, is as much in fault, as if he should join himself with them, and maintain their wicked acts. Nebuchad-Nezar as soon as ever he knew GOD, made a decree that whosoever spoke blasphemy against the GOD of Daniel, should die. The like decree made Darius afterward. Wherefore our Magistrates also ought utterly to take away all idolatries, blasphemies, and superstitions, assoon as ever they find them out.  
The Ethnic princes never thought that the care over Religion pertained not unto their power. Why was Socrates condemned at Athens? 
The Ethnic princes had a regard unto religion.  I do not now demand how holily or justly: (for as all men in a manner believe, Anitus and Melitus lied against him) this I speak, for that he was for no other cause condemned, but only for religion, as though he taught new gods, and led away the youth from the old, and received worshipping of the gods: and he was by a profane Magistrate condemned. 
Socrates was for religion sake condemned of a profane Magistrate.  Wherefore the Athenienses thought that the observance and care of religion pertained unto their Magistrate. The law of God commanded that the blasphemer should be put to death, not I think by every private man, or by the Priests, but by the Magistrates. The Ethnic Emperors also in those first times did for no other cause rage against the Christians, but because they thought that matters of religion pertained unto their judgement seat. And assuredly as touching this opinion, they were not deceived: for none (as chrysostom saith) either Apostle or Prophet reproved the people, 
chrysostom.  either jews or ethnics, because they had a care over Religion, but they were deceived in the knowledge of Religion: because they defended their own religion as true, and condemned the Christian religion, as ungodly and blasphemous.  
Constantine and Theodosius are praised, and very many other holy princes, because they took away Idols, and either closed up, or else overthrew their Temples. But they did not these things, but for that they thought that the charge of Religion pertained unto them: otherwise they should have been busy fellows, and should have put their sickle into an other man's harvest. The Donatists took this in very ill part, and grievously complained thereof in Augustine's time, because the Catholic bishops required aid of the Civil Magistrate against them. 
Augustine.  But Augustine confuteth them with the self same arguments, which I have a little before rehearsed, and addeth this moreover: Why did ye accuse Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage before Constantine, if it be wicked for the Emperor to determine concerning Religion.  
Farther, there is gathered by those things which the same father wrote against Petilianus, and against Parmenianus, and also in many other his Epistles, how that the donatists accused Cecilianus (as it is said) before Constantine the Emperor, who first sent the cause to Melchiades Bishop of Rome. And when by him they were overcome, they appealed again unto the Emperor, neither rejected he their appealation from him, but committed the matter unto the Bishop of Orleans: by whom they were again condemned. Neither rested they so, 
Constantine decideth a matter of religion.  but again appealed unto the Emperor, who heard them, decided their cause, condemned them, and by his sentence absolved Cecilianus. Where are they now which so often and so impudently cry, that there is no appealing from the Pope, and that the causes of Religion pertain not unto the civil Magistrate?  
To whom in the old time pertained the right of calling general counsels? Pertained it not unto the Emperors? 
Counsels were called by Emperors.  As for the counsel of Nice, the counsel of Constantinople, of Ephesus, and of Chalcedonia, Emperors called them. Leo. 1. of that name, prayed the Emperor to call a counsel in Italy, because he suspected the Grecians of the error of Eutiches: & yet could he not obtain it, and the Bishops were called together to Chalcedonia, where at the Emperor also was present, as was Constantine at the counsel of Nice. Neither do I think that they were there present, to sit idle and to do nothing, but rather to put forth unto the Bishops what they should do, and to urge them to define rightly. Theodoretus telleth, that Constantine admonished the fathers to determine all things by the scriptures of the Evangelists, Apostles, Prophets, and Canonical scriptures. justinian also in the Code, 
justinian. Augustine.  wrote many Ecclesiastical laws of bishops and Priests, and other such like. Yea and Augustine hath taught, that the Magistrate ought after the same manner to punish Idolaters & heretics, as he punisheth adulterers, for as much as they commit whoredom against God in mind: which is much more heinous then to commit whoredom in body. And look by what law murderers are put to death, by the same also Idolaters and heretics ought to be punished, for that by them are killed not the bodies, but the souls: although the common people be stirred up only against homicides, because they see the blood of the bodies killed, but see not the death of the souls. Undoubtedly it is profitable for the Magistrate to take upon him this care, and by his authority to compel men to come to holy sermons, and to hear the word of God: for by that means it cometh to pass, that by often hearing those things, begin to please, which before displeased. As histories teach, that God hath oftentimes with most noble victories illustrate godly princes, 
God hath prospered princes which had a care unto Religion.  which have had a care unto these things.  
Farther, it can not be denied, but that it is the duty of the Magistrates to defend those Cities and public wealths over which they are governors, and to provide that no hurt happen unto them: wherefore for as much as Idolatry is the cause of captivity, pestilence, famine, & overthrowing of public wealths, shall it not pertain unto the Magistrate to repress it, and to keep the true sound religion? Lastly Paul teacheth fathers to instruct their children in discipline, & in the fear of God: but a good Magistrate is a father of the country, wherefore by the rule of the Apostle he ought to provide that subjects be instructed as common children. But kings and princes, which say that these things pertain not unto them, do in the mean time let, give, and sell bishoprics, Abbacies and benefices, to whom they think good, neither think they that to be none of their office: only religion they think they have nothing to do with, and they neglect to provide that they, whom they exalt to most ample dignities, should execute their office rightly. Wherefore this thing only remaineth for them, even that GOD himself at the length will look upon these things, and with most grievous punishment take vengeance of their negligence. These things have I spoken the more at large by occasion of our History, which maketh mention twice or thrice that evils happened in Israel, because they had not a king or lawful Magistrate.    

¶ The twenty Chapter.  

1 THen all the children of Israel went out, and the congregation was gathered together as one man, from Dan even to Beerseba, and from the land of Gilead, unto the Lord in Mizpa.  
2 And the corners of all the people, and all the tribes of Israel, assembled in the Church of the people of God, four hundredth thousand footmen that drew sword.  
3 And the children of Benjamin heard that the children of Israel were gone up unto Mizpa. Then the children of Israel said: How is this wickedness committed?  
4 And the man the Levite, the woman's husband that was slain, answered and said: I came unto Gibea which is in Benjamin, with my concubine to lodge.  
5 And the men of Gibea arose against me, and beset the house round about upon me by night, thinking to have slain me. And have forced my concubine that she is dead.  
6 Then I took my concubine, and cut her in pieces, and sent her through out all the country of the inheritance of Israel. For they have committed abomination and villainy in Israel.  
7 Behold all ye children of Israel, give your advise and Counsel herein.  
The congregation of the Israelites was assembled together to judge of the crime. This Hebrew word Edah signifieth a Church or an assembly, 
The end of assemblies or meatynges together.  being derived of this verb Adah, which is to testify: because that it is the use and end of such assemblies, that the godly should faithfully testify before God of those things which are put forth to be consulted of.  
From Dan even unto Beerseba. 
Dan & Beerseba.  In this kind of Paraphrasis is comprehended the whole people of Israel. For these are the ends of that kingdom: & Dan is the end toward the North, whereby the jews are neighbours unto the Zidonians, and Beerseba toward the South.  
Even unto Gilead. That land is beyond jordane, 
The borders of the region of the hebrews.  where the two tribes Reuben and Gad together, with half the tribe of Manasses dwelled. This was the third end toward the East. And over against that toward the West lay the sea called mare Mediterraneum. Within these terms and limits was contained the region of the hebrews, which they possessed in the land of Chanaan.  
They came into Mizpa unto the LORD. 
Where Mizpa was.  Mizpa was a place most apt to have assemblies in, it was not far from jerusalem in the Tribe of judah. In the first book of the Machabites the third Chapter, it is thus written: When the people by reason of the tyranny of the Macedonians fled out of jerusalem, they assembled together in Mizpa unto judas Machabeus. And it is added that that place was a house of prayer of ancient time, & lay situate over against the City of jerusalem. And in this book we have before heard, how that when jiphtah should be ordained judge over the people, the people assembled together in Mizpa. In samuel's time also the people assembled together twice unto that place: once when they should lead an army against the Philistines, & an other time when Saul should be created king. Farther, when all the City was overthrown by Nebuchad-Nezar, all the people fled to Godolia in Mizpa. Moreover besides the opportunity of the place, was added a notable benefit of God: because, as we read in the .10. chapter of josuah, there assembled thither against the people of Israel a very great number of kings, for there were not five or six, but very many kings which were neighbours, intending utterly to destroy the name of the jews. Yet God commanded them to be of a good & valiant courage, because he would give unto his people the victory over them all. And when that thing happened, contrary to all man's hope, the hebrews for a monument of so great a benefit, built in that place an alter unto God. Wherefore it is probable (as the Rabbins affirm) that in Mizpa began to be a house of prayer. For the people went not to the tabernacle or to jerusalem, so often as they had occasion to pray, 
Every City had synagogues.  but had in Cities and Villages certain synagogues, wherein they prayed together unto God. But to do Sacrifices it was not after that manner lawful but only at the tabernacle of Moses, or at jerusalem, after Solomon had built the Temple: although high places were sometimes used. Wherefore the people assembled thither as well for the opportunity of the place, as also by reason of the ancient Religion: neither thought they it lawful to begin any thing without prayers. Which institution, for that the Papists would somewhat resemble, they first provide to have a Mass of the holy Ghost, song before they make any leagues, or rather conspiracies against Christ.  
It is said that they assembled together unto the Lord, to pray together unto the Lord. 
D. Kimhi.  Although David Kimhi thinketh that this was added: because wheresoever is a multitude of the godly, there is GOD also present. And to confirm that sentence, he bringeth a place put of the Psalm: GOD stood in the synagogue of Gods. For judges which in this place are called Gods, when they give judgement, ought not to think that they have their own cause in hand, but God's cause, as josaphat the godly king showed them. I do not disallow this sentence: for it is both godly, and also it maketh men to understand, that when assemblies are godly had, then do men assemble unto GOD: which thing if men in these days would consider, great men would handle public causes with more fear of God. Howbeit this is for certain that the Israelites assembled not in Silo, as some think.  
And the corners of all the people assembled. The Hebrew word is Penoth, which properly signifieth corners: but in this place it is taken for Captains, heads over ten, Centurious, Tribunes, and governors of warlike affairs. For they after a sort are corners, strengths and stays of an army. Wherefore the villages of the Holuetians in the Italian tongue are called Cantones. Wherefore the hebrews come and assemble in Mizpa, not rashly, but in their orders. They had not in deed a king, or mighty Magistrates, or Senadrim, as it is thought, for they were sore decayed and weakened by the Philistines. Yet they retained among themselves some order and discipline.  
Four hundredth thousand footmen. When they went out of Epypte, they were 666000. 
The number of the Israelites diminish.  men. It seemeth that the number was now diminished. And no marvel, because they had been afflicted with many & grievous calamities. Also the tribe of Benjamin was away, which peradventure had thirty thousand soldiers. For that tribe was both ample and also mighty.  
And the children of Benjamin heard. The Beniamites would not be present, they only heard what should be done. 
David Kimhi  Kimhi admonisheth that these words are put in by a parenthesis: for there is no cause showed why they would not be among them.  
And the children of Israel said: Tell how this wicked act was committed. Kimhi thinketh that these things are to be red in the vocative case, as though it should have been said: O ye children of Israel, declare the whole matter in order as it was done: in the mean time it seemeth that the Beniamites are noted, because they would not come unto the assembly, neither take away evil from among them. The people assembled together to understand the cause, that for as much as there was no Magistrate, the people might publicly give judgement of so heinous a wicked crime.  
The Levite answered. This is in deed a short accusation, 
It is proved that Concubines were wives  but yet it comprehendeth al. In the mean time, this is to be noted, that this Levite is called the husband of the woman that was slain, which yet is called his Concubine. Where by is proved the sentence which we have before affirmed, namely that lawful wives also are called Concubines.  
They intended to kill me. He speaketh modestly and shamefastly, and declareth the wicked act of the Gabaonites. Levi been Gerson saith, that he so spoke, because he was ready to die, rather than then he would suffer so great a villainy.  
Behold all ye children of Israel. When he had finished his tale, he biddeth them to take counsel, what was to be done in this matter. Then followeth the deliberation.   

8 Then all the people arose as one man, saying: There shall not a man of us go to his tent, neither shall any turn into his house.  
9 But now this is the thing which we will do to Gibea, against it by lot.  
10 And we will take ten men of the hundredth through out all the tribes of Israel, and an hundredth of the thousand, and a thousand of ten thousand, to bring victual unto the people, that they may do (when they come to Gibea of Benjamin) according unto all the villainy, that it hath done in Israel.  
11 So all the men of Israel were gathered against the City, knit together as one man.  
12 And the tribes of Israel sent men through all the Tribe of the children of Benjamin, saying: What wickedness is this that is committed among you?  
13 Now therefore deliver us those wicked men which are in Gibea, that we may slay them, and take away evil from Israel. But the children of Benjamin would not obey the voice of their brethren the children of Israel.  
They all even to one determined, that so great a villainy should be avenged, if the Beniamites would not punish the guilty, as it was meet they should. The sum is: They will not suffer the wicked act to escape unpunished. But how these things mought be rightly and orderly done and ordered, was first to be considered. For there was a great number of men, namely .4. hundredth thousand. Wherefore out of that number they choosed some to bring victuals: & other some to assail the enemies. But before all things, they sent a message unto the Beniamites, that if they would deliver the wicked men, they would cease from war. But some man will say, was it sufficient to deliberate to fight, and only to hear the accusation of the Levite? Undoubtedly it seemeth that he ought to have proved that fact, 
What witnesses the Levite mought have.  both by reasons, and also by witnesses. But it is probable, that he had his servant to witness, which was present when those things were done, and peradventure that old man, to whom he had turned in. For it is to be thought that he was departed from the Gabaonites, for as much as he could not abide their wickedness. But howsoever the matter was, the people before they go to hand strokes, decreed to send messengers unto the Beniamites, that by them they might excuse their fact, and defend themselves. And by that means the other part, namely the guilty, was heard.  
In the mean time they choose those by lots which should be appointed to certain offices. This was the people's doing: and therefore it was done by choice, that they might know, who should carry victuals unto the camp, & who should fight. 
To cast lots are most apt for the popular state.  And to cast lot seemeth to be the most meetest way for the state of the people: for the people loveth equality of laws, and equability, which seemeth then to be chiefest, when choice is permitted unto lots. Wherefore where as the people govern, Magistrates are oftentimes chosen by lots. So is it also in hosts, that when soldiers will, they do many things between themselves by lots. This therefore was the manner thereof, that the tenth man of the whole people should be had, so that one of ten should by lot be taken, ten of a hundredth, one hundredth of a thousand, and a thousand also of ten thousand. This seemeth to be a very profitable and commodious way. For now oftentimes in hosts a man shall see more rascals and victuallers, than soldiers. But by this means or decree, one tended up on nine soldiers, and ten upon ninety. And their charge was to provide vyttailes, because they knew not how long that expedition should endure. So in Titus Livius Quintius Cincinnatus, 
Titus Livius.  being created Dictator in a perilous time of the public wealth, and having a journey to make by night, straightway commanded, that the youth should gather together stakes and make ready weapons: but the old men and such as were not apt for war, should dress victuals for the rest, as much as should serve them for five days. Here we see that the Dictator had his choice of them al. But among the Israelits there was no Dictator: wherefore the matter was put to lots. In the book of josua also in the first chapter, it is written that josua commanded the tribunes to gather an army, and that all of them should have meat ready dressed to their hands, when they should pass over jordane. For they were ignorant what should happen unto them.  
As it were one man. They were agreed together, and also of one mind: and nothing is more profitable prosperously to make war, than the concord of soldiers.  

War when it is not proclaimed, seemeth theft.  The tribes of Israel sent messengers. The Israelites do appoint nothing rashly or headlong. This reason was most just, that before they made any invasion by war, they should proclaim war. For where that is not done, it may seem to be rather theft, than war. Farther, they would that if any had been innocent among them, they should not have wrapped themselves together with those wicked men. deliver unto us (say they) those which have committed so great wickedness. That all the people may punish them, if ye will not. And they bring forth the law of God: That evil may be taken away from among the people. By evil is understand sin and wickedness: that seemeth to be taken away, when it is punished. 
How evil is taken away.  But if it remain unpunished, then remaineth that God will take vengeance thereof. Other do thus expound it: That we may take away evil, that is, that we may turn away from Israel the calamities, which for that sin seemed to hang over it. So jesus in the Gospel healed all diseases and griefs in the people: when as yet he came not for diseases sake, but for sins. But diseases are inflicted because of sins. Therefore seeing he took away the cause, namely sin, he took away also the effects of sin. They sent messengers, not only to one family of the tribe of Benjamin, but to all. Schebat in Hebrew is a tribe, but here it is taken for a family. And in very deed tribes were nothing else then famelies, coming of the patriarchs, namely the children of jacob. But the tribe of Benjamin had ten famelies, 
Benjamin had ten fa●elies. R. Selomoh.  who took their names of their first Parents. And those ten famelies were so notable and abundant, that R. Selomoh saith, that Rachel after a sort brought forth twelve tribes, that is, there came out of Benjamin ten famelies, which might be likened unto ten tribes: Farther, of joseph were borne Ephraim and Manasses. Wherefore the Tribe of Benjamin was very populous and mighty. Whereby also it came to pass that they trusted to much in their own strength, and thought that they were able to resist all Israel. Wherefore they would neither deliver the guilty, nor yet punish them. For they thought it ignominious unto them, if they should have done either of them. They would not give place to sound counsels, wherefore they could not deny, but that war was justly made against them, which by honest means they might have avoided. But the rest of the people are to be praised, because they with so great moderation took in hand so great a matter. first, 
A comparison between the people and the Beniamites.  they would know the cause, then send messengers, to require that the guilty might be put to death: lastly they would assay allthings, rather than they would make war against their brethren. On the contrary side, the Beniamites do all things perversely, they take no counsel, they neither deny nor excuse their act, they will not deliver the guilty, but prepare themselves to defend. And so for the wickedness of a few, they contaminate themselves all. And as Paul saith to the Romans, they do not only evil themselves, but also consent to them that do evil. Neither could they excuse themselves by ignorance of the law, which they had so often heard. They acknowledge that the wicked act was most grievous, which yet they allow in defending the guilty.   

14 But the children of Benjamin gathered themselves together out of the Cities into Gibea, to go out and fight against the children of Israel.  
15 And the children of Benjamin were numbered at that time .26. thousand men that drew sword, besides the inhabiters of Gibea, which were numbered vi hundredth chosen men.  
16 Of all this people there were .7. hundredth chosen men, that were shut in their right hand: all these could sling stones at an hear breadth, and not fail.  
17 Also the men of Israel beside Benjamin, were numbered .400. thousand men that drew sword. All these were men of war.  
18 And they arose up, and went up to Bethel, and asked of God, & the children of Israel said: which of us shall go up first to fight against the children of Benjamin? And the Lord said: juda shall be first.  
19 Then the children of Israel rose up early, and camped against Gibea.  
20 The men of Israel I say went out to battle against Benjamin, and the men of Israel put themselves in array, to fight against them beside Gibea.  
21 And the children of Benjamin came out of Gibea, and slew down to the ground of the Israelites that day xxii thousand men.  
22 And the people the men of Israel plucked up their hearts, and set their battle again in array, in the place where they put them in a ray the first day.  
23 And the children of Israel went up, and asked the Lord saying: Shall I go again to battle against the children of Benjamin my brethren? And the Lord said: Go up against them.  
24 Then the children of Israel came near the children of Benjamin the second day.  
25 And the second day Benjamin came forth to meet them out of Gibea, and slew down to the ground of the children of Israel again xviii thousand men. Al they could handle the sword.  
The Beniamites assembled together to Gibea, because they saw all the brunt of the battle bent thitherward. They took out the choice of their soldiers, wherein were not comprehended the inhabiters of Gibea, which were in number six hundredth men of war, and men picked out. And it is added for a thing wonderful, that there were of the Beniamites seven hundredth, which had an impediment in their right hands, but used slings, & leavened so nigh, that they miss not even an hear breadth. 
What hand is said to be closed  It is said that they had their hands closed, because the sinews were bound, neither could the spirits have their movings freely. For which cause they were unapt to draw sword. The latin translation hath ambi dexteros, because they could use both hands, as though either hand were the right hand. 
Leafthanded.  And they which excuse this translation, do say that they so used the left hand, as if they had had no right hand. I think rather that they were left handed. But in that it is added that they leveled so rightly, that they miss not a hear breadth, 
Hyperbole.  I think it be spoken by this figure Hyperbole, whereby their cunning and industry might the more be commended.  
In the Hebrew it is read that the Beniamites had xxvi thousand soldiers. But in the latin interpretation are put only xxv thousand, for this cause as I suppose, because in that last conflict wherein the Beniamites were overthrown, we read only of xxv thousand that were slain. Wherefore if a man compare the first number with the latter, there are a thousand over, whom other think that when their host was discomfited, and things past all hope, they turned back & fled into Europe. 
D. Kimhi.  But Kimhi thinketh more rightly, that they were myssing, when the Beniamites got the upper hand in those two first conflicts. For it is not credible that they so overcame, that they lost none of their soldiers. Wherefore if thou add them unto the xxv thousand, which fell in the third battle, then is the whole number of xxvi thousand explete. These things I know are of small weight: which yet I thought good to note, because the Rabbins have written many things of them, and the translations do differ.  
When the soldiers were chosen out, and all things set in an order, the Israelites send to Bethel, and ask counsel of God. The Ark of the Lord was at that time in Siloh, 
Bethel is not always the proper name of a place.  and from thence were given answers. And Bethel in this place is not the name of a City, but is taken for the house of God, and signifieth a place where the Ark of the covenant remained. Farther, Siloh was not far from Gibea, wherefore it was no hard matter for the Israelites to send thither to ask counsel of God. They asked the Lord, which tribe should have the first place in the battle, for some one tribe must needs be the first. Answer was made, that this should be given unto the tribe of juda. That was of all the tribes most populous and noble, unto which afterward came the kingdom. They inquired not who should be the captain of the war, but which tribe should begin the battle first against the enemies.  


Why they doubted not of the victory.  
Wherein the israelites sinned.   They nothing doubt of the victory: neither demand they any thing concerning it. They saw that their quarrel was just. They saw also that they were more in number and multitude, and that it would be easy to overcome so few: wherefore they pray not unto God to give them the victory, which was a grievous sin, as R. Levi been Gerson affirmeth. Wherefore God being offended, suffered them twice to fall before their enemies, and that wonderfully. For God hateth nothing more than pride, and to much trust in our own strengths. He will also have men know, that victory is both to be required, 
D. Kimhi.  and also to be hoped for at his hands only. But Kimhi saith, that other think that this so great misfortune of war happened, because of the idolatry of Micha the Israelite. As though God should in this manner have dealt with them: Ye will avenge the injury done unto a man, being a Levite, but ye neglect and wink at the contumely which I suffer at the Danites hands, who publicly worship Idols. Either of these sentences is very likely, although neither of them is gathered out of the text. Howbeit this we may affirm, that there were some certain causes, whereby God was exceedingly provoked of the Israelites. But what those causes were, though we know not, it is no marvel. For the counsels of God are hidden and obscure. Order at the length required this, that the Israelites should first avenge the contumely of God himself, and afterward of the Levite. But this is sufficiently declared in the text, 
What things the Israelites had omitted,  that they at those two first times came not unto God earnestly enough. They came in deed: but they neither fasted, nor killed sacrifices, nor made any prayers, as far as the holy history declareth. But at the last, having already two overthrows, all of them with a lowly and humble mind come unto God, all pray together and fast. These things seem sufficiently to declare, that they were not before in the house of the Lord in such manner as they ought to have been. For if they had had true faith, they would have before also proclaimed both common prayers, and also fasting. Mourning, fasting, and prayers are the effects of faith and true repentance. These things for that they had not, it is probable that therefore they received so great loss at the first and second conflict. This thing also might be a cause, for that they made war to much securely and contemptuously, as they which did put their confidence in the number and strength of their own men. Wherefore they contemned the enemy, 
The contempt of enemies hurteth very much  than the which nothing is more unprofitable to those that shall fight. For contempt of the enemies engendereth negligence in the hosts.   

26 Then all the children of Israel ascended, and all the people, and they came into the house of God, and wept, and abode there before the Lord. They fasted also that day unto the evening, and offered burnt offerings, and peace offerings before the Lord.  
27 And the children of Israel asked the Lord (for there was the Ark of the Lord in those days.  
28 And Pinhas the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron stood before it in those days) saying: Shall I yet go any more to battle against the children of Benjamin my brethren, or shall I cease? The Lord answered: Go up, for to morrow I will deliver them into your hand.  
29 And Israel set men to lie in wait round about Gibea.  
30 And the children of Israel went up against the children of Benjamin the third day, and put themselves in array against Gibea, as at other times.  
31 Then the children of Benjamin coming out to meet the people, were drawn from their City, and they began to smite and to kill of the people as at other times, even by the ways (whereof one goeth up to the house of God, and the other to Gibea) in the field, upon a thirty men of Israel.  
32 And the children of Benjamin said: They are fallen before us as at the first. But the children of Israel said: Let us fly, and pluck them away from the city, even to the high ways.  
33 And when all the men of Israel rose up out of their place, and put themselves in array in Baal-Thamar: in the mean while, the men of Israel that lay in wait, came forth of their place, even out of the meadows of Gibea.  
34 And they came over against Gibea, ten thousand chosen men of all Israel, and the battle was sore: for they knew not that the evil was near them.  
35 And the Lord smote Benjamin before Israel, and the children of Israel destroyed of the Beniamites the same day xxv thousand and one hundredth men. All they could handle the sword.  
36 So the children of Benjamin saw that they were smitten down, for the children of Israel gave place unto the Beniamites, because they trusted to the men that lay in wait, which they had laid besides Gibea.  
37 And they that lay in wait hasted, and broke forth toward Gibea, and the embushment drew themselves along, and smote all the City with the edge of the sword.  
38 Also the men of Israel had appointed a certain time with the embushmentes, that with great speed they should make a great flame and smoke rise out of the City.  
39 And the men of Israel retired in the battle, and Benjamin began to smite and kill the men of Israel, about xxx persons, for they said: Surely they are stricken down before us, as in the first battle.  
40 But when the flame began to arise out of the City, as a pillar of smoke, the Beniamites looked back, and behold, the flame of the City began to ascend up to heaven.  
41 Then the men of Israel turned again, and the children of Benjamin were astonied, for they saw their destruction at hand.  
42 Therefore they fled before the men of Israel unto the way of the wilderness, but the battle overtook them, also they which came out of the Cities, slew them among them.  
43 Thus they compassed the Beniamites about, and chased them at ease, and overran them, even over against Gibea on the East side.  
44 And there fell of Benjamin xviii thousand men, which were all men of war.  
45 And they turned and fled unto the wilderness, unto the rock Rimmon, and the Israelites glayned of them by the way .v. thousand men, and pursued after them unto Gidehon, & slew two thousand men of them.  
46 So that all that were slain that day of the Beniamites were 25 thousand men that drew sword, which were all men of war.  
47 But vi hundredth men turned and fled to the wilderness, unto the rock of Rimmon, and abode in the rock Rimmon .4. months.  
48 Then the men of Israel returned unto the children of Benjamin, and smote them with the edge of the sword, from the men of the City unto the beasts, and all that came to hand, also they set on fire all the Cities that they could come by.  
After that the children of Israel had had the overthrow, they went up unto the house of God, and wept there. And assuredly somewhat they did that belonged unto piety, but yet not so much as they ought: for they fasted not, neither offered they Sacrifices, which are tokens of a full faith and conversion. 
Why God had them ascend when they should be overthrown.  How beit the Lord biddeth them to ascend, because he would not fear them away from the battle, which they had in a just cause taken in hand. He did not straightway give the victory, but still permitted them to be afflicted of their enemies, whereby they might understand their faults, and more earnestly desire pardon. There perished again xviii thousand of them, after which slaughter it is said that they came all of them humbly unto God. There they wept, not counterfetlye or lightly, but bitterly and earnestly, and that all the whole day. They fasted, they offered burnt offerings and peace offerings.  offerings were they which were all whole burnt, but of peace offerings a certain part was offered, an other part was given unto the Priest, and an other part returned unto him which offered it, to eat it with his friends in the sight of the Lord. The hebrews being now oppressed with troubles, do not only pray unto God, and bewail their sins, but also fast, and after fasting institute a communion among themselves. In that it is said that the Ark of the Lord was there, we must understand that of Siloh: for there it continually abode. It is said that the priest stood before the Lord: and that is nothing else, then that he exercised the holy ministry.  
They asked: Shall we ascend, or shall we cease? 
This is a more full interrogation than the first were.  This is a more full interrogacion than the first were: for at the first time they only demanded, which tribe should first assail the enemies. At the second time, whither God would that they should ascend against their enemies. But now they demand whither they shall go up, or whither they shall cease? As though they utterly referred the matter unto the will of God. God answereth them more gently & faith: Go up, to morrow I will deliver them into thine hand. The things that are now done and set forth, serve to our commodity. We ought to attempt nothing, whereof we are not before certain, whither it be just or unjust. For the true knowledge whereof, we must seek for the answer of God out of the holy scriptures. The Israelites would not wrap the innocents with the guilty, & therefore they sent messengers at the beginning, which thing at this day is not observed in making of wars. Our Capitains' and Emperors do allthings without respect, & do no les rage's against children, old men, maidens, and widows, then against those which have chiefly offended. The Beniamites are worthily to be condemned, because they defended an unjust cause, & thought that it would be ignominious unto them, if they should deliver any of theirs to be punished, which thing we see happeneth very often times in these days. For masters defend their servants, they care not by what right or wrong. For if their servant, although he be guilty, be cast into prison, they think that thereby cometh a great ignominy unto themselves, their family, and to their court. But they ought to have justice before their eyes, & not to have a regard to any thing else, then that the laws should be kept. The Beniamites did put their confidence in their own strength, & the Israelites in their great number, and also in the justness of their cause. But both of them sinned, for confidence is not to be put either in the strength of soldiers, or in the number, or in the justness of the cause, but only in the mercy of God.  
Although the cause be good, yet doth not the thing always succeed prosperously. The Beniamites in a most wicked cause got the victory the first time, the second time, yea and the third time, yet at the last they suffered punishment, and were overthrown and slain. For God, howsoever he do for a time wink at the wicked acts of men, yet he suffereth them not always to escape unpunished. For the ungodly, as the holy prophets admonish us, flourish for a short time: but if thou a little while pass by and return, he shall be no where. That the Israelites were so often overcome, 
Why god would have the Israelites overcome.  it was the work & counsel of God, not because he would help the wicked men, but to allure his to true & just repentace.  
We may also hereby learn, that in all matters that we take in hand, three things are chief to be required: first that the cause be just which we will defend. 
Three things required in every thing that we take in hand.  Farther, that we put not the ability of performing the same in our own strength, but in God: lastly, that we put to our endeavour & diligence. Otherwise to despise the means, whereby we may attain to our purpose, is nothing else them to tempt God. It is not enough to say: I have a good cause, I will commit the residue unto god. We must also stretch out our strengths, & add to our diligence: Wherefore we may not put our affiance in any cause, although it be never so just.  
Some man will say: what difference then is there between a just cause, and an unjust? 
There is great difference between, to have a good cause, & to have an evil.  Much undoubtedly. For in an unjust cause thou canst not call upon God, or trust that he will be an helper unto thee. For an unjust cause is under the curse of God, and to call upon God to help, it is even like as if I should desire help of a man, to fight against myself. But if the cause be good, every man may put his confidence in God, & call upon him, but yet not in such manner to put hope in the equity of the cause, but that thou mayest hope, that God for his mercy's sake will be an aid unto thee. 
The success maketh not the cause either good or evil.  If the success be evil, the cause is not therefore straightway good. Nebuchad-Nezar destroyed jewrye, and led away the nations that were adjoining captives into Babylon, and yet was not his cause therefore good. God's cause in deed was just: for he would by that means take vengeance of a rebellious people. But Nebuchad-Nezar thought nothing else but to exercise his tyranny. joseph, because he would avoid adoultery, was cast into prison, and yet was not his cause therefore ever a whit the worse. David was ejected of Absalon, and yet was not Absalon's cause therefore any whit the better. In our time Princes that are Protestants have had ill success in war, and yet is therefore not the cause of the Gospel to be thought the worse. The Beniamites now got the victory more than once or twice, in a cause most wicked. The holy Martyrs in our times are most miserably slain of tyrants, and that with most cruel kind of torments, and yet we nothing doubt but that their cause is most excellent. England had of late, as touching the word of God and truth, a Church most rightly instituted, which was afterward miserably disjected and separated: neither followed it thereby that the cause of religion was evil. But now thanks be given unto God which hath restored it.  

From the cause to the effects is a firm argument, where the effect followeth of necessity the cause.  There may in deed be drawn an argument of the events, but not of necessity, yea scarce probable. For the passage from the effects to the cause, is not firm, unless the effects and causes be necessary. Wherefore this argument is of no force: The Israelites have a good cause, therefore they shall not fall in battle: for it may be, that God will illustrate his glory, yea even with the slaughter of them. And this argument also is no stronger than that: The Beniamites overcame, wherefore they had the better cause. These things I have spoken the more at large, to the end we should not waver in mind, or doubt of the goodness of our cause, if peradventure the things go not prosperously with us.  


The godly when they have received the overthrow, flee unto God.  
The ungodly gave not thanks unto God for the victory.   Farther, in this place is to be noted the nature of godly men: when they have received the overthrow, they flee unto God. But the ungodly, even when they get the victory, do not give thanks unto God, as now we read not that the Beniamites gave thanks unto God for their good successes, we have heard of none of their prayers, nor of any confidence they put in God: yea rather there arose so great security and insolency of some of their successes, that they broke out of the City, and pursued the enemies, farther than was meet or convenient. But at the last they received the just fruit of their pride. contrarily the Israelites being afflicted with miseries, got themselves unto God. Unto whom god answered, that he would the next day deliver the Beniamites into their hands.  
In the two first interrogations, the Israelites seemed to doubt nothing of the victory: because they had yet a confidence in their own strengths and number, but after the second overthrow, they showed in very deed a lowly and humble mind. Shall we go up (say they) or shall we cease? As though they should have said: O Lord jehovah, all the victory lieth in thine hand, therefore we wholly commit ourselves to thy mercy: show thou unto us, what we ought to do. If thou command us, we are ready to leave of from our enterprise. 
Levi been Gerson. David Kimhi  This is a perfect interrogation, after the opinion of Levi been Gerson. Kimhi hath noted many things in this place, not a little profitable for the understanding of other scriptures, concerning interrogations and oracles. This saith he, was the manner of ask of God. He which would inquire concerning any public affair, 
The manner of ask of God.  or otherwise of any weighty matter, came unto the priest, and he putting on an Ephod, stood before the Ark of the Lord. In the Ephod, or in the breast plate were twelve precious stones, wherein were written the names of the twelve tribes, and there were also set the names of Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, & in those stones were all the letters of the alphabet. The asker ought to turn his face unto the priest, and to ask, not in deed so apertly that his voice should be heard, neither yet so softly, that he should only think in mind the things which he desired, but in such sort, as we read that Hanna prayed in the first book of Samuel, where it is said that she moved her lips only, neither spoke she any thing that could be heard. Then was the oracle in this manner given unto the Priest. By the power of the holy ghost certain letters appeared above the other in the breast plate, and that either in place or in brightness, wherein the Priest read the oracle and will of God. And these things are those urim and Thummim, which the Priest bore in his breast plate. This is Kimhies' opinion. Unto whom, what faith is to be given, I cannot tell. For it might be, that the spirit of god did without letters give oracles by the voice of the high Priest, whose heart he inspired with prophecy.  
This Pinhas which is written to have stand now before the Lord, 
Pinhas.  is not called by his proper name only, but also by the names of his father and grandfather, are added with all, that is, the names of Eleazar and Aaron: which is done so much the more diligently, because no man otherwise would believe that he could have lived so long. Therefore the Readers would have thought that this had been some other, rather than the son of Eleazar. For if thou wilt count the years, 
Pinhas lived long.  thou shalt find that there were no less than .300. years passed, from the time of that noble act of Pinhas, unto this age whereof we now speak. Wherefore it mought seem incredible that it should be the same man. Howbeit for as much as the holy scriptures do testify this thing, we ought so to believe. Neither undoubtedly is it any marvel, though God prolonged his life so long. For when he had slain the harlot of Midian, and the Prince of the Tribe of Simeon, even in that their wicked act, God judged that he had employed his labour excellently well, & that he had done a most notable act. Therefore my covenant (said he) shallbe with h●● life and peace. By which words was promised unto him long life & honourable, which he should execute in his priesthood. 
Of what tribe Elias was.  There are some which produce his life farther, and say that he was Elias. But that hath no ground of the holy scriptures. Yea rather some think that Elias came of the tribe of Benjamin, and not of the tribe of Levi, whereof Pinhas came.   

¶ Of Merits.  
WHere as it is said that the Israelites went up, wept, fasted, & did sacrifice, 
Against merits  we must not think that by those actions they satisfied the anger of god: for we have no merits, for as much as we cannot perfectly obey the law of God. Farther, if there were any merits of ours, they should consist of such works which we are not of duty bound to do unto God: otherwise if we own unto God whatsoever we do, what thing can our merit then be? But both we ourselves and all ours, doings I say, sayings, thoughts, and counsels are due unto god. Wherefore our merits do utterly perish. Moreover those works whereby we should merit, aught to be of ourselves: which cannot be affirmed, for as much as it is god which worketh in us both to will & to perform, & that not as we will, but according to his good wil 
Augustine.  Wherefore Augustine was accustomed very well to say, that God which crowneth his gifts in us. And in his .100. Epistle ad Sixtum Presbiterum, Paul (saith he) when he had said: The reward of sin is death, did not straightway add contrarily: The reward of righteousness is everlasting life. But Grace saith he, is eternal life, for that is not rendered to our merits, but is given freely. He might in deed have written after the same manner if he would. For the holy Scripture sometimes so speaketh. But for that he was a defender of grace, he would not give occasion unto his enemies to impugn it. Farther, our works, how holy so ever they appear, are nevertheless unpure and imperfect. Wherefore they are worthy rather of punishment, then that they should deserve any good. And without doubt they should be punished, were not the redemption and justification which we have by Christ our Lord.  
There ought also to be some anallogy or proportion between merits and rewards, whereof there is none between our works and eternal life. For as Paul saith: The sufferings of this time, are not worthy of the glory to come, which shallbe revealed in us. This is to be added, that in the holy scriptures is no where found the name of merit. Some in deed are wont to bring the xvi chap. of Ecclesiasticus, and there they say it is written: All mercy shall make place unto every one, according to the merits of his works. But they which object this thing, let him look upon the Greek text, wherein it is thus written: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is in latin: Deus omni misericordiae faciet locum, & quisque juxta opera sua inveniet. Which in english signifieth: God will make place unto all mercy, and every man shall find according unto his works. But in these words there is no mention made of merit, only this is written, that whose works are good, they shall be in good case, but yet their works are not said to be merits or causes of reward. I will not speak how that book is not in the Canon: because Paul and the Gospels use the same form of speaking. But of that which is written unto the Hebrews, by such Sacrifices God is well pleased, I have before spoken: now with one word only will I briefly touch the thing. This word of deserving is not found in the Greek. In Greek is read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which word is only signified, that the good works of the faithful are grateful and acceptable unto God.  

Of the word reward.  But as touching this word reward, which some, because they do not well understand it, do take for merit, we must divide it two manner of ways. For that is sometimes called a reward, which is given freely, but yet is promised, by adding of some work, whereby men should be stirred up to do well. So eternal life may be called a reward, not that we deserve the same by our works, but because by a certain order appointed of God, it followeth our good works. But sometimes a reward is that which is due unto good deeds, 
Whither eternal life may be called a reward  & is rendered unto them of duty. After this manner eternal life cannot be called the reward of our works. Wherefore Paul to the Romans saith: Abraham believed God, & it was imputed unto him for righteousness. But unto him which worketh reward, is not imputed according to grace, but according to debt. Wherefore eternal life, for as much as it is not of right dew, cannot be a reward, if the word be taken in that signification. But when they thus reason: there is a reward given, ergo there is a merit. The argument is not firm, 
A genere ad species.  because in affirming we may not descend from the general word to the species. Neither doth he rightly conclude which saith: It is a living creature, ergo it is a man. This general word reward hath two species: therefore this argument is not firm, if we say: It is a reward, Ergo it is plain that it must be given of duty.  
This saying also of jeremy is to be added: Cursed be every one that putteth his hope in man, and calleth flesh his strength. But all our things, whatsoever they be, are not without flesh. Wherefore it is not lawful for us to put confidence in them. 
Jerome.  And Jerome writing upon that place hath very well brought in many things, whereby may be understanded that in our works there is no regard of merit. Yea and the Papists also themselves, which are the patrons of merits, are sometimes compelled to confess that our merits are nothing at all. For on the 2. Sunday in the Aduent, thus they pray: Be pacified O god with the prayers of our humility, and where help of merits do want, succour us with the aids of of thy mercy. The fathers, when in their writings they oftentimes inculcate this word of meriting, do by it signify nothing else, then to get, to obtain, and to attain to. And as many of them as have written purely, the same have detested the consideration of merits, whereof the papists so much boast. Wherefore the Israelites were not heard thorough the merit of their tears or prayers, but because by faith in Christ to come they obtained forgiveness of sins, and so by his merit only they returned into favour again with god.  
They offered sacrifice. 
What profit the sacrifices of the law had.  Although I have before largely spoken of the sacrifices in the old time, yet I think it good here also briefly to touch what profit was of them in the old law. When men are vexed with calamities, they begin to think upon their sin, they look upon the law: where when they behold the wrath of god kindled for sin, they are in heart dejected: in which perturbation there remaineth no remedy, but to get them unto Christ, which is the sum and end of all sacrifices. Him did the fathers, which were godly, embrace by faith: but in the sacrifices, as often as the sacrifice was slain, so often the death of Christ was after a sort set before the eyes of those that stood by, by whose death the sins of the world should be taken away. 
The sacraments of the olders & ours at all one, but differ in outward symbols & signs.  Wherefore they had after this manner a communion among themselves in Christ, which by sundry notes and signs daily signified to the people in the old time, wherhence they by faith received unto their salvation both his death and the fruit thereof as we do. Wherefore Paul saith truly unto the Corrinthians: All did eat of one, and the self same spiritual meat, and all drunk of one, and the self same spiritual drink. And they drunk of the spiritual rock following them. And that rock was Christ. Wherefore the elders had their mysteries and sacraments, whereby they also embraced Christ. And undoubtedly as touching the thing, they had the same that we have, the difference was only in the symbols.  
But Augustine noteth in them certain other differences, 
Augustine. Differences between the Sacraments of the elders and ours.  which here to rehearse shall not be unprofitable. first they had many sacraments, and we but few: the symbols of our sacraments are water, bread, and wine: they had oxen calves, sheep, goats, doves, turtle doves, bread, wine, oil & such other like. Farther, the condition of our sacraments is diverse from the equality of theirs: for theirs were more grievous, but ours are by Christ made both easier and also lighter. Moreover those symbols that were given unto them, were contained in one country only, but ours are common to the whole world. Farther in them Christ was setforth, as he which should come: but to us, as he which is now already come. But as touching salvation there is no difference. For the same salvation and the same Christ was offered unto them, which is settefoorth unto us. This is also to be added, that our Sacraments are more manifest and excellent, for as much as they have more manifest words of Christ and his redemption, which make faith more full. And therefore the spirit is now had more abundantly, than it was in that time, if we speak of the common state of men. For I speak not of persons singularly, neither do I think that Abraham had less faith and spirit then christian men now have. But now let us return unto the history.  
The hebrews when they were afflicted, fled unto God by Christ, who was set before them in their sacrifices, and was there apprehended by faith. Therehence was all the utility of their sacrifices, to the offering or receiving whereof it was not lawful to come rashly, otherwise they should have been to their hurt, and should have kindled the wrath of God against them, which thing Paul hath very well admonished us of saying: He which eateth or drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh unto himself damnation. 
What the purifications of the Elders signified.  Wherefore in the law there were many purifications, sprinkelings, and washings, before they came unto the holy services. And these men now repent, and throw themselves down unto the ground weeping before the Lord: for they were touched with the bitterness and grievousness of their sins.  
When god had heard the prayers of the Israelites, and had promised to deliver the Beniamites into their hands, he ministered also unto them secret and sound counsels, namely that they should in a convenient place lay an embushment, and making as though they would flee, draw away their enemies from the cities, that afterward they might oppress them, both before and behind. They had among them contrary counsels. 

The counsels of the B●niamits and of the Israelites are diverse.  
The like poletike devise in the book of josuah.   The Beniamites said: They flee, let us follow them and oppress them as they are fleeing. The Israelites contrarily said: Let us give place unto the Beniamites, hat they may follow us more insolently and securely. For we will stop them of their return into the city. We read of the like policy of war in the book of josua, when the city of Hais was assaulted. It is now written that god himself smote them. For it is said, And god made Benjamin to fall before the israelites, lest the victory should seem to be attributed, either unto the strengths of the Israelites, or to their politic devise. The whole sum of those which were slain, were .25. thousand. The order of this history might seem somewhat trobulesome, which yet if it be apart considered particularly, shallbe the better understanded. For at the first conf ict were slain of the Beniamites 18000. then when they fled into the desert .5000. lastly when they fled to Gibea .2000. all which sums added together, do make the full number of .25000.  
The city ascended up to heaven. Here is the figure Hyperbole, whereby is signified either that the smoke of the city ascended up into heaven, or that else all the riches thereof which were now on fire and turned into smoke, ascended up into heaven. The Beniamites being in extreme danger, look back unto the city, as though there they should have found succour and aid. They recoil, but they fall into the hands of the Embushments, and are slain. From thence they get themselves and flee unto the woods, but in the flight they are miserably killed. A few which escaped in those overthrows, got them to the rock Rimmon, as in to a high castle and well fenced, both by nature and situation. And there a few were saved, as is afterward declared. Whereby we gather that no might or power can help us, when god will strike. Whatsoever can be devised or invented of us, it nothing profiteth against the Lord. 
In the hebrew tongue a place of fence is called a rock.   
So great and so populous a tribe, as soon as ever god would, perished in a manner wholly. There remained only .600. men, which got themselves into the castle of Rimmon. It is called a rock, because in the holy scriptures places of fence are so called, for that they are in a manner situate upon stony rocks and high places. But why the .600. men were left on live, there is showed a cause, 
Why the .600. men were saved  namely lest any one whole tribe should want in Israel. God would not for their deserts, but for his name's sake have a certain few remaining, that the pub. wealth of the Israelites should be preserved. And those same he left not whole, but in a manner maimed: for they had no wives, neither were there any women left of that whole tribe, for them to marry: therefore they were compelled to desire wives of the other tribes. Wherefore the tribe of Benjamin, 
The tribe of Benjamin that remained, consisted also of other tribes. Wither it was lawful for the Israelites to kill the children.  although otherwise it remained but small, yet howsoever it was, half the part thereof consisted of other tribes. For the Israelites had slain all their wives and children and cattle. This severity of the Israelites was great, or rather it may seem to be cruelty, and also against the law of God, wherein it was forbidden, that the children should be slain for the sins of the parents. But it is very likely (which thing the Hebrew interpreters also affirm) that the Israelites when they fasted and prayed before the lord, vowed Cherim, that is the vow of a curse, whereby it was not lawful to reserve any thing, which thing they used to do in battle of peril, and in great danger. Yea and in Deut. the .13. chapter: God commanded, that if any city of the Israelites fell unto idolatry, all the tribes should go up and join their powers together and conquer it, so that they should with sword and fire destroy all things that they found in it. But the Beniamites defended a manifest wicked act, which differred not much from idolatry, and it is possible that the city of Gibeah was idolatrous. Wherefore nothing ought to be reserved in it. In the book of josuah it is written, that when Acham had hidden for himself a certain small thing of the curse of jericho, the whole host was afflicted for that cause, which deceit being afterward found out, not only he himself was killed, but also his sons and daughters, with his oxen, his asses, his sheep, and his tent also and all his stuff. Which thing yet we must not think that it was done by the prescript of the law, but by a certain singular counsel of God. 
Civil wars more cruel than outward wars  But whither Israel exceeded measure in this avengement or no, we shall afterward see. We may learn also by this history, what sharpness there is in ciulll wars: for they have far more cruel ends, then outward wars.   

¶ Of fasting.  
NOw that we are come to the end of the chapter: For asmuch as it is said that the Israelites fasted and afflicted themselves before the Lord, I have occasion given me, somewhat to speak of fasting. And to begin from the Etimoligy of the word, this Hebrew word Tsum signifieth to afflict. 
Aben Ezra  Wherefore Aben Ezra saith, that wheresoever in the holy scripture is found affliction of the soul, there is understand fasting. There is another word namely Tsama very nigh unto this word, and it signifieth to thirst: for they which fast much, are wont to thirst, because the humours of the body are with hunger and fasting dried up. The Grecians call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of this particle primative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is to be strong and firm, because by fasting the strength of the body is diminished. But because this particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rather extensive, it seemeth to signify very firm and very strong, because a man that is fasting, is very firm and constant, so that he had rather suffer grief, then to go from his purpose. Also the Grecians call fasting by an other word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they which fast, do berive themselves of food. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth both corn and meat.  
But before I define what fasting is, I think it good first to use a distinction. 
A distinction of fasts. Natural fast  For forasmuch as there are sundry kinds of fastings, they serve not all to our purpose. For there is a certain fast that is natural, which pertaineth either to the recovering or to the defending of the health of the body. Wherefore Hipocrates saith, that they which are of a full and perfect age, or also are old, can very well abide to fast: in which place old men are to be understand as touching the first part and beginning of age. For they which are very old can no better abide fasting, 
Civil fast.  then young men or children. There is an other fast which is civil, & is then taken in hand, when men are so bend to their things, that by no means they will intermit the affairs which they have begun. So Saul when he pursued the Philistians, and had the victory now in his hands, commanded that no man should taste of any meat before evening. So also certain Hebrews vowed that they would neither eat any thing or drink, 
A fast familiar unto christians.  before they had killed Saul, as it is written in the acts of the Apostles. This manner also of fasting pertaineth not to this present matter. There is an other kind of fasting, which ought to be familiar unto all christians, namely to take meat soberly and temperately: which thing they shall do, if they neither eat to often in one day, nor when they do eat, do gorge themselves with to much meat, or seek for delicates and fine banquetes.  

The commodities of christian sobriety.  This manner of living is very much profitable to diminish lusts, neither suffereth it the mind to be troubled with affections. It maketh the mind more cheerful and ready both to prayers, and also to the actions of the life. Wherefore Christ said: let not your hearts be oppressed with surfeiting or drunkenness. Peter also hath written: Be ye sober, for your enemy the devil goeth about like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour. Paul also wrote of himself: I chasten my body, and bring it into bondage, lest I preaching to other, should be made a reprobate. Farther there is an other commodity of this fast, that thereby expenses are spared, not to lay them up covetously, but that that which is overplus unto us, we may give unto the poor.  
There is an other fast which is above man's strength, and is sometimes given of god marvelously unto some of the saints, 
Miraculous fast.  to commend their doctrine. Moses in the mountain fasted .40. days, for God would by a notable example show, that that law which he setforth, came from himself, and was not invented of men. Nether went Moses therefore unto the mountain to fast, but to receive the law of GOD, and to talk with him. Elias also received bread and water of the angel, and in the strength of that meat walked .40. days, even unto the mount of god Horeb, that he by this miracle should be declared to be the true revenger of the law. By this kind of fasting our saviour commended the preaching of the Gospel, that it should not seem to be a thing vulgar, but should be proved a thing begun by God. But these were miracles, neither pertain they any thing unto us, but only that we should have them in admiration, and by such examples be stirred up with reverence to receive the word of God.  

A fast compelled.  There is also an other fast, which lieth not in our power. As when we being destitute of meat, have not whereof to eat. Here is need of patience, and we must pray unto god, that he would strengthen and encourage us. So the saints when they wandered about, and preached the Gospel, were compelled sometimes to hunger. And the disciples when they followed the Lord, were driven by hunger to pluck the ears of corn, and to rub out the corn. Elias also desired meat of the widow, and waited at the brook for such meat as the Raven should bring him. This kind of fasting men do not take upon them of their own free will, but it is laid upon them by God.  

Religious fast.  But omitting all those, as which nothing pertain unto our disputation, let us come to our fast which we may call religious. And this fast is an abstinence, 
Definition.  not only from meat and drink, but also from all other things which may delight and nourish the body, contrary to the accustomed manner, as much as strength will suffer, and it is done of a repentant mind and of a true faith, by prayers to desire the clemency of God, for miseries, either already oppressing us, or very nigh at hand. The form of this definition is abstinence, 
An exposition of the causes of true fasting.  and that above the accustomed manner, which yet exceedeth not strengths of the body. The matter is not only meat and drink, but also all things which may rejoice the body. The efficient cause is faith and repentance for sins committed against God. The end is, by prayers to crave the mercy of God, and to turn away or to diminish calamities. Therefore they which fast, 
Exercises of those that fast truly.  aught to give themselves to prayers, alms, visitynges of the sick, and to the holy supper.  
When we fervently pray unto the Lord, and do from the heart truly repent us of the sins which we have committed, & for their causes are earnestly afflicted, we can not easily think upon meat, drink, & fine delicates. For whom such a grief grievously urgeth, it is more pleasant to them to abstain, than is any other delectation. So David in his .35. Psalm saith of his enemies: When they were sick, I laughed not, but put on sack cloth, and afflicted my soul with fasting, and earnestly prayed for them. They which deject and humble themselves (because they in a manner despair of their things) are wont to contemn and loath meat and drink, and other delights and pleasures. Hereby we may understand, 
Why fastyngs please God. Jerome.  how it cometh to pass, that our fasts do please God, not assuredly that the emptiness of the belly pleaseth God. So Jerome derideth certain, which fasting to hardly, were made to all purposes all their life long unprofitable. This pleaseth God, that we deject the mind, that we return unto him with prayers, and casting away other pleasures, do put all our delectation in him only.  
But the fasts whereof we now entreat, 
Fasts public and private.  are sometimes public and sometimes private. Private fasts we take in hand, when we are afflicted with proper and domestical miseries: for there is none which is not vexed sometimes either in himself, or in his family. Or if it hap that peradventure he be not grieved with any calamity of his own or any of his: 
We must fast sometimes for other men's sakes.  yet sometimes he must mourn for other. For if we be the members of one & the self same body, we must think that the discommodities of our brethren pertain unto us ourselves. So David prayed for them which afterward became his enemies, & which rejoiced in his evils. So jobs friends, when they saw him vexed with most grievous plagues, lay seven days full, in dust and ashes, before they spoke any thing unto him: so much were those men moved with his misery. Wherefore before they commoned with him, they would by fasting and prayers desire God to assuage his so great misery. So David when Abner was slain, did not only mourn at his burial, but also swore that he would that day taste of no meat before the sun were set. The same thing did he when he was reproved of Nathan the Prophet, and when he had received tidings of the death of the child. Undoubtedly all the whole time that he was sick, he never took meat. Nehemias' in the .1. chap. when he heard of the afflictions of the Hebrews which remained in jerusalem, afflicted himself with fasting, and prayed unto the Lord. Daniel also when he had red those things which jeremy wrote of the captivity of .70. years, confessed both his own sins, and the sins of the people, wept also and fasted. Wherefore private fasting aught to be taken in hand, not only for ourselves, but also for others.  
But public fasting is two manner of ways commanded: 
How public fasts are denounced.  Either of God himself by the law, or of the Magistrate, or of the Bishop, or else of a Prophet. And this is to sanctify a fast, which sometimes is red in the holy scriptures. Of this kind there are many examples, 
What it is to sanctify a fast.  & especially that fast which the Israelites in this place imposed upon themselves. In the .1. book of Samuel, when the Philistines grievously afflicted the jews, the whole people at the exhortation of Samuel assembled in Mizpa, wept, fasted, and threw away their Idols. David also with all his, fasted, when he heard of the overthrow of the people and death of Saul. The men also of Jabes Gilead took the carkayses of Saul and jonathas, and wept, and also fasted. That also was a public fast which josaphat commanded in the .2. book of Paralip. the .20. chap. Esther the queen being in extreme danger, commanded by Mardocheus a public fast to be denounced. The Israelites in their captivity (as it is written in the .7. chap. of Zachary) had a fast both in the .5 month, & the .7. month, because in the .5. month the spoiling of the City & desolation of the temple happened, and in the .7. month Godolias was slain: whereby so many miseries afterward ensued. That was also a public fast which jezabel proclaimed, a woman otherwise wicked and an Hypocrite. Her act declareth that it was the manner, that when any great wicked crime was committed, the whole Church should fast, as it were desiring help against the common punishment. This fast sometimes also the Prophets required. As johel when he said: Sanctify ye a fast. Esdras also in his, 8. chap. proclaimed a fast. Wherefore fasts were by certain godly considerations publicly denounced.  

Why an yearly fast was instituted among the hebrews.  God himself also commanded a public fast. For he commanded that every year the feast Chephurim, that is the feast of expiations, should be celebrated the .10. day of September with a public fast. For the people committed many sins through out the whole year, neither did they diligently observe the ceremonies. Wherefore once in a year the tabernacle was purified, and a public fast was observed. These things in the old Testament, signified as it were by a certain shadow that the sins of men should be by Christ abolished, of whom when we take hold by a true and lively faith, 
The day of fast was a festival day.  we are loosed from sins, and thereof followeth the mortification of sins and carnal delights & pleasures. Neither is this to be passed over, that that one day of fast was a festival day. For it was not lawful in the public fast, either to work, or for a man to give himself to his own business, not that on feastival days we ought utterly to be idle, but that in those days we should do good deeds, whereby we may rest in God, and we are commanded only to abstain from our own works. But to believe, to pray, to acknowledge sins, to bewail them with an earnest repentance, are the works of God, and therefore are not forbidden on festival days, but rather commanded.  

The ethnics acknowledged a Religious fast.  These things have not only the hebrews learned out of the laws of God, but also the ethnics by the instinct of nature. For when jonas preached unto the Ninivites that their City should within .40. days be overthrown, they despaired not of the mercy of God, but got themselves to repentance, and every one of them, even from the king unto the lowest Citezin, with their beasts also and cattle, fasted. And when they vehemently and with a fervent zeal cried unto the Lord, 
Augustine. Porphyrius.  they were heard. Augustine de civitate dei, writeth that Porphyrius taught, that abstinence from flesh and gross meats, doth purify the minds of men, whereby they are made the more prompt to things divine, and to familiarity with good spirits. 
plutarch.  plutarch also in his little book de Iside & Osiride saith, that the Priests of Heliopolis utterly abstained from all meats, which might nourish and augment the wantonness of the flesh, and that they never brought wine into the temple of their God. For they counted it a villainy to drink wine in the day time in the sight of their God: other men said he, used wine, but not much, and they had many purifications without wine. The same plutarch de cohibenda Iracundia showeth, 
Holy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  that among the Athenienses were certain holy sacrifices, which were done only with water without wine. And this is notable, which is written in the same book, 
Empedocles. Titus Livius.  that Empedocles was wont to say, that a man ought most of all to fast from malice. Titus Livius maketh mention, that when at Rome there happened many portentous things, which seemed to foreshow some great evil, the decemuiri were sent to look into the books of the Sibyl's, and that there was answer made, that they should institute a public fast in the honour of Ceres, which fast should also be repeated again every .5. year. And that by that means the anger of the gods should be pacified. Wherefore the ethnics being smitten with the fear of the evils, which hoonge over their heads, fled unto the oracles, fasted, and prayed the gods to turn away their anger. But Christians, not only seeing so many & so great evils, but also hearing them told from all parts of the world: yet turn they not unto GOD by prayer, neither are they any thing moved in mind.  
But peradventure some man will say, that Fasts, 
Fasts are commended in the new Testament  because they are partly jewish, and partly Ethnic, seem to be far from our Religion. But that it is not so, may easily be proved by the new Testament. In the Acts of the Apostles the .13. chap. the Church, being admonished by an oracle that Paul and Barnabas should be chosen to visit the Cities and Towns where the Gospel had been preached, first decreed a fast: then they laid their hands upon them. And in the .14. chap. when they after they had accomplished their matters through Iconium, Listria, and Antioch, returned home, they instituted a fast, and created ministers and Priests in every City. Augustine in his Epistle to Cassulanus saith: 
Augustine.  When Peter should at Rome have talk with Simon the sorcerer upon the Son day, the Church of Rome upon the Sabaoth day denounced a fast, which custom was always afterward retained. 
Jerome.  Jerome in his prologue upon Matthew saith, that john being desired of the Churches to write the Gospel against Ebion and Cerinthus, who denied the divine nature of Christ, answered that he would so do, if the whole Church would before indict a public fast. Which thing Eusebius also in his Ecclesiastical History testifieth. 
Eusebius.  Paul also in the .1. to the Corinthians the .7. chapter, admonisheth those that are joined together in matrimony, not to separate themselves a sunder, but for a time, to give themselves to fasting and prayers. In which place I think he understandeth public prayers, and also a public fast. For fellowship with the wife nothing letteth, but that they may be used privately, but whether he understood public fasts or private, it skilleth not much.  
Farther, Christ being asked of his Apostles, why they could not heal the dumb and cast out the devil. He answered: Because of your incredulity. And he added: This kind of devils is cast out only by fasting and prayer. That place is somewhat dark, and therefore it shall not be unprofitable briefly to expound it. Is it to be thought, that by the merit of fasting and prayers (as they use to speak) devils are cast out by virtue of the work wrought? Not so. What then signified the words of Christ? First he said: Because of your incredulity: for if ye had faith, even so much as a grain of mustard, and should say unto this mountain: Take up thyself, & cast thyself into the sea, it should obey you. And together with a faith, is necessary a vehement and fervent prayer, and also fasting, because a fixed and earnest prayer which draweth the mind, not only from meat and drink, but also from all other human cogitations and pleasures. Wherefore Christ by the effects describeth the cause, namely, faith by prayers and fasting, and he speaketh of those devils, to whom god gave more liberty, as though he should have said: ye must not live easily or idly, if ye will cast out this kind of devils. Ye must have a sure and strong faith which thing he expressed by the effects, by prayers I say and fasts.  
By these reasons and testimonies may fasts also be commended in the new Testament. But in them are faults to be taken heed of, 
What vices in fasting are to be taken heed of.  which very often are many, and those grievous. First because in the Papacy are observed fasts upon certain appointed days, without consideration of persons or occasions, 
Fast brought in without measure.  as an yearly ceremony, which at this day is utterly of no strength, & is as if it were jewish. Moreover every man hath added & heaped up of his own, whatsoever pleased him, and not that, which calamity of times or fervent prayers required. For one man brought in Septuagesima, an other Sexagesima, an other Quinquagesima, another Quadragesima which is Lent, an other Rogation days, an other Imber days, an other the evens of the Apostles, an other Friday, an other Saturday, & an other brought in fasting on the Wednesday. But of so many fasts, what utility hath there at the length followed? 
Many contentions and questions concerning fastyngs.  A great many questions & contentions. For a man will scarce believe, how many questions the elders have had concerning fast. Augustine ad Cassulanum writeth that therefore we must fast on the Wednesday, because Christ was sold that day: and on the Friday, because on that day he was crucified. But of the Sabaoth day he much doubted. For they of Milan & of the East part, affirmed that on the day we should not fast, because Christ that day was at rest in the sepulchre: contraryly the Romans and Africans, and certain other, because Christ was dejected even unto the ignominy of the sepulchre: therefore contended that the Sabaoth should be fasted.  

Monica the mother of Augustine.  The mother of Augustine, when she came out of Africa to Milan, and saw that the men there fasted not on the Sabaoth day, began to marvel at the unaccustomed manner. Wherefore Augustine which was not yet baptized, came to Ambrose, & asked in his mother's behalf what was best to be done? Do saith Ambrose that which I do. 
An answer of Ambrose.  By which words Augustine thought that he should not fast, because Ambrose fasted not. But what he meant, he himself more manifestly expressed. I (saith he) when I come to Rome do fast, because the Sabaoth day is there fasted: but when I return to Milan, because here it is not fasted, I fast not. De consecratione dist. 3. chap. De esu carnium, it is decreed that Friday and Wednesday should be fasted, the Sabaoth day is left free. And in the same distinct. the chap. Sabbato vero, 
Innocentius.  Innocentius hath added: That the Sabaoth also must be fasted. But he bringeth a far other cause, then that which before we spoke of. For for because (saith he) the Apostles both upon the Friday, and also upon the Sabaoth day were in great mourning and sorrow, therefore we must fast. In the same dist. chap. jeiunium: Melchiades decreed, that we must not fast on the Sunday, nor on the Thursday: and he giveth a reason, because the fasts of Christians ought to be on contrary days, to the fasts both of heretics and of ethnics.  

Epiphanius.  Epiphanius bringeth a reason why the Wednesday is to be fasted, namely because Christ was that day taken up to heaven: for it is written, that when the bridegroom is taken from them, than they shall fast, and this he affirmeth to be the tradition of the Apostles, when as yet at this day we believe that the Ascension happened on the Thursday: 
We must give ●●le credit to traditions.  wherefore let the Papists take heed, how much credit they will have to be given unto their traditions. For there are many of them, which even they themselves can not deny, but that they are ridiculous and vain. I know in deed there are traditions found which are necessarily gathered out of the holy scriptures, and for that cause they ought not to be abrogated. But other traditions which are indifferent, are not to be augmented in number, lest the Church should be oppressed, neither to be thought so necessary, that they can not be abolished. And we must beware that in them be not put the worshipping of God. But as for those which are against the word of god, are by no means to be admitted. In the dist. 76. chapter .1. are added Imber days, or the Fasts four times in the year. Which why they are so divided, scarcely can any man perceive. They cite Jerome upon Zachary, who maketh mention of the fourth month, fift, seventh, and tenth. And they seem to be moved with a wicked zeal to distribute these fasts into four parts of the year. And those fasts which the jews received every year for the calamities which they had suffered, 
Why the fast of Imber days were invented  the same our men have made yearly. But other have invented an other cause, namely because in those four times of the year: Bishops are wont to promote clerks unto the ministry and orders. Wherefore they say that the people ought then most of all to fast and pray, that GOD would grant them good Pastors.  
Fasting and prayers should be had in the ordering of Ministers. But I would demand of the Bishops why they institute Ministers only at those four times of the year. Undoubtedly, they can render no certain & just reason thereof. 
Augustine. Aerius an heretic.  Augustine in his book de Haeresibus, saith the Aerius contemned oblations for the dead, & also such fast as were appointed, because Christians were not under the law but under grace: but he would the every man should fast at his own pleasure when he himself would. In deed I allow not Aerius in that he was an Arrian, but as touching sacrifices & oblations for the dead, he judged rightly & godly. And also concerning appointed fasts, I see no cause why he ought to be reproved, unless peradventure he thought this, that fasts could not be denounced of the Magistrate & of the Church, as the difficulty of times required. The reason also which he useth, the Christians are not under the law, but under grace, is weak: for we are not so delivered from the law, that we are absolved from all order. 
jovinian an heretic.  Augustine also writeth that jovinian contemned abstinences & fasts as things vain, & unprofitable: where in if he spoke of bare fasts only, & such as were appointed at certain days & certain times of the year, he judged not ill. For unless they be adjoined with faith & repentance, & also with vehement prayers, they nothing at all profit. In Esay the .58. chap. the people complained: We have fasted, & thou hast not looked upon us: which words show, that fasts with out circumstances requisite, are not acceptable unto God: but if they be joined with their additions, they are not unprofitable.  
By the decrees of Liberius, who lived in the time of Constantius, may be known, 
Liberius.  how that when the air was untemperate, or that there was any famine, or pestilence, or war, than they assembled together to denounce a fast, whereby to mitigate the anger of god. 
Augustine.  Augustine when he saw his city besieged of the vandals, gave himself unto fasting & prayers, & in that siege died, as Possidonius testifieth. And generally when we attempt any great weighty matter, as when we denounce war, or create Magistrates, or ordain Ministers of the Church, we have need most of all of fervent prayers, for the ferventness whereof fasting very much availeth. Christ when he should begin his preaching, went into the wilderness & fasted. A widow when her husband is dead, is left in a perilous state. Therefore prayers & fasts are very convenient for her. Anna the daughter of Phanuel led her life in the temple, where she gave herself to prayer & fasting. Paul to Tim. saith: A widow which is truly a widow, putteth her confidence in the Lord, & day & night applieth herself to prayers & fasts. Cornelius, when he was not yet sufficiently instructed of Christ, and was heavy and pensive in mind, in the ninth hour was fasting, and in prayers, to whom the Angel (as it is written in the Acts of the Apostles) appeared.  
But it may be demanded, when fasts are denounced of princes & of the Church, 
Whether fasts denounced aught to be obeyed.  whether men are bound to obey them or no? Undoubtedly they are bound by the law of faith, & by obedience. For when fasts are set forth that are agreeable unto the word of God, how can he which believeth in god detract them? Assuredly he can not. Howbeit this is to be understand of those which are of the state & condition that they be able to fast. For if a man be hindered either by age, or disease, or labours, in the case this aught to be of force which the scriptures say: I will have mercy & not sacrifice. But they which are not hindered, aught to obey. 
Consilium Gangrense.  In the counsel of Gangrensis chap. 30. it is ordained, that if a man obey not the fasts which are commanded him of the Church, howsoever he boast of perfection, without bodily necessity, & proudly contemneth the decrees of the Church, let him be accursed. 
The Canon's of the Apostles  In the Canon's of the Apostles (although they be apocrypha & contain certain strange things, neither is it sufficiently agreed upon the number of them) in the Canon I say .68. it is commanded, that the Clergy, which fast not, having no bodily necessity, should be deposed. Let infants in no case be compelled & driven to fast: for that should hurt their health. Yet joel saith: Sanctify a fast, gather together old men & sucking children. And the Ninivites at the preaching of jonas, compelled beasts & infants to fast. These were extraordinary things, neither are they for that end set forth, that we should imitate them.  

Augustine.  As for private fasts most men will have them to be free. Wherefore Augustine ad Cassulanum: We know (saith he) that we must fast when we are commanded, but on what days we should fast, and what days we should not, we know not, because that is no where prescribed in the new Testament, therefore fasts are to be left free: And in his 2. book the Sermone domini in monte (expounding these words: 
How fasts may be called free or not free.  judge not and ye shall not be judged) he writeth, that men may two manner of ways judge rashly. Either if they draw that into the evil part which mought have been done rightly: or if when it is manifest that a fact is plainly evil, they think that he which hath done it, can not repent. And of the first kind he bringeth an example, as if a man, because he is sick in the stomach, or is troubled with any other infirmity of the body, would not fast. An other which knoweth not this, will suspect him to be a glutton, & to much delicate. For here that which is free, & which may well be done, is drawn into the worse part. This in deed is Augustine's opinion, which yet we ought prudently & sound to understand. For if a private man, when he is in misery or danger, doth see that fasting & prayers may help him, he except he fast doth undoubtedly sin. But for as much as fasting after this sort & manner now declared may profit, we must undoubtedly fast. It is free in deed, because by the outward law he can not be condemned which fasteth not. But when our fast may advance the glory of god, it is no more fire, for as much as we are commanded to love God withal our heart, with all our soul, & withal our strength. For there are many things which of their own nature are free & indifferent. But when it cometh to choice, & we see they may either illustrate or obscure the glory of God, then are they not free nor indifferent, because all our strengths and faculties are to be applied unto the glory of God.  

In true fasting we must fast the whole day.  Farther there is an abuse of fasts as touching the space of time: for as much as the Papists, if they some little while defer their dinner, and then whatsoever they eat, so that they eat no flesh, they think it sufficient. But the elders remained fasting all the whole day even to evening, all which time they were occupied in the word of God, in prayers, and holy occupations. In levit. the .23. God saith, 
The jews fasted from evening to evening.  when ye fast, rest from all work, and afflict your souls: for it is a Sabaoth. And no man doubteth but that the Sabaoth endureth from evening to evening. So Saul when he had put the Philistines to flight, proclaimed a fast until night. And David in the death of Abner swore that he would taste of no meat till night. 
Tertulian. Augustine.  Tertullian contra Psychicos saith, that the Church produced their fasts even to evening. Augustine de moribus Ecclesiae contra Manicheos: Let accustoned fasts saith he, of the Church be continued even until night: for all the whole day were celebrated holy assemblies, were also had public prayers, but at evening they were dismissed, 
In the Lent.  & did eat meat. But it is a sport, to see how the Papists illude this ancient custom: they say their even songs before noon, & then they go to dinner, at night they institute a drinking, & so boast that they fast very well.  

Thomas Aquinas, Consilium Calcedonense. Which was the ix. hour.  Thomas in secunda secundae saith, that in his time fasts were produced even unto the ninth hour. And he bringeth the counsel of Chalcedonia, where it is decreed that he which eateth before the ninth hour, should not be counted to have fasted. Here by the way we must declare which was the ninth hour. The vi. hour was at none, in which time we read the Christ our saviour was crucified. Wherefore the ninth hour must needs be the third hour from noon. The elders did so divide the time, 
The distribution of the hours among the elders.  that always from the Sun set to the Sun rising they counted 12. hours, and again as many from the rising of the Sun to the going down thereof. Again they divided either time into four spaces, and those they called watches: And every one of those spaces contained three hours. Wherefore the third hour from the rising of the Sun is with us either the eight or ninth hour, as the time of the year requireth: For these hours are unequal. The sixth hour is noon, and the ninth is the third at after noon, and the xii at the sun set. But Thomas objecteth unto himself, that which we say, namely, that the elders fasted the whole day. It is ridiculous to hear what he answereth. Because we (saith he) are in the state of the day, and the elders were in the state of the night: therefore we must finish our fasts in the day time, when as they ended them in the night tyme. And he bringeth this saying of Paul: The night is past, & the day hath drawn nigh. Which sentence how much it serveth to this present thing, all men see and understand.  
another abuse is, the choice of meats, 
Of the choice of meats.  wherein now in a manner consisteth the whole religion of fasts. The elders used it not: for when they had fasted until even, at supper they did indifferently eat whatsoever was set before them. But now our men do more severely abstain from flesh, eggs, and milk, than they in the old time abstained from unclean beasts. Paul reproveth this superstition, and calleth it a doctrine of devils. But they say, that Paul reproveth those only, which avoided some meats, as evil creatures, and believed that those evil creatures came from an evil God: but we (say they) do teach no such thing: we only forbidden men some kind of meat for one day, or a few days, which afterward we set at liberty. 
Montanus an heretic. Tertulian. What choice of meat is to be followed.  As though Montanus could not after this manner have excused himself, against whom these places are cited of the fathers. Tertullian accuseth Marcio as an heretic, because he did put some holiness in fish. Wherefore there is no choice of meat to be suffered, but so much as shall seem to serve to temperance, which thing if the Papists would so diligently have taken heed of, they should rather have abstained from wine, then from flesh. For Solomon saith, wine is a thing of excess. And Paul: Abstain (saith he) from wine, wherein is excess. They should also have abstained from fish, & especially the delicater kind of fishes. For there are of them which do no less delight the taste, 
Fishes counted among delicates  and no less stir up to lusts, then doth flesh. And undoubtedly among the elders, as well the Grecians as the Romans, fishes were counted among the chiefest delicates.  
Moreover Socrates in his Ecclesiastical History teacheth, 
Socrates the Hystoriagrapher. Sundry kinds of fasts.  that the elders fasted far otherwise: for in the Lent some fasted two days, some four days, some ten some xv. some xx. & other some the whole xl. days. And when they fasted, some abstained from all kind of flesh & fish, and did eat only all manner of pulses. Other abstained from flesh of four footed, & lived only on fowls & fishes. For all things were at that time left free in the Church. For when they had fasted until even, at supper they did eat moderately whatsoever came to hand: although afterward the thing began by little & little to decline to superstition. 
Jerome.  Jerome to Nepotianus saith, that there were in his time which abstained not only from all kind of meat, but also from bread. They used certain thin broths, made with spices, neither did they drink them out of a cup, but supped them out of a shell. Augustine de moribus Ecclesiae & Manichaeorum, 
Augustine. A comparison between a Christian and a Manichite.  bringeth in a Manichite an elect (for so their called they Ministers) who in deed did ease no flesh, but in the mean-tyme used most delicate & fine meats, and most sweat sauces: wine also they might not touch, but drinks which were made of fruits, which much resembled wine, & far passed it in pleasantness & taste, of these I say they drank abundantly. On the other part he setteth a true Christian man, who remained fasting until evening and then had to supper a mess of herbs pottage sod with a piece of lard, and a small portion of salt flesh, and hardened in the smoke, and drank three or iiii. draughts of wine: Augustine demandeth, whether of these seemeth to have fasted best & more truly: and he gave judgement on the Catholics side.  
The Montanistes so delighted in this choice of meats the they invented for themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which were meats to dry up nature, & such other like. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Montanistes. Tertullian. Jerome.  For (as Tertullian affirmeth) they did eat only bred, salt, & all manner of pulse, & their drink was water. This kind of fast they used two. weeks before Easter. Jerome also addeth that they were wont to fast three Lentes, & for that cause that they fasted so severely, they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Pure. 
Eusebius. Montanus the first that wrote laws of fasting  Eusebius in his .5. book and .18. chap. writeth that one Appollonius reproved Montanus, because he was the first that wrote laws of fasting, as though the Church before him was free. He by laws and prescripts prescribed what days men should fast, and what meats they should abstain from. Such an author have the Papists of their prescribed fasts and choice of meats. 
Against the choice of meats.  This superstition agreeth not with the word of God. Christ saith: That which entereth into the mouth, defileth not the man. And whatsoever is set before you, that eat, demanding nothing. And to Titus: All things are clean, unto the clean, but unto the unclean, nothing is clean. To the Colossians: Let no man judge you in meat and drink. To the Romans: The kingdom of God is not meat and drink. To the Corinthians also, are many things written to confirm this sentence, where he entreateth of meats dedicated unto Idols. So the Scriptures make mention of no choice of meats for Religion's sake: yet I deny not but that meats are to be chosen, either for the avoiding of excess or sickness, or else for the keeping under of the wantonness of the flesh. 
A certain choice of meats is to be admitted. Of the institution of Lent.  But that Christians should abstain from flesh, from eggs, and from milk for religions sake, is no where prescribed in the Scriptures.  
There is an other abuse because they impose such fasts which the strengths of men are not able and abide. For they will have the people fast .40. days. Which thing, if it should be required according to the prescript rule of GOD, and of the old Church, namely that the fast should be continued until even, no man in a manner were able to perform that. And that institution some refer unto Thelesphorus the Pope, other some to a time a little before him. And undoubtedly therein is nothing else, than a certain mere wicked zeal and naughty imitation of Christ. For he fasted .40. days: therefore superstitious than thought it good that Christians should fast so many days every year, when as yet Christ fasted after this manner, 
Christ required not of his Apostles the fast of Lent.  but once in his life time: neither required he at any time any such act of his Apostles. But these men decree it to be sin, and that a grievous sin, when such a fast is violated. They ought to have regarded that Christ all the time did eat nothing, & in that he could so long endure, the same to have pretayned to a miracle, and to the power of God: The holy scriptures no where command, 
chrysostom.  that in that thing we should imitate Christ. chrysostom in his .47. Homely upon matthew: The Lord (saith he) hath not commanded thee to fast forty days, although he mought have commanded it. What then commanded he? Learn (saith he) of me, for I am meek and humble in heart. But the manner of these men is perverse. For they will imitate Christ in that which they are not commanded: but that which they are commanded, they will not follow. Our saviour when he sent forth his disciples: Go (saith he) to all nations, teaching to observe those things, not whatsoever things I have done, but whatsoever things I have commanded you. And it is a wonder to see how superstitiously and subtly they have decreed of these things in the Counsel of Martin de Consecratione, 
Confilium Martini.  in the dist. 3. Non licet, and in the Canon's of the Counsel of Laodicenum in the chapter Non oportet, it is commanded, that in the Lent fasting on the Thursday should not be broken. And in the Counsel of Agathensis it is commanded, 
Consilium Agathense.  that in the Lent fasting on the Saturday also should not be broken: because on the Thursday & Saturday many fasted not. Yea & on the Sundays also in the Lent, wherein they fasted not, they would that there should be retained a choice of meats. And de Consec. in the dist. 4. 

A reason out of Gregory for the observing of Lent.  
Gregoryes reason confuted.   chap. Denique sacerdotes it is ordained, that the Priests should begin their fast from Quinquagesima. And in the same place .5. distinct: chap. Quadragesima. Gregorius hath invented a reason whereby to prove that Lent is to be fasted. We must saith he, give the tenth part of the whole year unto God. And the ten part of the year consists of .40. days. Wherefore we must fast so many days. A goodly reason I promise you. Why doth this Gregory forget that the levitical priesthood and ceremonies thereof have now ceased? Wherefore it is not lawful to bind christian men to tenths and jewish ceremonies. And if for that cause the time of Lent be to be consecrated to a fast, because it is the tenth part of the whole year, why did not the jews in the old time so fast? Why did not the Prophets reprove them, because they deceived god of such a kind of tenth?  
But why Lent was invented, as much as I can gather I will declare. 
Why the fathers instituted Lent.  The fathers when they saw men live very carelessly and negligently, thought it good that they should be compelled after a sort to renew godliness in some part of the year, & somewhat to bridle the fierceness of the flesh. And for this thing they thought that the .40. days before Easter were most meet, that men should so long have their minds both occupied in repentance, & also in remembering the benefits of God. This invention, although at the first sight it might seem trim, 
The institution of Lent is against Christian liberty.  yet it agreeth not with Christian liberty. For we must think upon the benefits of god and of our great ingratitude, and other our most grievous sins, not only 40. days, but also continually. Farther by this means they opened a most wide window to live securely and reacheleslye. For if they once had performed fully those .40. days, they thought that all the whole year after they might give themselves wholly to all kind of pleasures and lusts. For they referred the time of repentance to these .40. days. And although the elders had a lent, 
Eusebius. Ireneus  yet (as Eusebius saith in his .5. book and .24. chapter) it was left free unto all men. For Ireneus after this manner entreated with Victor bishop of Rome, when he would have excommunicated the East church, because in the observing of Easter it agreed not with the church of Rome. What (said he) can we not live at concord, although they use their own rites as we use ours? For some fast in the Lente two days, some .4. days, some ten days, some .15. some .20, and other some .40. days, and yet is concord nevertheless kept in the Church.  
There is an other abuse, 
Fasting is an excercise & not a holiness.  namely because some put holiness in fasting as though a worshipping of god consisted in it, where as in very deed fasting is only an excercise, which of itself hath no holiness. They are fools, which in fasting think that for that cause they have god bound unto them: 
Jerome.  wherefore we must not rashly give credit unto Jerome when he saith, that fasting is not a virtue, but the foundation of all virtues. For only Christ and faith in him is the foundation of all virtues. If he had said, that fasting is a help of certain virtues, he mought have been borne with al.  
And undoubtedly herein the elders oftentimes err, 
A fall of the riders.  for that they praise & extol fasting above measure. If so much should be attributed unto fasting, we must of necessity confess that john Baptist lived more holily than Christ. For he fasted more than Christ did. For Christ did eat and drink as temperate and modest men use to do: But it is said that john did neither eat nor drink. Yea and Paul to Timothy writeth, that the exercise of the body hath small utility, but piety is profitable to all things. If thou wilt demand what piety is: 
What piety is.  I will answer, that it is a true worshipping of God, a soundness of doctrine, and a pure life, which things follow hope and faith. In these things assuredly is very great profit, and the excercise of the body hath indeed some profit, but not so great. But we must note that Paul speaketh not of fasting and excercise of the body, which is Hypocritical and wanteth faith, but of the true and christian fasting and excercise of the body. For those things which want faith and proceed of hypocrisy, are sins, neither do they any thing profit. Wherefore Esay saith: 
Fasting is not a part of satisfaction.  Is this the fast which I have chosen? But these our men go farther, and besides that in fasting they put holiness, they make it also a part of satisfaction. Forasmuch as the Schoolmen in the .4. 
They extend fasts even to purgatory. Gracian.  book of sentences do appoint satisfaction to consist of prayers, alms, & fasting. What abrogateth the death of Christ, if this do not? They say also that by fasts, souls are delivered out of purgatory. And lest any should think that I fain these things, let him read Gratian in the .13. quest .2. chapter anima, where he putteth the words of Gregory, who saith: Souls are delivered from purgatory, either by the prayers or fasting of their kinsfolks.  
There is also an other more grievous abuse, for that some affirm that by fasts they can satisfy the church, although they cease not from sin. This kind of fast God himself reproveth by express words in Isaiah: What care I (saith he) for your fasts? Ye fast contentions and strifes. Is this the fast which my soul hath choose? Liberius the Pope decreed, that all the lent we must abstain from pleadings in the law. 
Liberius.  This is not very wisely decreed, for the public wealth cannot consist if it be so long or ever matters be heard, or judgement given. If fasting should for a weighty cause be denounced for a day or two, there mought for that space of time be commanded intermission of judgement. But that laws should cease, so long as Liberius will have them, it is against the Public wealth. Farther the same Liberius saith, that the use of matrimony polluteth the fast of Lent, wherefore they would have men all that time to abstain from their wives. But Paul exhorteth man and wife more sound, namely to depart for a time, and that by their mutual consent, and to return to the same, lest they should be tempted of Satan.  

An abuse of shrovetide.  There is also an other abuse, in that every where before Lent all that time, which they call Srovetide, men do most untemperately give themselves to gluttony, excess, drunkenness, and filthy lusts, and that under this pretence, that they may the easilier fast, as though it were lawful to do evil, that good may ensue. Neither is this a new kind of vice. For basil in his homely of fasting, and chrysostom upon Gen. do in many places grievously complain of that thing. 
Basile. chrysostom.  Some fast for delicateness. For when they know that they shall not sup, at dinner they lad their filthy sink with many and heavy burdens, so that they make themselves utterly unprofitable for the whole day. Other on the contrary part, do utterly waste themselves with fasting, 
It is not lawful for a man to consume himself with to much fasting.  yea and in a manner kill themselves, as Basilius and Nazianzenus did: who being men excellently well learned, yet by abstinences and fastings were made utterly unprofitable unto the Church. They were compelled to keep their bed sometimes half a year, and sometimes a whole year. Lastly, there are some, which for that they fast, have a wondered delight in themselves, & are proud, & also despise other men, as that Pharesy which said: I am not as other men, I fast twice in the week etc. I could reckon a great many more of these abuses: but for this time me thinketh these are sufficient. This one thing only will I add, that in fasting we see two extremities. The Papists in a manner retain their superstitious fasts, but we utterly neglect those fasts that are lawful and good. Wherefore it seemeth that on either side the thing is to be amended. And thus far concerning these things.    

¶ The xxi Chapter.  

1 ANd the men of Israel swore in Mizpa saying: There shall not a man of us give his daughter to any of Benjamin to wife.  
2 And the people came into the house of god, & abode there till even before god, & lifted up their voice & wept sore.  
3 And they said: O Lord God of Israel, why is this chanced in Israel, that there should be this day one tribe lacking in Israel?  
4 And on the morrow the people rose up, and made there an altar, and offered burnt offerings and peace offerings.  
5 And the children of Israel said: Who are they among all the tribes of Israel, that came not with the congregation unto the lord? For they had made a great oath concerning them that came not up to the lord in Mizpah, saying, that they should surely die.  
6 And the children of Israel had pity on their brother Benjamin, and said: There is one tribe cut of from Israel this day.  
7 What shall we do unto the remnant of them, for to get them wives, for as much as we have sworn by the Lord, that we will not give them of our daughters to wives?  
8 They said, I say: What are they of the tribes of Israel, that came not up to Mizpah unto the lord? And behold there came none of the inhabiters of jabes-gilead unto the congregation.  
9 For the people was numbered, and behold there was not one of the inhabiters of jabes-gilead there.  
10 And the congregation sent thither .12. thousand men of the strongest of them, & commanded them saying: Go and smite the inhabiters of jabes-gilead with the edge of the sword both women & children.  
11 And this is that ye shall do, utterly destroy all the males and all the women that have lain by men.  
12 And they found among the inhabiters of jabes-gilead .400. maiden virgins, that had known no man be lying with any male. And they brought them to the host in Siloh, which was in the land of Chanaan.  
13 And the whole congregation sent & spoke unto the children of Benjamin, that were in the rock Rimmon, & called peaceably unto them.  
The Israelites, as far as may be gathered by this history, had bound themselves with a double oath. First, that no man should give his daughter to wife to the Beniamites: which was nothing else, but that they were minded utterly to destroy the tribe of Benjamin. Farther, they swore that if any of the Israelites had not put to his help against the Beniamites, he should be slain. Here are very many things worthy to be noted. First, we must consider that the Isralites were to severe against the Beniamits. For they did not only slay the men, but also the wives and maidens: wherefore there were no women left on live for those .600 men which were remaining, to engender issue of. But afterward when the same Israelites more diligently considered their act, they judged it not well done, that a whole tribe should be clean destroyed. Of which they nothing thought when they were in their great jury and rage. Wherefore they now accuse their cruelty, and detest their rigorousness which they had used.  
But that they bond themselves with an oath, that they would not give their daughters in matrimony to the Beniamites, it is not in this history mentioned: but yet it is most likely that it then happened, when they were in Mizpah, & the Beniamites would not deliver the guilty. Wherefore the Beniamites were oppressed with great miseries. For either they must take to wives foreign & strange women, which thing was prohibited them by the law, or else they must perpetually lead a sole life without wives, and so that tribe should utterly perish. 
The Israelites were to cruel against the Beniamites.  The Israelites in that they mourn, do suffer punishments for their cruelty. For it should have been enough for them to have punished the men. What need was there to slay women & maidens which had nothing offended? Unless peradventure they had vowed the vow Cherem. But such a vow it was not lawful for them to vow, but by the authority and commandment of God, which appeareth not to have been done in this history. In revenging we must keep a mean: for all are not to be slain which come into the power of them that overcome. It is sufficient to punish the guilty. 
God punisheth moderately.  God slew in Egypt Pharaoh, also the first begotten, and many other, yet destroyed he not the whole nation. And when he destroyed Sodom, he saved both Lot and also his family, and delivered from misery the city Zoar, whither Lot went. And in the flood when he drowned the world with water, yet he would save on live Noah with his family. But it seemeth that these men determined, utterly to destroy all the Beniamites: which their counsel God allowed not, who when the jews were afflicted of the Chaldeians, and they raged more cruelly against them then was meet, both threatened to punish them, and also did indeed punish them most grievously.  

The variety of man's nature.  Now the Israelits repent them of their cruelty: but it is to late. They should have thought of this thing before. But this is the nature of man, these that flourish they are angry with, and envy them, & when the same men are overthrown & dejected, 
Architas Tarentius. Athenodorus  they pity them. The sword is not rashly to be moved, neither should punishments be executed with an angry mind. Architas the Tarentine hath a very wise saying unto his servant: If I were not angry I would punish thee. Athenodorus a Philosopher very well learned when he had gotten leave of Augustus to departed home, & being desired to leave some notable precept with him, answered very wisely: Before thou give place to anger & execute avengement, first say over with thyself in order all the letters of the Greek alphabet, namely that in that space and detracting of time the violence of the mind may assuage. 

The oath of the Israelites being unjust, did not bind them to observe it.  
It was not lawful for daughters to marry without the consent of their parents.    
Farther we must note that this oath of the Israelites of not giving wives unto the Beniamites, was neither godly nor lawful. Wherefore they were not bound to observe it. Howbeit we understand by this history, that this was of force among the people of god, that the daughters should not marry without the consent of their parents. For if it had been lawful for them to have married against their parents will, a man might have said: Although ye will not give your daughters unto them, they of their own accord may contract matrimony with them. This thing is so agreeable unto nature, that the Roman laws also forbidden that matrimony should be firm, except it be contracted by the consent of the parents, as we have before declared. But that thing which neither God, nor nature, nor good laws can suffer, the same doth the Papistical superstition easily admit.  
The Israelites come to Siloh for two causes, partly to ask counsel of God concerning the Beniamites, and partly to give thanks unto God for the victory. Therefore they burn sacrifices and  offerings. And they wept for the misery of the Beniamites, even until even. Wherefore it appeareth that they fasted the whole day, otherwise they could not have wept before the lord until even.  

Why the Israelites erected an altar. David Kimhi  And they erected an altar. But to what end? There was an altar there before. Some answer that there was an altar there indeed, but it was so old, that it was half decayed, and therefore it needed to be repaired. But Kimhi saith that it was a custom, that when all the people should publicly ask counsel of God, there should of new an altar be erected. But this he affirmeth without the authority of the word of God. I rather think, when so great a multitude of people assembled together, there was so great a number of sacrifices, that the old altar was not sufficient to do holy services upon. Wherefore that the service of of god should be with more expedition finished, there was erected an other altar. Which thing also we read Solomon did, when he dedicated the temple which he had built.  
When they had wept, because of the oath whereby they had bound themselves not to marry their daughters unto the Beniamites, they thought upon the other oath, whereby they had vowed themselves to slay all those which would not put to their help to the common war. Neither is their any mention made before of this latter oath. For many things are overpassed in the history, which are afterward spoken of, although not in their place. And whilst they are in hand with these things, with one and the self same labour they both prepare wives for the Beniamites, and also saved their oath. For they which were absent from the war, were not bound by the oath. Wherefore they might marry their daughters unto the Beniamites.  
But as touching the first oath for not giving wives to the tribe of Benjamin, it was not lawful. Wherefore it might have been broken without any violating of religion: for the cutting of of that tribe, was against the word of god. For his will was that it should be preserved among the people of Israel. For God by jacob the patriarch gave many and excellent blessings unto the Beniamites, which blessings also Moses in Deut. repeated. But although such an oath was not ratified, yet the Israelites do wisely in that they labour, both to provide for the Beniamites, and also not to be counted rashly to violate their oath. 
An example of josuah.  So josua swore that he would save the Gabaonites, when as yet god had commanded that all the Chananites should be slain. For he found a means that they should serve in the tabernacle, and so by that means be after a sort punished with civil death. Although he durst not do that, but by the commandment of god. And he would that the people by his example, should learn not easily to violate an oath. 
For example sake even vain oaths are not easily to be violated. What men the jabenites were  As touching the jabanites, in that they are called Galaadites, it manifestly appeareth that they pertained unto the tribe of Manasses, and dwelled beyond jordan. They because they were not present at this war, are judge of all the Israelites as enemies, who being destroyed, their maidens which remained on live, were brought to Siloh, into the land of Chanaan. And it is rightly added in the land of Chanaan, because Jabes Gilead was not there, but in half the Tribe of Manasses, beyond jordane.  
This war against the jabenites was justly and worthily taken in hand, 
The jabenits are worthily invaded.  because they obeyed not the public commandment. The Israelites had bound themselves by an oath, that whosoever withdrew himself from this war, the same should be put to death. Therefore they counted the jabenites as enemies, lest other men by their example should contemn public decrees. The Beniamites had committed a grievous wicked crime: but these men in that they refused the common war, and weakened the authority of the public wealth, seem also to favour their crime. 
The punishment of Metius Suffecius.  It is not the part of good Citizens in war taken in hand by common counsel, to withdraw themselves by private counsel. Metius Suffecius captain of Albany, when he forsook Tullus Hostilius, fight against the Fidenates, by the commandment of Tullus was bound to two carts, and so drawn in pieces. Solon deprived him of all honour & dignity, 
Solon. A decree of Pompeius.  which in the time of sedition adjoined himself to neither party. And Pompeius (as plutarch affirmeth) when he fled from Cesar, proclaimed that he would count all them to be enemies which abode at Rome, and helped not the common cause. And after this manner are the jabenites prescribed and counted for enemies. And no otherwise are they to be counted, which in this our time, when there is controversy concerning religion, do dissemble allthings, when as in the mean time they will neither stand on the Papists side, nor on ours. 
It is not lawful for us in religion to be neuters.  They (say they) will stand in the midst between both, which is nothing else, then that they will be with the adversaries or enemies. For they halt on either side, and therefore it may be said that after a sort they favour them. Farther the cause of religion is far greater and grievouser than the cause of the public wealth. In the Church no man can excuse himself that he is a stranger: for no man which professeth himself to be a Christian, can be a stranger from religion: wherefore war is justly proclaimed against the jabenites.  
Although I think that in this matter also the Isralites were to cruel. For it seemeth that it should have been sufficient to have slain the men that were apt unto war, 
To much cruelty against the jabenites.  which had committed the crime of rebellion. But to kill women, old men, and children, it was to much cruelty. Neither could they say that they had vowed unto the Lord the vow Cherem, forasmuch as they had saved the maiden virgins. And undoubtedly so great cruelty turned them to evil: for if they had dealt more gently with the jabenites, they had had more women for the Beniamites. Neither could they have given counsel to have used force to get themselves wives. But it is good to understand how the Israelites found out that the jabenites were absent.  
The battle being finished, they all assembled to Siloh, and numbered the people, among whom when they found none of the jabenites, they easily understood that they were absent from the war. So great was their piety and religion at that time, that when they had obtained the victory, all of them assembled together to give thanks unto God. But that thing is contemned now a days: for how many are there, which when they have gotten the victory, will acknowledge the benefit of God, and give him thanks. Preachers do out of the Pulpit admonish the people to pray publicly for sick folks, of which we either see, or hear of none in a manner, which when they are restored to health, do publicly give thanks unto God, for that they have by the prayers of the Church escaped free.  
They proclaimed peace unto them which were in Rimmon. That is, gave them safeconduct to return home again in safety.   

14 And Benjamin returned at that time, and they gave them wives, whom they had made on live of the women of jabes Gilead, which yet were not sufficient for them.  
15 And the people had compassion on Benjamin, because the Lord had made a gap in the tribes of Israel.  
16 And then the Elders of the congregation said: what shall we do for wives for the rest? For the women of Benjamin are destroyed.  
17 And they said: There must be an inheritance for them that be escaped of Benjamin, that a tribe be not destroyed out of Israel.  
18 For we cannot give them of our daughters to wives. For the children of Israel had sworn saying: Cursed be he that giveth a wife to Benjamin.  
19 Then they said: Behold, there is a feast of a Lord yearly in Siloh, in the place which is on the North side of the house of God, and on the East side of the way that goeth from the house of God, unto Sechem, and is South from Libanon.  
20 And they commanded the children of Benjamin, saying: Go and lie in wait in the vineyards.  
21 And take heed: For behold, if the daughters of Siloh come out to dance in a row, then come ye out of the vineyards, and catch unto you every man his wife, of the daughters of Siloh, and get you into the land of Benjamin.  
22 And if their fathers or brethren come unto us to complain, we will say unto them: Have pity on us for them, because we reserved not to each man his wife in time of war. And because ye have not given unto them, so that ye have at this time offended.  
23 And the children of Benjamin did even so, and took them wives of the dancers, according to their number, whom they caught, and went their ways and returned every man to his inheritance. And repairing their cities they dwelled in them.  
24 And the children of Israel departed thence at that time, every man to his tribe, and to his family. And went out from thence every man to his inheritance.  
25 In those days there was no king in Israel, but every man did that which seemed right in his own eyes.  
They are said to have made on live those maidens, whom they had not slain: for forasmuch as they had them in their power, it seemed that they might justly have slain them. But they would preserve them on live: 
Whereby they understood that God would save the tribe of Benjamin.  for that they saw it was not the will of God, that all the Beniamites should utterly be destroyed, and here by they understood the will of God, because he had caused six hundredth of them to escape. Wherefore they gave them safeconduct, and the maidens of the jabenites to be their wives.  
God made a breach in Israel. That which they did themselves, they ascribe unto God. A breach they call the cutting of of one tribe. Here is expressedly set forth the inconstancy of man's mind. In that fury and hot anger they would have destroyed all, and they desired of God to grant them a full victory: & when they have obtained it, and finished the matter, they mourn & afflict themselves. If they had moderately used the victory, this thing had not happened unto them. After the same manner they sinned against the jabenites: for if they had not slain all the women there, they had had wives enough for the Beniamites. Now having slain all, they found only .400. maiden virgins: which not being sufficient, they are compelled to seek other by rapt or stealth.  
And the Elders said. So were the Senators or Senadrim called, or else the Tribunes and Centurions, which were rulers over the warlike affairs. Let their inheritance be safe. josua had appointed unto every tribe his inheritance. Wherefore the Israelites could not claim unto themselves the lands of the Beniamites.  
Cursed be he which giveth his daughter. 
What moved the Israelites to swear.  Hereby appeareth the form of the oath: it was an oath of execration. This act of the Israelites had some show of equity. For godly men ought not to contract matrimonies with the ungodly. And it is most manifest that the Beniamites were ungodly, when as they would neither deliver nor punish the guilty. Besides that, they considered that the Beniamites were now not much unlike unto the Chananites, for as much as they had committed wicked acts, like unto their sins. But God had forbidden the Israelits to marry with the Chananites. Wherefore they counted it a wicked thing to give their daughters in matrimony to them. Howbeit they ought not so to have done. For what if they had repent, 
The oath of the Israelits was not firm.  might they not then have contracted matrimonies with them? That oath was rashly and without judgement made, neither ought it by any means to have been kept. Neither, as it is most likely, was it observed of their posterity.  
A solemnity in Siloh from year to year. It was a yearly solemnity, whereunto they used publicly to assemble: but for asmuch as the jews had many such feasts, it is uncertain, what manner of solemnity this was, 
David Kimhi  of which mention is now made. Yet I marvel that Kimhi saith, that this feast seemeth to have been Kippurim, when as it is written that they had a famous dancing, which were absurd to be added in a public fast. 
The Chaldey paraphrast.  The Chaldey Paraphrast seemeth to have a respect unto the feast of the kalends or new Moons, in which feast were thanks given unto God for the governing of the world, and course of things, as upon the Sabaoth day for the creation of things. But I confess that I am ignorant what manner of feast this was. How be it I am of that opinion, that I think it was the solemnity of the tabernacles.  
There is a feast day of God in Siloh. This description showeth not that it was the solemnity of the place, but rather of the people of Israel, which assembled unto the feast: and forasmuch as one City could not hold all the Israelites, they assembled unto all the parts adjoining unto the City, & to those in especial which are here described. And the Elders do appoint these places by name, that they might there hide them commodiously, and lead away the maidens as they were dancing. As though they should have said: Unto those places they will come, out of the hidden places you may break forth, and steal them away. Hereby we may perceive, 
It was sin to dance at the solemnity. It is sin to abuse the feast days.  that the virgins in holy assemblies gave themselves to plays and dances, which was to abuse the feast day. It had been better for them to have occupied themselves about graver matters. For the feast days were to this end instituted, that the people should assemble together to hear the word of God, to be present at the sacrifices, where they should both call upon God, and communicate together the Sacraments instituted of God. Wherefore it is no marvel if these maidens were so stolen away.  
Where as it is written: And when their Abothem, that is their fathers, shall come, & again Achihem, that is their brethren, this letter Men is put for Nun, that is M. for N. namely the masculine gender for the feminine. Which form of speaking is often used in the holy scriptures.  
Have compassion on us for them. The sense of this short and brief prayer is this: We will say that we were sorrowful and pensive, and that we could no other way seek and provide wives for the Beniamites. And whatsoever is done, we will affirm to have been done by our counsel, and that we were the authors thereof. And so we will desire them, for our sakes to pardon you. Other do easilier expound it: Gratefy us, and give us your maidens, if you think them unworthy to have them. We thought that there had been maidens enough of the jabenites: but that happened otherwise. Wherefore we were constrained to provide for them by some other means. And if they will say that they are bound by an oath, and that they cannot give them: unto that we will answer, that their oath is satisfied, because they themselves have not given their daughters, but ye have stolen them. Here we perceive that a public oath is lenefied and mitigated by the interpretation of the Elders. And undoubtedly that is their office which govern a public wealth. Ye (say they) have not given them of your own free will, wherefore ye are free from the oath. Therefore the Beniamites are provided for by rapt or stealth. 
The rapt of the Sabines.  In the Roman history also it is said that the virgins of Sabine were rapt or stolen, but yet somewhat after an other sort. For there the virgins which were rapt, were strangers, neither had Romulus any right over them: but these maidens were Israelites, and were subject unto the authority of the people.  
In that these men interpret and lenefy the oath, it hath some show of equity. For it might seem that the father's violated not their oath, because they of their own accord gave not their daughters unto the Beniamites, but they took them away by violence. But if a man more diligently examine the thing, he shall find either of those excuses false, 
The oath is not well interpreted  because the Beniamites did not of their own private counsel steal the maidens, but by the persuasion of the Elders. And on the other side it seemeth that the Israelites gave their daughters of their own accord, & fraudulently broke their oath. For the fathers swore that they would not give their daughters to the Beniamites. How had they them then? Of the Elders. But they are the fathers of the country: wherefore this was no upright and simple dealing: 
They eschewing one wicked example fall into an other.  neither did guile break their oath, but rather bound it. The Israelites pretended the religion of an oath: which yet they craftily violated, & consented to rapt or stealth, which wicked act is no more remiss than perjury. They will not give an example of perjury, and they grant to rapt. Farther they violate an other principal point of the law of God. For in the last chap. of Numbers it is commanded, that if a maiden be an inheritor, she should not marry into an other tribe, to the end that inheritances should not be confounded. What therefore if some of these that were stolen, were inheritors? Undoubtedly they had against the law of God married out of their tribe.  
If a man will say, they did this with a good mind, and (as they use to say) for a godly intent, that the whole tribe of Benjamin should not utterly perish: Answer may be made, it is not sufficient that a thing be done with a good mind: because also we must see that the thing which is done, be good, be just, be right, and agreeable unto the word of God. Farther, God forbiddeth that matrimonies should be ratified without the consent of the Parents. But here the maidens are rapt, and married not only without the knowledge of the Parents, but also against their wills, against good laws, and authority of the word of God. Farther, the Magistrate promiseth to pacefy the Parents, and to reconcile them unto them, if they chance to be angry: and so they fall from one wicked act into an other, neither asked they counsel of God in this thing. They take counsel of themselves, as though in a thing of such perplexity and obicurenesse they could not err. And that we should not marvel that these things so happened, this verse is again repeated: There was no king in Israel.  
Now resteth to speak apart of rapt and of Dances. But as touching an oath, I will touch only so much, as I think sufficient to this history.   

¶ Of rapt.  
This word rapt in Hebrew is called Cheteph, the Grecians say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latins Rapere, which is to take away by violence, not all manner of ways, but as it were by a certain fury and great violence. 
What difference is between theft and rapt  Wherefore rapt differeth from theft: because theft may be committed secretly, & without violence. Wherefore in the digests de jure iurando, in the law duobus reis it is had: Though a man swear that he hath not rapt any thing away, yet is he not strait way quit of theft. For although that which is done be not rapt, yet it may be theft. So the civil law separateth theft from rapt. But to what things rapt pertaineth, 
Of what rapt is here entreated.  it is had in the Digests De condictione triticearia in the law .1. Things immovable as houses, lands and Farms, are invaded, but things movable, as things not having life, beasts and men are rapted. But we here entreat of the rapt of things movable, & yet not of allthings, but of human bodies, which are by violence taken away for lusts sake.  
There is an other kind of rapt, but not proper: 
Augustine.  which Augustine toucheth in his 19 sermon de verbis Apostoli, & it is had in the decrees. 14. quest .5. chap. Si quid invenisti, where he saith that things which are found must be restored. Which thing if thou do not, thou hast rapt them, forasmuch as thou hast done what thou couldst, so that if thou hadst found more, thou wouldst have rapt more. etc. 
The Gloser.  There the Gloser very well declareth, what is to be done with things that are found. Either (saith he) the same things are counted for things cast away, as if any owner hath cast away any thing, the same thing if a man retain when he hath found it, he committeth not theft. But if that thing which is found be not willingly cast away, 
What is to be done with things found.  neither thought to have been willingly lost by the owners (as when a ring is found, or a purse, or any such thing, which is not wont to be cast aside) the same thing if thou retain, it is theft, unless thou keep it by thee with a will and mind to restore it again. Wherefore thou must publykelye testify that thou hast found those things, whereby the owner may come to his own again, as it is decreed in the Digests de furtis, in the law Falsus, in the Paragraphe Qui alienum. But if thou keep it by thee, with the mind not to restore it, it is theft. Which thing Augustine in the place now alleged reproveth.  
The same thing is decreed in the Code de thesauro, in the law Nemo. And in the institutions de Rerum division, where it is ordained, that if a man find treasure in his house or ground, it shall be his that findeth it. But if he find it in an other man's soil, either he hath gotten it by chance, or else he sought for it, if he have gotten it by chance, let it be divided between the finder and the owner: but if he sought for it, the whole must redound to the owner. If the place were holy, and the treasure be found by chance, the finder shall have it.  
It is added, that if a man sought treasure in his own ground, 
Against magi● and arts forbidden.  & used thereunto magic & arts forbidden, the thing found aught to be forfeited to the common treasury. For he which by evil means hath sought a thing, seemeth unworthy to be possessor thereof. But to return to Augustine, that which I before said, I affirm that it is not properly rapt, 
Origene.  if a man hold back a thing that he hath found. Which thing Origene plainly declareth in his .4. Homely upon Leviticus: Some saith he, will not restore that which they have found. For they say that God hath given it them. But whatsoever they say it is a crime like unto rapt. He saith not that it is rapt, but a certain thing like unto it. Although we have out of the civil law made a difference between theft and rapt, yet may rapt be called theft, but yet so that there be added violence. In the digests de furtis, in the law Si vendidero, it is thus written: A rapter every way committeth theft, and is an open thief. But omitting these things let us return to that kind of rapt whereof we now entreat.  
Some said, that to rapt is nothing else then violently to lead away a maiden from the house of her father, to the end after he hath defiled her, to mary her to his wife. But this definition is not full nor absolute, although it be usurped of the canonists, in the .36. question .1. chap. Lex illa, Paragraphe Cum ergo. For in this our history the maidens were rapted, and yet not led away from their father's house, but out of the field or vineyards. Neither is that true which is added, namely to marry her, or to have her to his wife, when he hath defiled her. For the rapter may either have a will to have her for his Concubine, or to abuse her for his pleasure, although he take her not to wife. Farther, this foresaid definition mentioneth only of maidens, when as yet nevertheless both married women and widows, also free maid servants, and bondmaid servants, & also young children may sometime be rapted. Wherefore that crime extendeth farther than that definition containeth. Only harlots seem to be exempted. For they are not said properly to be rapted, although they be led away by violence. And undoubtedly it is then no action of rapt, but only of injuries. But such persons are understand to be rapted from the custody either of the parent, or of their Tutor, or Guarden, or Patron, or Lord, to the end to have unlawful accompanying together, whither matrimony do follow or no.  

Of the punishments of rapters.  Now must we declare what punishments are ordained for rapters. In the Code de raptu virginum et viduarum in the law Vinca, justinianus entreateth at large of that matter, & maketh the rapt of the persons, which I have before rehearsed, death, so that also the companions, and they which have helped the rapter, are comprehended in the same punishment. Neither was that thought to be sufficient, but there were invented other punishments more grievous than death. For it is decreed that not only the judges & Magistrates shall put him to death, but also if the rapter be taken in the wicked act doing by the parents, brethren, kinsfolks, tutor, governor, lord, patron, or finally by him in whose power she is that is rapted, they may kill him, & that without any punishment. It is also ordained, that they which are present with the rapter, & defend him in his filthy act, may also be slain without any punishment to him or them that killeth them.  

rapt is sometimes committed against a man's own spouse.  He addeth moreover, that rapt is sometime committed against a man's own proper spouse, as if one by violence take away her, whom he hath not yet married. And if a man take away an other man's wife, he doth not only commit adultery, but also rapt. If the rapter be not slain in the very wicked act doing, he ought afterward to be put to death by the judges or Magistrates, & that in such sort, that though he appeal unto a superior magistrate, he shall not be heard. And that thing saith justinian was ordained by the law called Lex Constantinia. 
Power to appeal is taken away from rapters.  Undoubtedly it is grievous not to be heard if thou appeal: which thing is here decreed. So great a matter did the civil laws make of rapt  
In freemaid servants, & bondmaid servants the punishment is ended with death: but if a frewoman be rapted, the goods of the rapter, & those which be present with him, ●o turn to her use that is rapted. Neither is it any thing worth for the rapter to give away his goods, or to bequeath them away by will, but they fall into the hands of her that is rapted, & that not only for a time, but also for ever, so that she may either sell them, or alienate them, or give them for a dowry. One thing only is excepted, unless she that is rapted do mary the rapter, the goods of the rapter are given her on that condition that she should not marry him. And the reason of the law is added, because in our public wealth we suffer not, that a man should mary a wife after the manner of an enemy. For Citizens are wont to marry their wives, and not to rapt them. But what was done with them, which although they were not present at the rapt, yet were a counsel thereof, or being wytting thereof, uttered it not, or afterward received the rapter into their house? justinian decreed, that they in deed should not lose their goods, but only be put to death. But if a bondman, or bondwoman were taken either in committing or aiding this crime, they were commanded to be burnt with fire.  
But what if a maiden will by her own consent be rapt? None of the punishment for all that (saith justinian) ought to be diminished, it is utterly all one, whither the woman will, or will not. And the reason is added, because if the rapter would abstain from the rapt, it is not very likely that any woman will offer herself of her own accord to be rapted. Wherefore it seemeth probable, that she was won by flattery & deceits. Yea, & the Parents of the maiden, if they consent to the rapt, are commanded to be banished. These things justinian decreeth in the Code, who yet afterward in the Authentikes (where is entreated of women rapted, which marry the rapters) was compelled to make the law new, because there were which canelled, that if she that was rapted did consent unto matrimony, she might possess the goods of the rapter. For so they interpreted the first law: that the goods of the rapter ought to come unto her that was rapted, if she married him, or if he in his will made her his heir: But we (saith justinian) meant no such thing: for our laws do not appoint rewards for a wicked crime. Farther, neither can he make any will, for as much as he is now condemned to die, neither do our laws suffer any such matrimony to be of force. And if it be no matrimony, how then can she possess the goods of the rapter in the name of a dowry? wherefore he decreed that such matrimonies should not be ratified. What then shall become of the goods of the rapter? If the maiden (saith he) have parents, which have not thereunto consented, those goods shall come unto them. But if they have consented as it is already said, they were banished without any propritye of goods or lands, which kind of punishment was much more grievous than plain exile. But if the maiden had no Parents, or had those which consented, the goods of the rapter were confiscate to the common treasury. By these things appeareth that in those times rapt was counted a detestable crime.  
Whereunto this thing also I will add, if any daughter had married against the will of her parents, or otherwise behaved herself wanton & unchastely, it was lawful for the parents to disinherit her, as it is had in the Code, De Inofficioso Testamento, in the law si fileam. This one thing is excepted. If the father knew that the just time of matrimony was past, & he would not place his daughter, then hath he nothing to say against his daughter, if she marry without his knowledge, or against his will: yea rather he is compelled to give her a dowry, as it is had in the Code in the same place, in the law Si post viginti quinque annos. Whereby it appeareth that .25. years was the time of farthest prolongation of matrimony. The same thing is had in the Digests, De ritu nuptiarum, 
What if a woman rapt a man  in the law qui liberos, Other lawyers determine the same thing, if a woman rapt a man: although they say that happeneth rarely.  
Now is to be added the opinion of the Canonists, 
The opinion of the Canonists  & what they bring out of the scriptures. In the .36. q. 1. Gracian bringeth that definition of rapt, which we have before confuted. But this thing he addeth: That in rapt is injury done sometimes to the maiden, & not to the parants: & sometimes to the parents, & not to the maiden: & sometimes to both of them. For if the maiden will be rapt of her own free will, there is no injury done unto her, but unto her parents. But if the parents give the man power to rapt the daughter, because she will not consent to marry him, then is no injury done unto them, but unto the daughter. But to both of them is injury done, when the maiden is led away from her parents, against her will, & against their will, 
Consilium An reliavense.  & in the same place he bringeth the counsel of Orleans, in the chap. de raptoribus, where also he confesseth that rapt was wont to be punished with death. But it is added, that if the rapter come unto the Church, the punishment of death is escaped. What shall there then be done? If the maiden (saith he) consented unto the rapter, first she shall be taken from him, & be restored to her parents, but yet being excused, that is, a caution received, that she be not slain or disinherited. But if she consented not, she is by herself sufficiently purged: but the rapter shall be compelled to public penance, as it is had in the .36. q. 2. chap. Raptores. But what if he will not do penance? He shallbe excommunicated, 
Concilium Chal cedonense & Cabilonense.  according to the counsel of Chalcedonia & Cabilonum. But if he do penance, he shall be punished by the purse. And herein they say that they follow the word of God, which is written in Deut. 22. chap. If a man defile a maiden, he shall give unto her parents .50. sycles, and shall take her to wife. And so he condemneth the rapter to pay a certain sum of money unto the parent of the maiden. The which sum if he will not pay, or have not wherewithal to pay, he is driven to serve the father of the maiden for certain years, which the Gloser contracteth to five, upon this condition, that in the mean time he may redeem himself if he will.  
It is also added: If they consent together, the matrimony is firm, so that the father agree thereunto. And that these matrimonies may be firm between the rapter & her that is rapted, it also appeareth by the decretals de Raptoribus et incendiariis, 
Concilium Mel dense.  in the chap. cum causa, & in the chap. following. Which thing without doubt is against the civil laws, & the Canons that are of the better sort. But the counsel of Meldenun hath far otherwise decreed. For first it hath ordained, that the rapter, & she that is rapted should do public penance: afterward it permitteth matrimony, but yet not between themselves, but with other. And it is added, that if the husband or wife of either of them die, he which hath committed the rapt, or consented unto the Rapter, cannot contract new matrimony, except the bishop release him. Farther it is ordained, that by no means any such matrimony should be firm, no though the Parents consent thereunto. Yea, and the same Gracian confesseth, 
Consilium Aquisgravense.  that the same thing was decreed in the Counsel which was had at Aquisgranum. Yet afterward, both he himself otherwise defineth, & also the decretals of the Popes. What then make they of those Counsels? They answer, that those Counsels meant this, that it should not be lawful to contract matrimony in that case, unless open penance be first done, and the consent of the Parents had.  

Jerome.  And to prove that sentence. Gracian (in the .36. q. 2. chap. Tria) citeth Jerome, who seemeth to acknowledge three lawful kinds of matrimony. One, when a maiden is given in matrimony to a husband by her Parents or Tutors. An other, if a maiden be oppressed of a man, & her father afterward consent to give her him in matrimony. The third is, if the father consent not to such marriages, but give her unto an other man. These three matrimonies he saith are lawful in the holy scriptures. But in the .27. q. 2. chap. Additur, is by the testimony of Jerome an other kind of lawful matrimony added, namely when a widow, which is not under the power of the Parents, marrieth in the Lord. Hereby Gracian gathereth that Jerome acknowledgeth matrimony between the Rapter & her that is rapted. But I perceive that in the .22. chap. of Exodus, is nothing entreated of rapt, only mention is made of fornication, and not of rapt. For it is said: If he shall by flatteries allure her to lie with him, then hath he liberty given him, that he may take her to his wife, having the consent of the Parents. But if a man had rapted a maiden or man child, than he was judged by the law called Lex Plagii, which is written in deuteronomy, & testifieth that he should be punished with death, whosoever stealeth a woman or man in Israel. Wherefore there is nothing written in the holy scripture (as far as I see) as touching the establishing & racefieng of such a matrimony  
But here some man will object, that jacob & his sons consented, that Sechem one of the sons of Demor, 
Of the rapt of Dina.  should have in matrimony Dina jacobs' daughter, whom Sechem had rapted, so that his subjects would suffer themselves to be circumcised. I grant this: but it was done before the law of Moses was given. Neither do we read that the patriarchs had any word of God concerning this thing. Neither can it be denied that before the law was published, very many things were committed against it. jacob, of whom we now entreat, had the same time .2. sisters in matrimony. Amran had to wise his Aunt, of whom he had Moses, Aaron, & Maria, which matrimonies, after the law was given, were not lawful. Wherefore the example now brought, proveth nothing.  
But if hope of matrimony should be given unto Rapeters, there should be opened a wide window for furious young men to use raptes. For they will make no doubt to rapt, if they may hope to marry her whom they have rapted. But all occasions of evil are to be taken out of the public wealth and the Church. Farther, forasmuch as Parents are highly to be honoured, if matrimonies should against their wills he contracted between the Rapter and her that is rapted, they should suffer great contumely. This thing also seemeth to be added, that Lucius the Pope writeth to the bishop of Burgenun (as it is had Extra de Raproribus et Incendiariis, in the chap. Cum causa) that he decreeth, that if a maiden say, that before she was rapted, there were words passed between them of marriage, it cannot be called properly rapt. What shall then be done? May she against her Parents will marry the Rapter? Innocentius the .3. in the chap. following, decreeth: If a maiden be rapted against her will, and afterward consent to marry the Rapter, that marriage is also firm, yea although it be against the will of her Parents. And he addeth that this is done in the honour of matrimony, when as in deed it apertly pertaineth to the reproach thereof, if a man do more deeply weigh the whole matter. In the 27. q. 2. chap. Raptor, it is had: If a maiden that is rapted, be betrothed unto an other, by the words of the future tense, she must be restored unto him, so that he will receaveher. But if he will not, it is free for the maiden which was rapted to marry an other. But if she were betrothed by the words of the present tense, and that she can prove that she was rapted against her will, the spouse if he will not receive her, aught to be compelled.  

The schoolmen's opinion. Thomas Aquinas.  The school Divines write not much disagreeing unto this. Thomas Aquinas in .2. 2. toucheth this question, when he writeth that caped springeth of a vehement lust, whereby the Rapter is so troubled, that he neglecteth all dangers. And he will have her that is rapted, to be rendered unto her Spouse, if she have any: and if she have none, unto her Parents, or if she be without Parents, to them in whose power she was. And then if they will agree, she may marry the Rapter: but so, that first be made restitution, because in all theft and rapt restitution is chief required: yet saith he, rapt before restitution be made, letteth matrimony to be contracted, that is, that they sin, if they contract matrimony: but if it be contracted, it breaketh not the contract. But to the Canons which determine against it, be answereth, that they were made in detestation of the crime. But the Pope afterward considered the matter better. But this was not the part of a holy man to worship the Pope for God, and so to flatter him like a bondslave. And to the end he might seem to speak rightly, he bringeth the words of Jerome, which are in Gracian concerning the three kinds of matrimony. But how that place serveth to this present matter, I have before showed. lastly, he objecteth unto himself the Counsel of Meldenum. But that place he saith, is to be understand: If a man shall rapt her which was married unto an other. As though that were obscure or doubtful. We need no Canons to understand this. A certain Divine not of the worst sort, strongly setteth himself against Thomas concerning this thing, and where Thomas saith, that rapt letteth not the matrimony already contracted, he answereth, that many decrees make against that sentence. Farther he bringeth a reason, namely that he which is communicate can not receive the sacraments. And then he addeth that the Rapter is excommunicated: wherefore unless he do open penance and reconcile himself unto the Church, he cannot contract matrimony.  
But Caietanus there laboureth utterly to defend his Thomas, 
Caitanus.  and denieth that he which is excommunicate, cannot receive the Sacraments. Howbeit this he confesseth, that he which is excommunicate, sinneth if he receive the Sacraments. And he addeth: If an excommunicate be admitted to confirmation or to holy orders, it cannot be denied but that he hath received the Sacraments, neither is it lawful for him to repeat them again, if he afterward do penance. furthermore, he saith that the Master of the Sentenses in the four where he reckoneth the impediments, which take away matrimony contracted, numbereth not rapt at all. Farther, he teacheth that the Rapter, and she that is rapted, are not by the act itself excommunicated, but to be excommunicated. But because he seeth it is in the Canons of the counsel of Chalcedon & Cabilon: Let the Rapter and her that is rapted be accursed, he answereth that the Gloze interpreteth that saying to be of the same force, as if it had been said: Let them be accursed. Moreover he answereth to the other two things concerning restitution and penance, & he saith, that she that is rapted, ought not to be restored, but it is sufficient, if he satisfy the father by some means, although she be not rendered unto him into his hand: even as in theft it is not always necessary that things taken away should be restored, but sometimes it is sufficient, that the injury be recompensed by a price or bond. But concerning penance he saith: The Rapter, if he contract without it, doth sin in deed, but yet after he hath contracted, the matrimony is firm. lastly, he saith that the Canons, which decree to the contrary, are either abrogated, or else do speak of spouses. After this manner Thomas, Caietanus, the divines, Ecclesiastical men, & canonists trifle among themselves, & play the Parasites with the Pope their God.  
Now will I declare, what the holy scriptures determine of rapt, 
The sentence of the holy scriptures.  and what they judge thereof. The first place is out of the book of Genesis the .6. chapter, where it is written: The sons of God seeing the daughters of men that they were fair, took them to wives, such as they lusted themselves. I know there are brought sundry interpretations of this place. Some expound the sons of God to be angels, which being kindled by the beauty of fair women, had fellowship with them. This exposition cannot agree: for forasmuch as angels have no bodies, they cannot burn in such lusts. Others by the sons of God understand those which came of Seth, and were brought up in the true worshipping of God, who being overcome with beauty & fairness, contracted matrimonies with the daughters of Cain, that is, with Idolaters and Infidels. Whereby nothing now remained sound and perfect, and therefore God sending a flood, 
The Chaldey interpreter.  destroyed the whole world. The Chaldey Interpreter saith, that the Sons of God were mighty men, and Magistrates, who when they had taken to wives the daughters of vile men, all things were filled with vices.  
Here I see was committed rapt, which thing the Chaldey Paraphrast hath signified, which paraphrast among the hebrews is of an incredible authority. And assuredly Moses saith not that they desired those wives of their Parents, but only took them whom they liked best. By that place may easily be noted the course, and as it were the degree of man's perverseness. For first they saw, and then they desiced, and at the last they rapted. Neither were they won by their virtues, but only by the beauty of the body. Wherefore God punished that sin by a flood. And although there were many other sins in men, yet this one is expressed with a great emphasis.  
Moreover in the .34. chap. of the same book, Sechem the son of Hemor did rapt Dina the daughter of jacob. But what end that rapt had, it is not needful now to declare. 
Curiosity was the cause that Dina was raptes.  But the cause why Dina was rapted, was her curiosity: the maiden would go forth, and understand the manners of other women. Curiosity did then hurt her, & also will always hurt women. For if it were hurtful unto the family of jacob, being so great a patriarch, for a maiden to wander a broad, how much more dangerous is it for other famelies, which are not so holy nor acceptable unto god? But the nature of women is much infected with this vice. And therefore Paul to Titus, admonisheth women to love their husbands, to bring up their children, and to be byders at home. And to Timothe, when he entreateth of wanton and young widows: they wander abroad (saith be) and run from house to house, and at the last go after Satan. Yea, & these virgins, of whom we now entreat, when they wandered through the vineyards, and gave themselves idly unto dancings, were taken up by the Beniamites. Some man will say, that the brethren of Dina oppressed the Hemorhites by guile. It is true in deed, but when they were reproved of their Father, they said: Ought they to have done Niblah, that is, a foolish and wicked thing in Israel? And that Dina was rapt not willingly, but against her will, hereby appeareth, because it is written that Sichem, after he had oppressed her, spoke unto her heart, which signifieth nothing else, then that he would by flattery have comforted her.  

The Beniamites did not properly commit rapt. Vniuckiendes of raptes.  But it may seem marvelous, that these Beniamites were not punished for their rapt: but we must consider that they did not properly commit rapt, because they led away the maidens, not only by their own counsel, but also by the will of the Elders. Otherwise true and proper rapt hath always had an unlucky end. Io Argus was led away of the phoenicians, Europa of the men of Creta, Medea of jason, Helena of Paris, all which raptes stirred up discords and wars, and also the overthrowinge of public wealths and kingdoms.  
Also the women of Saba, being of curiosity desirous to be present at open spectacles, 
Titus Livius. Augustine.  were rapted by the Romans. Whereof followed such wars, that both nations were almost destroyed, as Titus Livius and Augustine De civitate dei write. Wherefore forasmuch as God will not have such wicked acts unpunished, it is meet that from hence forth we avoid such matrimonies. I am not of that sentence, to deny that those matrimonies which hitherto have been contracted after that manner, are matrimonies. For it is not my mind to bring in a confusion of things. But these two things I affirm, first that in contracting there is sin, especially if it be done against the will of the Parents. Farther, that those laws, whereby such matrimonies are permitted, are to be corrected, that hereafter it be not lawful to do the like. For we see that the order which God hath set, is perverted, when Parents are neglected, by whose counsels matrimonies should be contracted. And by this means young men at encouraged to raptes, when as they hope that they may marry the wives whom they shall rapt. Farther, that which I speak, is agreeable with the laws of God, with the law of nature, & with the civil laws. Wherefore let the canonists & Schoolmen take heed how they judge the contrary. Now resteth somewhat to speak of dances.   

¶ Of dances.  
CHorea that is a dance, is form (as Plato saith) of this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth joy, because it is a certain testification of joy. 
Servius.  And Servius (when he interpreteth this verse of Vergil, Omnis quam chorus & socii comitantur ovantes, that is, whom all the dance and fellows followed with mirth) saith that chorus is the singing and dancing of such as be of like age.  
But whence dances had their beginning, there at sundry opinions. 
Of the offering of dances.  Some think that men when they beheld the sundry motions of the wandering and fixed stars, sound out dancing, whereby the variety of motions might be represented. Other think that dances came rather of religion, because among the old ethnics, there were in a manner no holy services wherein was not leaping or dancing. For they led their dances from the left part of the altar to the right, whereby to resemble the motion of the heaven from the East unto the West, afterward they returned from the right to the left, to express the course of the wandering stars. Which thing peradventure Vergil signified when he said: 
Virgil.  Instaurantque choros, mixtique altarla circum, that is, and they being mixed together renewed their dances compassing about the altars.  
Yea & the Priests of Mars which were dancers, 
Salii the priests of Mars.  were had in great honour among the Romans. And there are some also which refer the beginning of dancing to Hiero a tyrant of Sicilia. For he (they say) to establish his tyranny, forbade the people to speak one to an other. 
The devise of Hiero.  Wherefore men in Sicilia began to express their meanings and thoughts by becks and gestures of the body, and the thing turned afterward into an use and custom. But whatsoever this thing was, daunsinges in the old time were not against Religion: although afterward they were applied to public mirth.  
There was also an other kind of dancing, whereby young men were exercised to warlike affairs. For they were commanded to make gestures & to leap, having upon them their armour, the afterward they might be the more prompt to fight, when need for the public wealth should require. 
Saltatio Pyrrhica.  This kind of dancing was called saltacio Pyrrhica, & because it was exercised in armour, it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of this dancing is mention in the civil laws, namely in the digests de paenis, in the law ad dannum. And sometimes young men when they had offended, were not straightway put to death, but were condemned either to hunt upon a stage, or else to dance in armour. And they were called Pirrhicarii. Also there was an other kind of dancing, 
Wanton dancing.  which was instituted only for pleasure & wantonness sake, & that was called of the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But of those dances which by gestures of the body, expressed the senses of the mind, writeth Lucianus in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Lucianus. Athenaeus.  & so doth Atheneus. In which kind at the length it came to the point, that when at Rome Demetrius Cynicus derided the dance called Mimica saltacio, calling it a thing vain & nothing worth, a noble dancer, which them was had in honour at Rome, desired him, that he would once only behold him dancing, & afterward to judge & speak his fancy whatsoever he would. He came unto the stage, the dancer called saltator Mimicus begun by gestures to resemble the common fable of Mars, taken in adultery with Venus. In which thing he so expressed the sun which declared the fact, & Vulcanus knitting his nets, & Venus overcome with shame, & Mars humbly destring pardon, 
A saying of Demetrius Cynicus.  that Demetrius being astonished cried out: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, I hear O man the things that thou dost, I do not only see them, for by these thy hands thou seemeth to me to speak. About the same time by chance came to Rome the king of Pontus, & when he had seen this dancer played his gestures on the stage, being afterward bidden of Nero, to ask what thing he most desired to have given him, he desired to have the Mimus. Nero marveled, forasmuch as he mought have asked other things of much greater price, & asked him the cause of that his request. He answered, because I have sundry nations subject unto me, which without an interpreter, I cannot understand, and oftentimes it happeneth that the interpreters do not faithfully enough tell unto them what I say, nor again what they say unto me. But this fellow with his gestures will express all things most faithfully.  

Plato.  Plato in his .3. de legibus maketh two kinds of dancings, one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which before we have called Pirrhicum. The other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I omit to speak of the filthy kind of dancing, because it is apertly condemned by the laws. The Pirrhicall dancing, and that which is done by gestures may have place to some uses of the public wealth, but they pertain not to our purpose. Wherefore in this place we must speak of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, how fat it is lawful, 
Dancing by itself and of his own nature is not vicious.  forasmuch as it is exercised for mirth sake. Assuredly I think that this kind of dancing is not of his own nature vicious or prohibited, because nimbleness and agility of the body is the gift of God, and if there be added any art, namely that the body be moved in order, aptly in number, and with comeliness, I do not see why it ought to be reproved, so that it be done in time, moderately and without offence. For even as it is lawful to sing, and we may use singing to give thanks unto god, and to celebrate his praises, so also by a moderate dancing we may testify the joy and mitth of the mind. For David publicly danced before the ark of the Lord, & the maidens with dances & songs celebrated his victory against Goliath. Maria also the sister of Moses, when Pharaoh was overthrown & slain, led dances with other women, and song a song of victory. Wherefore seeing holy men and chaste women have used dances, we can not say that of their own nature they are vicious. 
Daunsinges used at this day are vicious.  But as it is used in these days that men should dance mingled together with women, ought not to be suffered, because these things are norishmentes and provokers of wantonness and lusts. Maria the sister of Moses danced not with young men, but apart by herself among women. Neither danced David with women, and maidens which celebrated his victory danced among themselves, and not with men.  
Moreover they which love God withal their heart, & withal their stengthes, ought not only to observe his commandments, but also to cut of all occasions whereby the observing of them might be letted.  

Reasons against dances of our times.  But our dances are most evident occasions of transgressions of the laws of god. They are snares & offences, not only unto the dancers, but also to the beholders: for they stir up & inflame the hearts of men, which are otherwise evil enough even from their beginning: & that thing which is to be repressed & kept under with great study & industry, the same is stirred up by the wanton enticements of dances. Undoubtedly, if a man will consider himself, either by experience or by reason, he shall find that in such spectacles the lusts of the mind are not a little kindled & inflamed, & he shall perceive the men return home from those dances les good than they were, & women also les chaste than they were. Farther, perils are rather to be avoided, then to be nourished. For (as Solomon saith) he which loveth danger, shall fall therein.  
But some will object, that whereas dances be so against manners, & do kindle lust, the same cometh rashly & by chance: but every thing is to be judged not of these things, which happen by chance, but of these things which are in it of itself & by nature. There are some so chaste & uncorrupt, that they can behold these spectacles with a perfect & chaste mind. 
Difference of accidences.  I grant, that that may sometimes happen, but I add that all accidences are not of one & self same kind. For there are some which happen very rarely, other some are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is which by their nature may as well be present unto any thing, as absent. And there are some which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, such as are wont to happen oftentimes & for the most part. These last accidences ought in every thing to be considered and most diligently weighed: neither must we take heed, what may be done, but what is wont to be done. 
Aristippus.  Aristippus danced in purple, & being reproved, he made an excuse, that he was made never a whit the worse by that dancing, but might in the softness keep still his Philosophical mind. But such voices are not to be heard: because as Demosthenes saith, & it is cited of the lawyers, 
Demosthenes.  we must not consider what some certain man doth at a time, but what is wont to be done for the most part. Grant that there be some one man so chaste that he is nothing moved with such enticements, how in the mean time is the people & multitude provided for? Shall we for the perfectness and integrity of one or two, suffer all the rest to be in danger?  
But so (a man will say) take away sermons also & sacraments, for many hear the word of God, sometimes to their condemnation, & many eat & drink the holy mysteries unto their own judgement. 
A certain profitable distinction of things  Here we must know that certain things are profitable to the salvation of men, & are commanded by the word of god, which things ought by no means to be taken away. And certain things are indifferent, which if we see they tend to destruction, they are not to be suffered. We have the law of god for hearing of Sermons, and receiving the Sacraments: but for dancing there is no commandment given. Wherefore these things are not to be compared together. But by dances & leapinges some say that very many honest matrimonies are brought to pass. It may be so sometimes, but I was never of the opinion that I would have matrimonies contracted by these arts, wherein a regard is had only to the agility & beauty of the body. There are other means much more honest: let us use them and leave these as little chaste & shamefast. Let us remember, that although honest matrimonies are sometimes brought to pass by dancing, yet much more often are adulteries & fornications wont to follow of those spectacles. 
What dances are honest.  We ought to follow the examples of godly fathers, who now & then used dances, but yet such as were moderate & chaste, so that the men danced by themselves, & the women a part by themselves: by such kind of dances, they showed forth the gladness of their minds, they sang praises unto God, and gave him thanks for some notable benefit which they had received. But we read not in the holy Scriptures of mingled dances of men and women together. But our men say: Who can dance after that sort? In saying so, they utter themselves, what they seek for in dancing.  
Moreover let us mark the effects of dancing. It is written in Matthew, 
The effects of wicked dances.  that the daughter of Herodias danced at a banquet which the king made: & the king took pleasure in her, whom he could not openly without shame behold. For she was a manifest testimony of his unlawful matrimony & of his adultery. For Herode had married the mother of that maiden being his brother's wife. Of that dancing it came to pass, that john's head was cut of. Many are angry with us, because we cry against dancing, as against things which are of their own nature evil & prohibited: we on the other side say, that things are not always to be weighed by their own nature, but by the disposition & abuse of our flesh: we can not deny but that wine of his own nature is good, which yet is not given unto one that is in an ague, not that the wine is evil, but because it agreeth not with a body that is in that manner affected. In Exodus, when the people had made themselves a calf to worship, they sat down, did eat, drank, and rose up to play. In which place it seemeth that to play was nothing else then to dance.  
But lest I should seem this to speak and to judge alone, I will add certain testimonies of the fathers. Augustine against Petilianus the 6. chap. The bishops (saith he) were always wont to restrain idle & wanton dancing: but now a days there are some bishops which are present at dances, & do dance together with women, so far are they of to restrain this vice. The same Augustine upon the .32. 
Augustine  Psalm (when he expoundeth these words, on the Psalter of ten strings, I will sing unto thee) maketh those ten strings the ten commandments, & when he had spoken somewhat of one of them, at the last he cometh to the Sabaoth, where of it is writeten: Remember that thou sanctify the Sabaoth day. I say not (saith he) to live delicately, as the jews were wont. For it is better to dig all the whole day, them to dance on the Sabaoth day.  
chrysostom in his .56. Homely upon Genesis, 
chrysostom.  when he entreateth of the marriages of jacob: Ye have heard saith he, of marriages, but not of dances, which he there calleth devilish: and he hath many things in the same place on our side. And among other he writeth: The bridedome & the bride are corrupted by dancing, & the whole family is defiled. Again in the .48. Homely: Thou seest (saith he) marriages, but thou seest not dances. For at the time they were not so lascivious as they be now a days. And he hath many more things on the .14. chap. of Matthew, where he spoke unto the people of the dancing of the daughter of Herodias, & amongst other things he saith: At this day Christians do deliver to destruction not half their kingdom, not an other man's head, but even their own soul. And he addeth that where as is wanton dancing, there the devil danceth together with them.  

Consilium Lao dicenum.  In the counsel of Laodicenum it is written: It is not meet for Christian men to dance at their marriages. Let them dine & sup gravely & moderately, giving thanks unto God for the benefit of marriages. In the same counsel also it is had: Let not the Clergy come unto spectacles either on the stage, or at weddings. They may in deed be present at marriages: but after there come in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, singers & players on instruments, which serve for daunsinges, let them rise & go their ways, lest by their presence they should seem to allow that wantonness. In the counsel of Ilerdenum, 
Consilium Iler dense.  which was had under Symmachus, & Hormisda Popes, and Theodoricus the king, the same thing is decreed, namely the Christians should not dance at marriages. But in the counsel of Altisiodorenum, which was under the Pope Deus dedit, 
Consilium All ●isiodorense.  this seemeth to be contracted unto the Clergy. For there it is prohibited, that any of the Clergy should at a feast either sing or dance, as though it were in a sort lawful for other.  

Schoolmen.  Of the same opinion are certain school divines in the .3. book of sentences, dis. 37. who refer these prohibitions only unto the holy days. Ricardus de media villa saith that to dance on the holy days is a sin most grievous, as though on other days it may be permitted. But the opinion of the fathers, & sound counsels is far more severe than the opinion of these men, who perniciously release those things which should be contracted: for as much as they have the peril of souls joined with them: & not only peril but all falls that are most grievously to be lamented. Howbeit it seemeth that these men borrowed this their sentence (wherein they prohibit dancing on the holy days) out of the civil laws. For in the Code, in the title de feriis in the law dies festos: We release in deed idleness on the feast days, but we will not have men give themselves to voluptuousness. Wherefore it shall not be lawful on the feast days to use daunsinges, whether they be for lust sake, or whether they be done for pleasure.  
But let us see what the ethnics opinion was as touching this thing. Emilius Probus in the life of Epaminonda saith: 
Aemilius Probus. Sallust.  That to sing & to dance was not very honourable among the Romans, when the Grecians had it in great estimation. Sallust in Cantilinario writeth, that Sempronia a certain lascivious & unchaste woman was taught to sing & dance more elegantly than became an honest matron. And there he calleth those two things the instruments of lechery. 
Cicero.  Cicero in his .3. book of offices writeth, that an honest & good man will not dance in the market place, although he might by the means come to great possessions. And in his oration which he made after his return into the Senate, he calleth Aulus Gabinius his enemy in reproach saltator calamistratus that is, the fine dancer: It was objected to Lucius Murena for a fault, because he had danced in Asia. The same thing also was objected unto the king Deiotarus. Cicero answereth for Murena: No man danceth being sober, unless peradventure he be mad, neither in the wilderness neither yet at a moderate and honest banquet. The same Cicero in Phillipicas upbraideth unto Anthony among other his vices, dancing.  

The diversity of temperature of the men of the East and of the men of the West.  But it appeareth that the nature and disposition of the men of the East & of the West was not all one and the self same. They are cheerful of mind, & nimble in body, and for that cause delight in daunsinges. For to omit other examples, David the king danced publicly. And they which come now unto us out of Syria, do affirms that the Christians, which live in those regions, do upon the Resurrection day & also upon other famous feast days, come into the temple with haps and viols, & sing Psalms among themselves, & dance together. For their spirits are more nimble & cheerful, & ours more heavy. Howbeit they say that they dance soberly and modestly, the men a part by themselves, & the women also by themselves.  
Now should remain, 
Certain things as touching an oath.  to speak somewhat of an oath: but because to entreat thereof would be long, therefore I think it good to defer it till an other tyme. This thing only will I say for the expounding of this place, that those oaths which are against the word of god & charity, are of no strength: neither do they bind the men that sweat. They sinned in swearing rashly, but they sinned more grievously in performing it, for as much as they had made an evil oath. Yet are these elders of Israel to be praised, who although they saw that their oath was not firm, yet they would not seem openly & contemptuously to violate it, least by their example they should open unto the rude people a window unto perjuries, which thing also it seemeth that josua did unto the Gabaonites. For although in very deed they performed not their oath, yet they would by a certain show seem to perform it, and to have it in estimation. That which remaineth to be spoken of this thyng●, I will defer unto the interpretation of the History of Samuel.  
And now I think good to add this, 
The Israelites erred in that they asked no● counsel of god.  that it is no marvel that the Israelites swore a foolish oath, and exercised their sharpness towards their brethren more cruelly than was meet: and also admitted & gave counsel to that rapt such as it was, for as much as they neither asked counsel of god, nor of the high priest, nor of the Prophet concerning these things. God in deed had promised them the victory, yet had he not given them this commandment clean to destroy the tribe of Benjamin, & to kill all their women, also to slay all the women of the jabenites, they had no commandment out of the word of god. 
The negligence of the Priests is to be marveled at.  But the negligence of the high Priest & Priests is most of all to be marveled at, which did not of their own accord offer themselves, although the elders asked not counsel of them. But Pinhas (as I suppose) was at this time sore worn in age, & the other Priests raking all things unto than, they cared not how, very coldly regarded things pertaining unto God, for as much as there was no king in Israel nor stout Magistrate, which should have kept the hebrews in the duty of the law. Wherefore the people not being helped by the holy ministry so much as need required, committed many things through foolishness & fury, & gathered such fruits of their works as the history rehearseth. For they should not have been so outrageous to have slain all the maidens of the Beniamites, for as much as the law had prohibited, that children should be slain for the sins of their parents. Neither ought the Israelites to have bound themselves by an oath, not to marry their daughters by any means to the Beniamites. It was also to cruelly done to destroy all the women of the jabenites which were not virgins. Neither ought they to have committed that kind of rapt to save their oath upright, which was but a vain oath and of no force.  
Neither is this to be passed over, that the virgin maidens, 
The punishment of the abuse of religion.  by that rapt were punished for the contempt of religion. For as I have before said, they abused the rest of the holy day. Undoubtedly the Israelites were not commanded to assemble before at certain times of the year in the holy congregation of the Lord, to the end they should apply themselves to dances and plays. The son of God when he was twelve years of age, came unto the temple, 
An example of Christ being yet a child.  & there (as it behoved) applied himself to the business of his father: which thing if the maidens of Sylo had done, they had not been rapted. Wherefore it is the part of virgins when they came to holy assemblies, religiously to give themselves to things divine, and to abide nigh unto their parents, & not to run about dancing in the fields, towns, streets & vineyards. For as often as they are out of the sight of their parents & keepers, 
The parents of the maidens that were rapted did sin.  they are ready for raptors, and for the impotent fury of young men. This also is to be considered that the parents of the maidens that were rapted, were justly punished, because they negligently kept their daughters on the feast day. For God giveth children unto the parents to keep as a pledge, and that not carelessly but warily.  
And ye shall by violence take unto you every man his wife. 
An argument against having more wives than one called Polygamia,  The elders do not give Counsel unto the rest of the Beniamites to take more wives than one, but they will every man to take his own wife. And a little after it is added: They took unto them wives according to their number. Undoubtedly if plurality of wives should have at any time been admitted for the procreation of children, here it seemed most of all to have been needful, for as much as the tribe of Benjamin was in a manner destroyed, & needed a speedy instauration or renewing. But the elders although they carefully studied for the restitution of the Beniamites, yet they thought it not meet to fly unto the remedy of Polugamia: which is an argument, that in their judgement that was not allowed.  
Every man departed from thence unto his own inheritance. Being (as it is to be thought moved in their minds with sundry and divers affections. They partly rejoiced for the victory which they had obtained: partly they pitied the Beniamites, and were sorry they had made so uncircumspect an oath: and had raged with to cruel and unadvised a zeal. They lamented also their brethren and fellow soldiers, whom they had in that expedition lost by two overthrows. Wherefore let the grievous & horrible punishment of the Beniamites be a warning unto us to avoid and eschew unhonest and filthy lusts, as pernicious pestilences, as well of the soul as of the body, and also of all good things.  

The fruit of the reading of this history.  But for as much as we are by the favour of God come to the end of this book, it is our part, as it were in a table to set before our eyes this foresaid history, to behold in it the government, whereby God defended and governed his Church and public wealth, he doth in deed punish sins grievously, but after his fatherly correction he doth with an unmeasurable goodness restore the hurts and losses, wherein men oftentimes incur by their own error & fault. In all these things we may see an Image of our times. For we are infected with the same infirmities that our fathers were: neither doth the devil and his members with less diligence at this day vex the congregation of the godly, than he did in the old time.  
Wherefore let us pray unto God our most loving father thorough his son jesus Christ, that even as from the beginning he hath helped and nourished his Church in most great dangers, so also he would now keep and defend it, when it is almost overwhelmed with evils and calamities. Let us desire him also, that even as he from time to time stirred up judges and deliverers unto the hebrews, by whom he restored both liberty and health: and as in our time he hath given Heroical and most excellent men, namely Luther, Zuinglius, Oecolampadius, Philip Melanchton and such like setters forth of the doctrine of the Gospel, so he would vouchsafe to go forward, and in convenient times stir up certain lights, by which he may illustrate the minds of his elect, and kindle their hearts to keep & amplify the Church of Christ, that at the length he may have it reigning with him in heaven, without spot or wrinkle. Amen.    
¶ The end of the Commentary upon the Book of the judges.   

¶ A diligent Index or table, of the most notable things, matters, and words, contained in this whole work. Which things ye shall find by the folio which is on the first side of the leaf, and (b) signifieth the second side of the same leaf  

A.  
Aaron reproved justly. 53 b  
Abimeleche gedeon's son. 153. b  
Abimileches tiranni 155 b  
Abimileches vices. 157. b  
Abraham married his brother's daughter. 20.  
Abraham's league with the Chananites. 99 b  
abraham's saying, Sara was his Sister. 89.  
Abuses of church music. 103. b  
Accidences do differ. 286. b  
Accusations violate not, but help the laws. 255  
Action, one and the same, may be good and bad. 79  
Actions should be both just and justly done. 245  
Actions voluntary & natural. 63. b  
Adam and Eva, whether they were buried in Hebron. 14. b  
Adonibezek. 11  
Adversity giveth occasion of profitable sermons. 113. b  
Adversity ought to move us to praise & thank god aswell as prosperiti. 104  
Adversities behaviour. 6  
Aduoutries counted light crimes with Papists. 233  
Aduoutries looseth her dowry. 81  
Adulterers and hooremongers' god will judge. 249  
Adultery punished with adultery. 254. b  
Adultery salved by reconciliation. 249  
Adultery and rapt joined. 283. b  
Aesopes fables. 160  
Estimation is not so much to be regarded as truth. 90  
Affections are qualities. 141. b  
Affections of the body and mind also signified by dreams. 135  
Affections are attributed to God improperly. 176  
Affections which are to be counted godly. 194  
Affections whether they be good or evil. 142  
Affections may be joined with obedience. 195. b  
Afflicted persons think god is not with them. 114. b  
Affliction to the afflicted of God, is not to be added. 235. b  
Affliction springeth of sin. 112  
Affliction of the Israelites of forty years. 200. b  
Afflictions of the goodly are not properly punishments. 181. b  
Afflictions of this life God sends to divers ends. 180  
Afflictions great or small, is no sure argument of the heinousness of sins. 171. b  
Afflictions final causes. 8  
Affricanes are Chananites. 7  
africans were Phenitians. 68  
Age good, what. 155.  
Ain turned by g. 226. b  
Allegories use. 8. b  
Allegory taken out of the holy scripture. 141  
Alexander unto Darius. 157  
Altar erected. 280. b  
Altar is not to be erected, but to God. 69  
Altars used why. 122. b  
Alteration is none in God. 175  
Ambition handled. 157. b  
Ambition when it hath place. 183. b  
Ambition of kings and bishops. 12  
Ambrose a Neophyt when he was made bishop. 184  
Ambrose opinion of jiptah disallowed. 194  
Ambrose first used singing in the west church. 103  
Anabaptistes' fault. 132. b  
anabaptists error. 264. b  
anabaptists deny that the old testament pertaineth to us. 186. b  
Anadiplosis. 109. b  
Anathemata. 30. b  
Anarchia is destruction of a common wealth. 139  
Ancyrana Synodus. 95  
Angel signifieth diversly. 59  
Angels how they have their names. 205. b  
angels why they fell. 15. q  
angels cannot burn in lusts. 285  
Angels whither they did eat and drink, 212  
angels bodies wherein they appear are true and humane. 211. b  
Angels what manner of bodies they take upon them. 209. b  
angels apparitions. 208  
Angels apparitions may be imagigined. .3 manner of ways. 209. b. 211  
Angels appearing and Gods do eevidently differ. 1●2. b  
Angels whether they see God. 121. b  
angels may work miracles. 126. b  
Anger of God described. 70  
Anger defined by the matter. 73. b  
anger assuaged by gentle answer. 141. b  
anger why Christ forbade. 166. b  
Anger an unfit affection to punish in. 280. b  
Answer with the hebrews is to begin to talk. 244  
Anthropomorphites error. 118  
Antichrist the pope of Rome. 147. b  
Anticipation a common figure in scriptures. 246. b  
Antiochus beguiled. 86  
Apelles error. 210. b  
Apis the ox, was long fatting. 122 b  
Apollonius Thyaneus. 211  
Apology defined. 159. b  
Apoplexia. 163. b  
Apostles how they are foundations. 149  
Apparel prescribed by laws. 111. b  
Apparitions of angels. 208  
appeal from the Pope. 266. b  
Application of popish sacrifice for quick and dead. 50  
Aquarij heretics. 189. b  
Arba the builder of Hebron. 15  
Arguments false of Siricius. 94  
Arguments from the events to the cause, are not always firm. 271. b  
argument against the Pope. 161  
Aristocratia. 1. b  
Aristocratia in the church. 241  
Aristocratia compared with a kingdom. 156  
Aristotle deceived. 138  
Ark taken. 244. b  
Armes of noble men. 140. b  
Arts forbidden. 283  
Ascension day whether it was on the wednesday or thursday. 276. b  
Asers situation. 108  
Ask at God, how. 272  
Assamonites or Machabites. 259  
Assemblies exercises. 65  
asses used in Syria 106. b  
Asses much used in Syria. 25. b  
Attilius Regulus. 85. b  
Augustine's saying, I would not believe the Gospel etc. scanned. 5. b  
Augustine used the latin tongue to preach in. 84  
Augustine & Jerome contend. 60. b  
Augustine excuseth Tertullian. 120  
Augustine changed his opinion for compelling of heretics. 55  
Augustine's mother. 138. b  
Aunts why men may not marry. 19 b   

B.  
BAal-berith. 155  
Baal handled. 123. b  
Baal and Baalim. 68  
Balaams praying was prophesying. 207  
Banished men's custom in building of Cities. 40  
Banishment, the extremest punishment of the citizens of Rome. 146 b  
Baptism of Infanes. 75. b  
Baren mothers have brought forth many excellent men. 200. b  
Baruch is apocrypha. 51  
Bastard defined. 177 b  
Bastards have no place in the congregation of Israel. 177  
Bastards prove wurs then other children. 178  
Bastards were not commanded to be banished by the law. 183  
Bawd who according to the Civil law. 249  
Bawds are the Popes. 232  
Bawdry. 232  
Beans make troublesome dreams. 137. b  
Bearing with others weakness. 52  
Beda lived in a corrupt time. 42. b  
Bearfoote is Elleborus. 164. b  
Bees of bullocks dead. 218  
Begging disallowed. 203  
behaviour in prosperiti & adversiti. 6  
Benefits, degrees & worthiness. 198  
Benefits whether they be to be withdrawn from unthanful persons. 198  
Benefits of god are of .2. sorts. 198 b  
Benjamin had ten families. 269  
Beniamites worthy to be condemned. 271  
Beniamites, how many of them were slain by the Israelites. 273. b  
beards of Priests. 201. b  
Bernhards error of angels. 209  
Bethabara. 141  
Bethel is not always a proper name of a place, but where the ark of the covenant remained. 269. b  
Bethlehem .2. of that name. 239. b  
Betraying handled. 36 b  
Betraying defined. 37  
Betraying, wurs than besieging. 37  
Betraying lawful. 37. b  
Betraying examples. 38. b  
Betrothing in words of the future tense. 284. b  
Bezek situate. 11  
Bibles preserved by the jews. 57 b  
Bishop of Rome hath nothing common with Peter. 149  
Bishops of Rome refused kingdom in the church at the first. 147  
Bishops ambitious. 12  
Bishops consecrating of kings, whether they be therein greater than kings. 261. b  
Blabbing a vice most peculiar to women. 221. b  
Blasphemies horrible. 235  
Bloodshedding justly and rightly, restraineth not from the holy ministry. 146. b  
Boasting what. 87. b  
Boasting against God. 132. b  
Body, what it signifieth with Tertulian. 209  
Body spiritual how. 211  
Body and blood of Christ, how it is eaten. 212. b  
Bodies of men after the flood, whether less than before. 17  
Body humane cannot consist with out flesh and bones. 118.  
Body, removeth us not from the beholding of God. 117. b  
Body is joined to the soul for a help, and not punishment. 208. b  
Body is annoyed with drunkenness. 163. b  
Bodily diseases les grievous than the minds. 247. b  
Bona goods. 139. b  
Bondage first of the israelites. 77  
Bondage more grievous than loss of goods. 70  
Bondage is against the nature of man. 80  
Bondage is a civil death. 36  
Bond servants may not fly from their masters. 227. b  
Bonifacius the right. 257.  
Book de Patientia, none of Augustine's. 158. b  
Book de Dogmate ecclesiastico is none of saint Augustine's. 121  
borders of the hebrews countri. 267  
Bramble a vile plant. 160. b  
Bread remaining in the Eucharist. 205  
brethren for all manner of kinsfolks. 23  
Brothers children are not forbidden to marry by God's law .19. but by the law of nature. 21  
Brother's wife, only lawful for the jews to marry. 21. b  
Bribery of Abimilech. 158  
Burials of the hebrews in their own possessions. 66  
 offerings. 271  
Burdens personal. 263. b   

C.  
CAesar touched. 153. b  
Caiphas the high priest was no prophet. 137  
Calcedonia Synod. 147. b  
Calves made by Aaron & jeroboam were made of a good intent. 48. b  
Calves of the lips. 192  
Canons of the apostles allow marriage of Ministers. 94. b  
Canons latter, corrupt. 215  
Canons authority above the Civil laws. 217. b  
Cantones, villages of Helvetia. ●67  
Captains over ten, Centurions. etc. why God appointed. 115. b  
Captains to have Ministers in their camps. 96. b  
Captain needful in great dangers. 176. b  
captives returning or escaping 85 b  
Carthage inhabited with Sidonians. 243. b  
Cardinal's hoorehunters. 232  
Carefulness contrary to security, & yet not always to be praised 247  
case new requireth a new help. 88 b  
Cases of lying to avoid danger. 90  
Castles whether it be lawful to fence. 113  
Castles & munitions cannot defend from the anger of God. 112. b  
Cathecumeni. 42 b  
Cato burdened with drunkenness. 163  
Caves described. 112. b  
Cause of sin is not to be laid unto God. 167  
Cause just & unjust differ much 271  
Causes first, more to be considered then the second. 71  
Centurions. etc. why God appointed. 115. b  
Ceremonies complained on. 190. b  
Ceremonies need not be all a like every where. 54. b  
Ceremonies of the law, how long they might be used. 52  
Ceremonies of the law, how far Paul condemned them. 51. b  
Ceremonies are not good, because they had a good beginning, but because they be good of their nature. 48  
Ceremonies in the Mass, what they signify, is unknown. 50  
Chair of Peter. 149  
Chaldry paraphrast with the hebrews is of great authority. 285. b  
Chalebs' pedigree. 18. b  
Chaleb a faithful spy. 18  
Chanaan nation discussed. 7  
Chanaan divided by josua before it was possessed by the israelites 7. b  
Chananites, why God would not by and by destroy them. 8  
Chananites expelled by the Israelites, went into Africa. 7  
Charges extraordinary. 263. b  
chariots for war described. 32. they can not resist God. 32 b  
Charity is neglected when we depart from the true God. 155. b  
Charity not broken in destroying of Cities. 31  
Chance is not with God. 172  
Chance is not without gods will 165 b  
Change is not in God. 175  
Chemos god of the Amonites. 185  
Cherem vows. 192  
Ches play. 220  
Children many, is an excellent gift of God. 200  
Children fair of foul Parents, how. 4. b  
Child of a day old is not pure. 180  
Children are more of the father than of the mother. 156. b  
Children divided for legitimation. etc. 177. b  
children's obedience to their Parents. 203. b  
children's duties to their parents, all one with subjects to their Magistrates. 265  
Children, whether they may mary without consent of their parents. 214  
Children when they may disobey their parents. 253  
Children are not punished for their fathers, as touching eternal life. 182  
Choice of meats is not to be followed. 278  
Christ is man. 211. b  
Christ is the universal head. 147. b  
Christ the head of the church. 241  
Christ dissembled. 89. b  
Christ, as we read oft wept, but never laughed. 63  
Christ how he resembled Melchisedech. 261  
Christ is the mediator in making leagues. 73. b  
Christ refused a kingdom offered 147  
Christ is our peace. 122. b  
Christ's appearing to the old Fathers, how it may be proved. 119 b  
Christ how he is taught by the book of judges. 2. b  
Christ had a true body after his resurrection. 209  
Christ's body how it entered the doors shut. 211. b  
Christ appeared to Gedion. 115  
Christ's body & blood are not included in the simbols or signs. 212 b  
Chronicles how they differ from histories. 3  
Chrysippus foolish answer. 147  
Church is governed of God, with a singular care. 203  
Church had not two swords in the apostles time. 260. b  
Church how it may have two sword. 259. b  
Church giveth not authority to the scriptures, but contrary. 5  
Church hath three offices touching the word of God. 5  
Churches consent, if it be to be waited for in reformation of religion. 265  
Church ought to entreat for the reconciliation of the repentant. 250  
Church that payeth tithes, is greater than the minister. 261. b  
Cyprian resisted the church of Rome 148  
Circumstances make much in every matter. 101  
City of Palms, what, 27. b  
Cities, whether it be lawful to fence. 113  
Cities of refuge belonged to the Levites. 18  
Citizen good, who. 150  
Civil laws are to be corrected by the word of God. 250  
Civil laws forbidden reconciliation after adultery. 249  
Civil laws permit guile. 85  
Civil power how it is subject to the ecclesiastical. 258. b  
Civil power how far it extendeth. 258.  
Civil rules end. 54. b  
Civil wars more cruel than outward. 274  
Clemens epistles to james. 149. b  
Clemency defined. 13  
Clemency of God toward his enemies. 112  
Coaction God inferreth not to man's will. 167. b  
Cohen signifieth prince or priest. 28  
Comam non nutriant nec barbam. 201. b  
Commandments of God are to be kept precisely without all mitigation or mollefieng with man's invention. 61  
Commandments of God more to be regarded then kinsfolks. 156. b  
Commandment les, shall give place to the greater. 203. b  
Commandments, when one is contrary to an other, the weightier is to be observed. 184  
Common prayer what behaviour is required thereat. 207  
Common weal of the jews described. 1. b  
Communion hath divers names. 41 b  
Communion & Mass compared. 49. b  
Communication filthy. 159. b  
Companieng of godly with ungodly. 44. b  
Comparative decree always requireth the positive degree. 39 b  
Competentes. 42. b  
Compulsion to right worshipping of God, & use of the sacraments. 54. b  
Conciliation of places repugnant. 93  
Concilium Gangrense allowed marriage of ministers. 94. b  
Concord in the church dependeth not of unity or likeness in ceremonies. 279  
Concubines having. 154  
Concubines of the Fathers were wives. 248. b  
conjuror notable, Appollonius. 211  
Conjurations at the Sepulchres of saints. etc. 130  
Conscience when it accuseth us, what we shall answer. 176  
Conscience evil, is called sores of the mind. 247. b  
Consecrator, whether he be greater than the consecrated. 261. b  
Consent of the church whether it be to be waited for in reformation. 265  
Consent of the children is requisite in marriage. 215  
Conspiracy. 38  
Conspiracies of the ungodly are of no long time. 166. b  
Conspiracies communicated to many, have seldom good success. 82. b  
Constancy true. 194  
Constancy of the jews. 265. b  
Constantius emperors sleight to try right christian officers. 264. b  
Constantine decided a matter of religion. 266. b  
Contagion is to be avoided. 46. b  
Contempt defined. 166  
Contempt of the enemy in wars engendereth negligence. 270  
Contentions concerning fastings. 276. b  
Contracts of matrimony privi. 154  
Contracting by words of the future tense. 284. b  
Contubernium. 154. b  
Constantius the emperor. 155. b  
Copulation of Angels with women. 16  
Correction or amendment ought to begin first in our own family, and next kin. 123  
Corruption first, after the sin of Adam, whether it were derived of God or no. 80  
Covenants are of as great efficacy as oaths. 86  
Covenant of God two ways to be considered. 59 b  
Covenant of god with the hebrews, concerning the Chananites. 60  
Covenant old, had promises of more than earthly felicity. 75  
Counsels of men are so far fruitful as the predestination of god hath before appointed. 97. b  
Counsel's Neocesariensis. 95  
Counsels are neither constant nor without error. 152. b  
Counsel asking at God is moral. 242. b  
Counsel asked of God by the Israelites three ways. 7  
Counsel asked of God or not asked. 6. b  
Counsels must be directed by God, else hath it no good end, ve st never so justly enterprised. 251  
Creatures made Gods. 69  
Crede the tradition of the church. 43  
Crime, where no crime is ought no man to confess. 90  
Cruelty of the Israelites against the Beniamites. 280  
Cruelty displeaseth God. 12. b  
Cruelty defined, 12. b  
Cubit measure. 16. b  
Cup of the noble. 110  
Curiosity of Dina. 285. b  
Curs of jericho. 30. b  
Cursings commonly used in adversities. 237. b  
Cursings how they are lawful. 109. b  
Custom handled. 189.  
Custom defined. 190  
Customs when they prescribe not 189 b  
Customs defined. 263   

D.  
DAgon what it was. 234. b  
Danes put down their king. 91  
Danes situation. 108  
Danits thieves & sacrilegers. 245. b  
Daniel how he escaped the furnace. 52  
days end, sun set. 221, b  
David's dissimulation. 90  
Dances handled. 286  
Dancing of the youth on feast days. 282, b  
Dangers are to be avoided, rather than nourished. 286. b  
Danger greatest where security is most. 247  
Dangers in humane actions. 132 b  
Deades sacrifices & offerings. 277  
Death for truth, edifieth. 52. b  
Death of three sorts appointed in the law of God for ill doers. 12. b  
Deborah was of the Tribe of Ephraim. 107. b  
Deborah useth the authority of a Prince. 96  
Deceit handled. 84  
Deceiving is against justice. 87. b  
Decree of God what shallbe. 72. b  
Decrees contrary to decrees. 20●  
Decres better & wurs, which 214. b  
Degrees of kindred prohibited, why 22  
Degrees prohibited for matrimony. 19 b  
Delay in God, why. 175. b  
deliverance beginneth of repentance. 112  
Deliverances by the judges. etc., shadows of Christ's deliverance. 2 b  
Deliverance from sin shadowed by Gedions' victory. 141  
Delectation is in the sinoes. 141. b  
Demades answer. 265. b  
Dens differ from caves. 112: b  
Desperation is the want of hope, & one of the extremes thereof. 246. b  
Despising defined. 166  
Destruction of cities & towns are not always against charity. 3●  
Destructions of cities pertain to the worshipping of God. 30. b  
devil moveth dreams. 137. b  
devil worketh miracles. 69.  
devils can work miracles. 126. b  
Devils help to work signs may not we use. 129.  
Devil without hope of salvation. 208. b  
Dictator's why they were ordained. 2  
Diedes of ours must both be just & justly done. 245. b  
Differences between the old sacraments and ours. 273.  
Difference between the old league and new. 74. b  
Definition faulty. 84.  
Dignity is not to be more cared for then religion. 155. b  
Dinaes rapt. 284. b  
Diocletians sentence of offence against the magistrate. 264. b  
Dionysius called Areopagite. 44.  
Disceat God alloweth not. 36. b. read deceit.  
Discipline of war. 111. b  
Despair in Gods help not lawful, though delay be much. 92. b  
Dispensations of the Pope are for gain. 178. b  
Dissimulation. 38.  
Dissimulation of two sorts. 89. b  
Dissimulation hurtful. 52.  
Dissimulation in Religion hurtful. 48. b  
Distrust whence it cometh. 125. b  
Diversity of speech in one tongue. 199  
Divination by dreams is hard and uncertain, it requireth two things. 136. b  
Divorcement, only adultery causeth & difference in religion. 222. b.  
Divorce never willed by God nor Christ, but for fornication and diversity in religion. 94.  
Diseplay condemned. 219.  
Daughter of jiphtahs' obedience. 192. b  
Daughters should not marry, with out consent of their parents. 280 b  
Daughters for little suburbs. 40. b  
Dominion, for it men may violate right. 158.  
dove wherein the holy Ghost appeared. 210. 211. b  
doubleness of heart ground of guile 84.  
doubleness ever joined with a lie. 88 b  
Dowry defined. 26.  
Dowry is not necessary in matrimony. 154.  
dowry out of the common treasury. 27.  
Dowry with a woman forbidden. 26  
Dowry received by the husbands of the wives. 25. b  
Drawing of God, to good and evil do differ. 9●.  
Dreams entreated of. 134. b  
Dreams corporal, spiritual and intellectual. 137. b  
Dreams are signs of sickness and health. 135. b  
Dreams, it is not utterly forbidden to regard them. 138. b  
Dreams of prophesying given by God to the wicked. 134.  
Dreams some are sent by God. 137  
Drunkenness hurts. 163. b  
Drunkenness hath. 2. senses. 162.  
Drunkenness bringeth all vices to light. 164. b  
Dwelling of Christians with infidels or godly with ungodly. 44. b   

E.  
Ear rings. 250. b  
Eating defined. 212.  
Ecclesiastical power and Civil. 257. b  
Ecclesiastical causes pertain to the Magistrate. 266.  
Ecclesiastical power is subject to the civil. 258. b  
Elect are punished to their salvation. 33.  
Electors of Princes. 90. b  
Elements of bread, wine, and water. 134. b  
Elias was of the tribe of Benjamin. 272.  
Elloborus is bearfoote. 164. b  
Elohim and jehovah. 112 b  
Elohim, whom it is attributed unto. 206. b  
Emaus called Nicopolis. 41.  
Emperors why they were ordained. 2.  
Emperor subject to the pope. 257  
Emperor corrected of a bishop. 145  
Emperors all were not consecrated of the Pope. 261. b  
Emulation handled. 141. b  
Emulation described. 143. b  
Enak defined. 15.  
Enakim. 15. b  
Endeavour or labour is required to be joined with faith. 13. b  
Enemies described. 85.  
Enemy's god destroyeth sometimes without the help of man. 99  
England. 271. d  
enoch's book. 16.  
Enterprises require three things. 271. b  
Envy entreated of. 141. b  
Envy described, and mother thereof. 143.  
Envious persons described. 141. b  
Epha measure. 116. b  
Ephod, what. 150 b  
Ephod, what. 238. b  
Ephori. 90. b  
Ephraites more noblethen Manasses. 141. b  
Ephramites pride: 197.  
Epitaphs song. 102.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rejoicing at an other man's hurt. 143:  
Error very hurtful 〈◊〉 the church 148. b  
Errors of fathers. 279.  
Error of Ambrose. 194.  
Error of Augustine. 195. b  
Errors of Grigory. 147. b  
Error of Grigorye bishop of Rome. 56.  
Esay was married. 94.  
Esay death, what occasioned. 117. b  
Spials three mentioned in the scripture. 35. b  
Essence of God shall be known of us in the life everlasting. 121  
Eternal life fully given us, is presently possessed only in part. 7. b  
Eternal life whether it may be called a reward. 272.  
Ethniks had better knowledge of God, than the Papists. 207. b  
Evensong before noon. 277. b  
Events, no good trial of lawful actions. 227.  
Evils is not to be committed to avoid evil. 253.  
Evil less is to be preferred before the greater. 253.  
Evil how it is taken away. 268. b  
evil not evil, if God command it. 39  
Evil in the fight of the Lord. 67. b  
evil works how God may be said to work in the wicked, 7.  
Evil men sometimes punished by wurs. 80. b  
evil spirit, signifieth either the devil, or wicked affections. 168  
Evil things must not only be left, but good things also put in ure. 176.  
Euripides sentence. 158.  
Examples of drunkenness. 163  
Examples profitable. 2. ways. 4  
Examples of saints abused. 4  
Examples of God's doings is not to be reasoned of always by us. 233. b  
Excommunicate person. 285.  
Excommunicate persons how we may keep company with them. 45. b  
Exercises of the body have no great utility, but piety. 140  
Exodus what it entreateth of. 1. b  
Ezechias lived in Romulus' time. 3. b  
Ezechiel was married. 94   

F.  
FAble defined. 159. b  
Fable of frogs in Aesop. 160  
Face of the mind, aswell as of the body. 121  
Feigning is not always lying. 209.  
Fallacy a secundum quid ad simpli citer et accidentis. 256. b  
faiths efficacy. 98.  
Faith of three sorts. 130. b  
Faith of hospitality. 252. b  
Faith is to be kept with the enemy. 85. b  
Faith to heretics is to be kept. 86  
Faith is not to be kept, to him that breaketh faith. 85. b  
faiths beginning. 207. b  
Faith obtaineth promises. 13. b  
Faith of no force, if it want the word of God. 152.  
Faith cannot sufficiently be confirmed by miracles. 129. b  
Faith justified the fathers as well as us. 74. b  
Faith refuseth not human help. 125  
Faiths effects is prayer and fasting. 276.  
Faith cometh not of miracles, but is confirmed by them. 127.  
Faith is the soul of good works. 242  
Faith whither it go before miracles, or miracles before faith. 130  
Faith directeth good intent, cleaveth only to the word of God, not to fathers or counsels. 152. b  
Faith is the gift of God. 122  
false of godly men & churches. 226 b  
Father's sins whether the son shall bear. 178. b  
Fathers justified by faith as we. 74. b  
Fathers the more ancient, the more sincere. 216  
Fathers are not to be excused in all things. 20  
Fathers are neither constant, nor without error. 152. b  
Fathers authority ill compared with the scriptures. 152  
Fasting handled. 274  
Fasts of sundry kinds. 278  
Fasting distinguished into common and private. 94.  
fastings abuses. 279.  
Fasts denounced of Princes, whither they are to be obeyed. 277  
Fastings upon saints evens. 140  
Fault where none is, ought none to confess. 90  
Fear of God contrary to security. 246. b  
Fear comprehendeth all manner religion of worshipping. 113. b  
Fear may not move against justice. 38  
Fear godly, driveth not a man to parricide. 194.  
Fear of the enemies once known, is a good beginning of victory. 134  
Fear at the sight of God or angel, how it cometh. 117. b  
Fear evil of two sorts. 247. b  
Feasts are wont to have ryddels. 218. b  
Felicity of the ungodly. 170. b  
Fellowship of the wicked is to be fled. 251. b  
Fellowship of godly with ungodly. 44. b  
Fellowship of the godly is profitable. 29  
Feeding of the flock was not only Peter's office. 149  
Feet washing much used in Syria. 252. b  
Figurative speeches are no lies. 111  
Filthy burdens defined. 263. b  
Fish counted among delicates. 278  
Finders of things ought to restore them. 283  
Flatterers usage. 84. b  
Flesh and bone of any man, is the most conjunction that may be. 156. b  
Flesh refreining. 278  
Flight for truth. 52. b  
Food of angels. 212. b  
foot measure. 16. b  
Forbidding of things is to some an alluring to the same. 158. b  
forgiveness of sins. 13  
Forgiveness of sins may be wyth●out restitution of so happy state as we had before we sinned. 65. b  
Forms, why they are more seen sleeping, than waking. 135  
Fornication handled. 229  
Fornication is hurtful to the common wealth. 130. b  
Forswearing is always unlawful. 39 b  
Fortune ruleth not things, but the providence of God. 172  
Found things must be restored. 283  
Foundation, church hath none but Christ. 149  
Foundation of the church is Christ. 241. b  
Foule parents, how they shall have fair children. 4. b  
Fox's plenty in Syria. 223. b  
Free men may change their dwellings for just causes. 227. b  
Free will confuted. 104. b  
Free will cannot be gathered of the commandments. 73  
friendships foundation is honesty. 166. b  
Friendship grounded upon profit or pleasure is weak. 26. b  
friends dream oft of their friends. 135. b  
Fronwardnes of ours. whence it springeth. 167   

G  
GAbaonites god favoured. 36  
Gabaonites traitors. ●8. b  
Gabaonites wickedness 252  
Gain more commonly sought for then health. 174  
Garments of needle work or divers colours attributed only to princes 111. b  
Gates and walls of cities should not be violated 227  
Gedeon refused to be king. 2  
jealousy may be in good men. 204. b  
General word proved the particular or species doth not always fol. 272. b  
Genesis book what it entreateth of. 1  
Gentle answer assuageth anger. 141. b  
Gentleness praeposterus 101. b  
Gedeon of the tribe of Manasses. 114  
Gedeon was beautiful. 145. b  
Gedeon why he had his son kill the kings of the Madianites. 146  
Gedeon refuseth to be king. 147  
gedeon's fall. 150  
Gedeon sinneth ●. ways 151. b  
Gedeon whether he were saved. 155  
Gifts of God are not bound to the estates or conditions of men. 251  
Gifts of God some remain, and some are taken away after sin. 226. b  
Gifts of free grace common to the godly and ungodly. 134  
Gifts in way of reward. 188  
Gifts may be revoked. 188. b  
Gifts when they may only be revoked. 199. b  
Giving unhonestly is unlawful 231. b  
Gilgal, where it lieth. 59 b  
Gilgal a religious place. 82. b  
Gilead. 173  
Guilty people, it is not ignominious to slay them. 146  
Giants names inscripture and their original. 15. b  
Glass of the divine essence. 68 b  
Gladness described. 142  
Glory may be desired, the matter & end thereof. 97  
Glories desire is mother of enuyt. 143  
God what he is. 121. b  
God author of histories. 3. b  
God taketh tities and surnames of his benefits bestowed. 59 b  
God appointeth magistrates. 25●  
God ruleth in other Magistrates, when. 149. b  
God is the distributer of kingdoms 187. b  
God calling any man to office, giveth him ability to execute the same. 71. b  
God was king of the Israelites. 1. b. 2.  
God rejoiceth not in blood. 194. b  
God is bound to no man to give his grace unto him but is free. 167  
God is not bound to his laws. 4. b  
God may do against his laws when he list. 93  
God changeth not. 175  
God changeth not his mind. 33. b  
God when he repenteth is not changed. 72  
God whether he be the cause of sin. 78  
God delivered the Israelites to their enemies. 70. b.  
God punisheth sins by sins. 24. 8. b.  
God's operation in bringing sin to light. 166. b  
God beholdeth not Idols men's doings, but worketh together with them. 78. b  
God instilleth no new malice. 79. b  
God may we not feel in all things 129  
God is to be imitated of Christian men. 249. b  
God can do many things that he will not. 97. b  
God saith he will do that he will do, and contrary. 174. b  
God, how he intermeddleth and useth our corruption, by his government. 167  
God punisheth his own, and beareth with strangers. 80. b  
God, whether he be without a body. 121  
God how he may be sen of men. 118  
God never faileth them that obey him, following their vocation. 83 b  
God will be worshipped as he hath commanded. 1. 1. b  
God sendeth some dreams, but not all. 138  
God forgiveth sins, but doth not by and by restore the things taked away. 65. b  
God's help is not to be despaired of though it be deferred. 92. b  
God's grace is in degrees. 167. b  
Gods of the sea worshipped 234. b  
Godly & ungodly have many times like success. 236  
Godly to make peace with the ungodly, whether it be lawful. 99  
Godly men fly unto god in overthrows. 271. b  
Godly to join power with the ungodly, whether it be lawful. 99 b  
Golden age of the Israelites. 2. b  
Good age, what 155  
Good intent. 152  
Good works what they require. 153  
Good works are so acceptable to God he rewardeth them. 72  
Good works moral. 72  
Good works must not be without faith, no more than a body without a soul. 242  
Good works in hope of reward lawful or unlawful. 23. b  
Goods waste with drunkenness. 164. b  
Gospel and law, is the sum of the Scripture. 1  
Gospel promises. 175. b  
Government of god, whether it be excluded by human magistrates 149. b  
Grace, god would have it known 182  
Grace of God whether we can resist. 167. b  
Grace of god why it worketh not alike always in us. 167. b  
Grapes gathering with wantonness. 168  
Gregory deceived. 90  
Gregory's error. 56  
Gregory thought it absurd that the Pope should be above the Emperor. 147. b  
Grief described, and divided into his branches. 142  
Grossness oft in Princes. 82  
Groves to worship Gods in. 77  
Groves about Idols. 123  
Ground of all impiety, and folly is security. 246. b  
Guile or deceit handled. 84  
Guile good and bad. 84. b  
Guile to break an oath. 282. b   

H  
Habitual intent. 153  
Heresy defined. 58. b  
Heresy of the Marcians. 58. b  
Heretics if they may be suffered among christians. 58. b  
Heretics how they must be ordered. 61. b  
Heretics ought men to keep faith with. 86  
Hand breadth measure. 16. b  
Hand maiden cannot by the Roman laws be a concubine. 154. b  
Hangmen Hebrews had none 146  
Harlots how dangerous. 228. b  
Harlot differed from a concubine. 154  
Harlots are not to be suffered in a city. 230. b  
Harlots are not rapt, though they they be had away with violence. 283. b  
Harlot's son a judge in Israel. 176. b  
Harpers. 102  
Harte or mind, and body, or outward vesture to worship God with. 49  
Hate of enemies not permitted to unperfect. 31  
Head of the church who. 241  
Head of the whole church cannot the bishop of Rome be, nor none else there. 148. b  
Heads covered, in token that they have authority above them. 93  
Heads of captains overcumde cut of, and presented to the victors. 141  
Hear growing or clipping. 201. b  
hebrews sinned three ways. 77  
hebrews used the superstition of the Egyptians. 122. b  
Hebrew words is none in the Latin church, but such as came by the Greeks. 41. b  
Hebron called Kiriath Arba. 14 b  
Hebron a city of refuge. 18  
Helizeus delighted in music. 102. b  
Help at Infidels hands may not be desired. 99 b  
Help of God may we not despair of. 92. b  
Helps human are not to be despised. 97  
Helping of the Lord. 110  
Health less esteemed than profit. 174  
Hems of the Hebrews. 47. b  
Hercules praise. 29  
Herod eaten of louse. 13  
Hesron called also jephuna. 18. b  
Heaviness described. 142  
Hypocrates of factors. 274  
History defined. 3  
History praised. 3. b  
Histories fruit. 235. 288. b  
Holidays dancing. 287. b  
Holidays bestowing. 288  
Holy ghost is three ways in men. 190. b  
Honour due to parents. 214. 212. b  
Honour defined. 157. b. How it is the reward of virtues. 158  
Honesty is the sure foundation of amity. 166. b  
Honest and just things are to be done, although they be not expressly commanded in the word of God 250  
Hooring what it signifieth. 151  
Hops bitter, become sweet being stiept in water. 161. b  
Hope described. 142  
Hope is a mean between security and desperation and springeth thereof. 246. b  
whoredom handled. 229  
whoredom punished. 4  
Hornets of dead Ashes 218  
Hospitality. 4  
Hospitality praised. 251  
Hospitalities laws broken. 100 b more of them. 101  
Host cruel Busiris. 252. b  
Hours of the day among the Elders. 277. b  
House of every man is his castle. 252. b  
Humours abounding in the body, known by dreams. 135  
Hus and Jerome of prague, traitorously murdered. 39 b  
Husay traitor. 38. b  
Husband how he is the wife's head. 149  
Husbandry not contemned of excellent men. 114  
high way ought none to forbid. 186  
Hypallage. 14. b  
Hyperbole is not always a lie. 88 b   

I  
IAbes Gilead, where. 281  
jacob lied. 89  
jahel praised. 110  
jahels guile in killing Sisara. 100  
jahel traitor. 38. b  
Idle persons oft see dreams. 135. b  
Idol defined. 68  
Idol of the mind. 69. b  
Idols taken away. 266  
Idols breaking not lawful for all sorts of men. 61  
Idolaters blindness. 244. b  
Idolaters cannot abide to have ungodly worshippings taken away 124.  
Idolatry handled 68  
Idolatry of ij. sorts. 49. 238  
Idolatry committed to Princes. 68 b  
Idolatry the common sin of the Israelites. 173. b  
Idolatrous worshippings imitate as nigh as they can the true worshipping of God. 239  
jebus, an old name of jerusalem. 34. b  
jebus is jerusalem, 250. b  
jebusites why they were not driven out of jerusalem by judah and Benjamin. 34 b  
jehues deceit defended. 85  
jehues fact against his prince is not to be imitated, unless a man have like commission. 91  
jenunies family. 251. b  
jericho, in the territory of Benjamin, situate in a plain. 30. 27. b  
jericho cursed, why. 30. b  
Jerome upon the proverbs. 42  
Jerome against Augustine. 88 b  
jeromes' error. 279  
Jerome of prague. 39 b  
jerubbaal a name of Gedeon 124. b  
jerusalem called jebus. 250. b  
jerusalem taken in josuas' time 14. b  
jerusalem commune to judah and Benjamin called jebus. 34. b  
Jews common wealth was Aristocratia. 255. b  
Jews suffered amongs Christians. 57  
It, oft in scripture declareth an oath 106  
Ignatius alleged for the mass 42  
Ignorance of christians is to be reproved. 45. b  
Ignorance less sin than transgression with knowledge. 20  
Ignorant of god, who. 66. b  
jiphtah, son of an harlot. 176. b  
jiphtah and Abimilech compared. 183. b  
Images of saints original. 151. b  
Images erecting, not always for divine worshippings. 157. b  
Images worshipped in the mass. 50. b  
Images ought to be taken away but not of private men. 245  
Image of the sun not ungodly used. 66. b  
Image of God consisteth holiness. 111  
Imber days. 276. b  
Imitation of God professed of all christian men. 249. b  
Imitation of God not lawful in all things. 129  
Imitation of Christ fond. 278. b  
Imitation superstitious. 202. b  
Immunity defined. 263  
Impulsions are sins. 180  
Incest punished. 4  
Incest hath commonly ill end. 20. b  
Incestuous seed hated of god 80. b  
Inconstancy of man's mind. 282  
Inconstancy of schoolmen. 129  
Indifferent things may be kept sometimes or left. 51. b  
Indifferent things and necessary 287  
Infants should not be compelled to fast. 277  
Infection is to be avoided. 46. b  
Ingratitude and commodities thereof. 155. b  
Ingratitude to defer thanks to God. 104  
Ingratitude of the Ephramites against jiphtah. 197  
Ingratitudes degrees. 198  
Iniquities of fathers visited upon their children, how. 73  
Injuries private should be forgiven. 13. b  
Injuries private we may not revenge. 4  
Injury with injury is not to be put away. 227. b  
Inquisitors of heretical pravity. 146. b  
Instance and perseverance in calling upon god. 175  
Instilling of new malice into us, god useth not. 97  
Intent good 152  
Intent godly. 283  
Intent ill of two. kinds. 152. b  
Intent habitual, without any good motion of the heart. 153  
Interdictious of the Pope. 246  
Interpreters of dreams punished by the Roman laws. 138. b  
Interrogative speech. 96  
Invasion what. 283  
Inventions of man to worship god are to be abjected. 152  
Inventions of man are not to be compared with ceremonies of the law. 52  
Inventions of man to serve God with, is Idolatry. 69  
Inventions of men lack no defenders. 124  
Invocation of the dead saints. 68 b  
Invocation of the dead, how it began. 151. b  
Invocation lawful for things above man's power, only to God. 129  
joannes Cassianus. 42  
joas gedeon's father no Baalyte. 115  
jobs book. 171. b  
john the apostle whether he were subject to Cletus, Liws, or Clemens. 149. b  
jonathas traitor. 38. b  
journeying ought not to be taken in hand without invocation of God 251  
josaphat had ill luck for joining with the king of Israel. 99 b  
josephus book of antiquities. 172. b  
josua, no book of the judges. 6  
josua when he should die, executed the office of a good prince. 65. b  
josuas death and burial. 66  
jothans' apology. 159. b  
journeying into far countries. 29. b  
Ioy moveth weeping sometimes. 62. b  
jointures to wives. 26. b  
Irony, what. 88  
Irony used by god. 174. b  
Irregularitye of the canonists. 146. b  
Isaschar the obscurest tribe. 172. b  
Ismaelites and Madianites whether they were all one. 150. b  
Israelites common weal governed by judges, how long. 3. b  
Israelites oppressed in time of the judges, why. 2. b  
Israelites why they were so prone to Idolatry. 173. b  
Israelites offences in their expedition against the Beniamites. 288  
Israelites against Benjamin overthrown, why. 271. b  
Israelites cruelty against the Beniamites. 280  
Ithabyreus is thabor. 98. b  
Itenerarium Petri. 149. b  
judges book is rather an history than a chronicle. 3  
judges book who wrote it. 4. b  
judges book why it is so called. 1 b  
judges book what things it entreateth of. 1  
judges book how it is referred unto Christ. 2. b  
judges of the Israelites chosen by God. 2  
judges how God raised up. 78  
judges of the Israelites are an example for the papists, in that they were neither kings nor Lords. 2  
judges and kings compared. 2  
judge is no murderer when he punisheth. 165. b  
judging signifieth revenging. 93. b  
judgements in gates, why. 106. b  
judgement rash two. ways. 277. b  
julianus Apostata. 45. b  
justification is not of the worthiness of the act of faith, but of the firm promise of god, which faith embraceth. 207. b   

K  
KAyes of the church, wherein they consist. 262  
Keys given to all the Apostles alike. 149  
Kenites, children of Moses father in law. 27  
Kenites were kinsfolks by alliance to the Israelites. 101  
Killings of men, some please God. 194. b  
Killing by chance. 165. b  
King of Denmark's guile. 85  
King defined. 11. b  
King of the Israelites could none appoint but God. 147  
kings end. 157  
Kings letters for a wife. 215. b  
Kings and great men should not keep oaths, but merchants only. 85. b  
Kings are vehemently angry. 166. b  
Kings that reign unjustly are not to be put down. 91  
Kings corrected by their subjects 91  
Kings are bound both to serve the Lord, and to see that other do the same. 266  
Kingdom compared with Aristocratia. 156  
Kingdoms large not profitable 11. b  
Kindred is to be contemned for gods words sake. 101. b  
Kinsfolks how far they are to be respected. 156. b  
Kinsfolks of all sorts called brethren. 23  
Kinsfolk murderers. 157  
Kiriath sepher. 17. b  
Kison river. 96  
Knowledge, the beginning of four principal affections. 141. b  
Knowledge of God divers ways. 118  
Knowledge of God in this life is but after a sort not perfectly 121. b  
Knowledge of God, certain before things come to pass. 71. b  
Knowers of god, who. 66. b   

L  
LAbour must be joined with faith. 13. b  
Lacedæmonians forbade peregrinations. 30  
Laughing never used of Christ. 63  
Lasthenes a traitor. 37  
Law and gospel is the sum of the scripture. 1  
Law of God is made for man, not for god. 129  
Law of rendering like for like. 11. b 107  
Law and custom how they differ. 189. b  
Law is a dumb Magistrate. 255. b  
Law of Numa Pompilius. 158  
Laws against the Canaanites, not to be understanded without all mitigation. 36. b  
Laws of friendship or other, are to be broken when God commandeth. 101  
Lay power how it is judged of the Ecclesiastical. 262  
League defined. 73. b  
League with a people far distant, is little profitable. 244  
League old had promise of more than temporal things. 74. b  
Lechem, signifieth bread or meat universally. 205  
Lechery and instruments, singing and dancing. 287. b  
Lefthanded how it cometh. 81. b  
Legate of the Romans guile. 86  
Lent fast. 278. b  
Lentes invention. 279  
Lentes institution why. 202. b  
Leo for the Mass. 42  
Letter opening punished by death. 37  
Levites portion. 18  
levites only may make sacrifices 123. b  
Liberty chiefest▪ is to obey the commandments of God. 216. b  
Liberty christian is against Lente. 279  
Libertines error. 211  
Libertines and papists like. 264. b  
Lictores. 146  
Life is not to be preferred before truth. 90  
Lie defined. 87. b  
Lie in name and not in deed, when men think that they speak is true. 88 b  
Lying is not in using figurative speeches. 111  
Lie, when evil and when worst. 64  
Lie in religion most grievous. 88  
Lies of papists in the mass. 50  
Lying whether angels use in feigning them to be men. 209  
Lying for humility forbidden. 87. b  
Lying by the spirit of man, and by the motion of god. 89. b  
Lying to preserve the life of our neighbours. 90  
Lies officious or honest & of saints 39  
Lying taught by papists. 257. b  
Liturgia. 41. b  
Logicians rule of difference in final causes. 5 b  
Loss of goods and liberty, is the doing of God. 70. b  
Lot's drunkenness. 163  
Lots, the fittest way for the people to choose officers by. 268. b  
Lots are a way to ask counsel at God. 7. b  
Lot's to divide nations. 18 8  
Love or hatred of god is not known by prosperity or adversitis. 227  
Love and hatred of enemies. 31  
Lutherians ungentle. 253   

M  
MAchabets Assamonets. 259  
Madianites described. 112  
Madianites destroyed. 140  
Magic and arts forbidden. 283  
Magistrate defined. 255  
Magistrates lack breedeth inconvenience. 238. b  
Magistrate ill, is better than none 245  
Magistrates by whom they are ordained. 256  
Magistrates names & titles. 255. b  
Magistrates and princes may be called heads of their people. 148. b  
Magistrate is the father of the country. 216  
Magistrate is God's vicar and minister. 149. b  
Magistrate is the keeper of the law of God. 266  
Magistrates authority over ministers. 258. b  
Magistrate is much to be made of, for he is the keeper of the first table aswell as the latter. 240. b  
Magistrates bound to serve god. 54. b  
Magistrate godly profiteth much 66. b  
Magistrate may not forgive sins. 13  
Magistrates duty. 144. b  
Magistrates duty and commodity. 66  
Magistrates duty, to see men use their own things well. 219. b  
Magistrates duty when papists stir sedition for superstition taking away. 125  
Magistrates duty concerning prohibiting matrimony. 21. b  
Magistrate how he ought to take away ungodliness. 123. b  
Magistrate how far he is to be obeyed. 264. b  
Magistrate ought neither seditiously to be risen against, nor circumvented by guile. 264. b  
Magistrates office foolishly refused 147  
Magistrates admonished. 104. b 122. b  
Magistrate ought not of all other to be drunk. 164  
Magistrates inferior how far they are bound to obey the superior 55. b  
Magistrates inferiors duty. 265  
Masters unjust defending of their servants. 271  
Making whether it signifieth sacrificing. 205. b  
Manasses had two. sons. 108  
Man's nature how froward. 92. b  
Man's imbecility is manifold. 125. b  
Man's end to set forth the glory of God. 23. b  
Married folks who. 94. b  
Marriage of ministers. 93. b  
Marriage after orders. 95  
Marriage between brother's children was never forbidden by god's law. 19  
Marrying the wife of brother dead, only lawful to the jews. 21. b  
Marriage against the will of parents 213. 214  
Marriage of maid against the will of her parents. 284  
Marriages secret condemned. 27  
Mary compared with Sampsens' mother. 201  
Marcionites error. 210  
Marks body stolen by the Venetians. 246  
Marcians heresy. 58. b  
Martyrdoms are like sacrifices. 194. b  
Mass of Mishah. 41  
Mass cannot be called the supper of the Lord. 49. b  
Masses parts. 42. b  
Mass in none of the ancient writers. 41. b  
Mass a sacrifice, why 205. b  
Mass agreeth nothing with the institution of Christ. 49. b  
Masses superstitions. 2●6  
Mass haunting the badge of Papists. 53. b  
massmongers serve not God but their belly. 240  
Matrimony defined. 153. b. 204  
Matrimony lawful of three kinds. 284. b  
Matrimony lawful or otherwise in degrees. 19 b. 214  
Matrimony of brethren and Sisters children. 22  
Matrimony of unlike religion forbidden. 77  
Matrimony ought not to be contracted in contrary religion. 21. b  
Matrimony with consent of the parents. 212. b. 214  
Matrimonies use whether it pollute Lent. 279. b  
Matrimonial precepts are moral 20  
Matrimonies abuse. 213. b  
Matrimony worthy to be broken. 56. b  
Meats diversity to fast with. 278  
Melancholic persons oft see dreams. 135. b  
Melch●sedek, who he was. 37. b  
Melchisedech more plainly signifieth Christ then Levi. 261  
Members why the scriptures attributeth them to God. 121  
Men in the scriptures of two. sorts. 89. b  
Men are now weaker than of old. 96  
Men godly doubt at the beginning 96. b  
Mercy defined. 13. 142  
Mercy most acceptable afore God. 64  
Mercy preposterous. 101. b  
Mercy foolish. 13  
Mercy of God the properties thereof. 181. b  
Mercy of God far greater than the mercy of men. 81  
Mercy showing signifieth. 155. b  
Merits handled. 272  
Merit is not found in the Scriptures. 172. b  
Merits have no consideration in obtaining promises of God. 13. b  
Merits condemned by the papists themselves. 273  
Meriting what it signifieth in the fathers. 273  
Merits answered. 251. b  
Metaphors. 153. b  
Metaphor of mouth of the sword. 14. b  
Meteus Suffecius. 281  
Metonymia. 169. b  
Michas offence in religion. 246.  
midwives' of the Hebrews. 89  
Minds diseases more grievous than the bodies. 247. b  
Mind is hurt with drunkenness. 164  
Milk induceth sleep. 100 b  
Milan overthrown. 170  
Minchah the papists abuse, 206  
Ministers called fathers. 240  
Ministers were plenty in the primative curche. 94. b  
Ministers and magistrates difference. 255. b  
Minister is a certain mouth of the church. 207  
Ministry is to be had in honour by the law of nature. 239. b  
Ministers in that they are men, are subject to civil power, & also their lands, riches, & possessions. 258. b  
Ministers of the church are not exempted from ordinary power. 257  
Ministers are franchised from personal burdens. 263  
Ministry ought to be well reported. 248. b  
Minister may rebuke a prince by god's word, but not depose him. 259  
Minister how he may take away ungodliness. 123. b  
Ministers of God are to be heard, when. 96. b  
Ministers and prophets are an occasion, but not a just cause of ruins. 262  
Ministers with captains in their camps. 96. b  
Ministers maraige. 93. b  
Ministers admonished. 144. b  
Ministers how they may be present at marriages. 287. b  
Minister ill may be heard of God, though not for his own sake, yet for the peoples whom he prayeth for. 207  
Ministers to be ordered at imberdayes, why. 277  
Miracles handled. 126  
Miracles go before faith in them that believe not the preaching which they have heard. 130  
Miracles not sufficient to persuade godliness. 67  
Miracles working makes a man neither better nor wurs. 128. b  
Miracles of the ungodly god suffereth to prove his by. 243  
Miracles may be wrought to defend false doctrine aswell as true. 129 b  
Miracles whether godly men may desire. 130. b  
Miracles at the bodies of dead saints. 69  
Mirth of heart allowed of god. 161. b  
Mirth is sometimes unconvenient. 162. b  
Missa for missio. 42. b  
Mishah original of mass. 41  
Miseries common, join men in amity. 252  
Misery is not without fruit. 78  
Mizpa, what place it is. 183. b  
Mizpa where it was. 267  
Moabites came of Lot. 80. b  
monarchs vices in these days. 11 b  
Money is not so much to be esteemed as truth. 90  
Monica the mother of Augustine. 138. b  
Montanus for fasting. 278. b  
Moral good works. 72  
Moses was a civil magistrate. 261  
Moses father. 284. b  
Motions first, are sins. 180  
Motherlye affection for absence of her children. 111  
Mother cities or churches. 40. b  
Mourning for the dead. 202  
mourning sometimes necessari 162 b  
mourning acceptable before god 63. b  
Mouth of the church is the Minister. 207  
Munitions help not against god's anger. 112. b  
Monkey. 202. b  
Murder is not to be let unpunished. 145. b  
Murderers of kinsfolk. 157  
Murder of parents or kinsfolk. 158  
Murder of what sort condemned by God's word. 165. b  
Murderers without weapons. 166  
Music handled. 102  
Music delighteth both senses and mind. 102. b  
Musics abuses. 103. b  
Music not commanded to be had in the church. 104   

N.  
Naamans example answered. 50 b  
nabal's denial of vittals like them of Succoth. 144. b  
Naboths example for obedience. 265 b  
Naboth excused. 56. b  
Nathinites. 36. b  
Nature of ours subject to corruption. 46. b  
Nazarites vow. 201  
Nazarites abstained not from marriage. 196  
Negligence defined. 247  
Neighbour, who. 31  
Nemesis defined. 142. b  
Nepthalim. 96  
neuters are detestable. 281  
Nicolaus the Deacon. 230. b  
Nicopolis, called Emaus. 41  
Night traveling is dangerous. 250 b  
Night divided into four parts. 139  
Ninth hour. 277. b  
Noah an example to avoid drunkenness. 162. b  
Nobility. 173  
Nobleness wherein it consisteth. 197  
Non crederen evangelio etc. skamned 5. b  
Numa Pompilius law. 158  
Numbers reckoning in the scripture. 157   

O  
OBedience one of our chief works. 64. b  
Obedience is the principal fruit of faith. 131. b  
Obedience to god is to be preferred before civil peace. 124  
Obedience to god more than men. 38  
Obedience when god requireth, he withdraweth not affections. 195. b  
Obediences limits. 55. b  
Obedience vowing. 203  
Obedience to the magistrate is due how far. 264. b  
Obedience to the magistrate broken two. ways. 264. b  
Obedience of jiphtahs' daughter. 192. b  
Oblations please not God, but for the offerers sake. 206. b  
Offence avoiding. 52  
Offerer is more acceptable unto God than the sacrifice. 206. b  
Offers require weighing before they be taken. 150  
Offices of both the powers must not be confounded. 259. b  
Offerings are to be made by Christ. 117  
Offerings for the dead. 277  
Oils commendation. 161. b  
Old test. pertaineth nothing to us, say the Anabaptists. 186  
Old testament rejected by heretics, why. 17●  
Olive tree esteemed of God. 161. b  
Ophra. two. places of that name. 114  
Oppression giveth occasion of profitable sermons. 113. b  
Oppression taketh his beginning of tyrants. 161  
Oppressors shall one day be punished. 71. b  
Oracle of god neglected. 6. b  
Oracles, how they should be moved. 272  
Oracles answered by dreams. 137  
Orders whether they many be given to bastards. 178  
Ordinary charges. 263. b  
origen's foolish opinion of Angels & devils. 208. b  
Oaths assertive & promissory. 85. b  
Oath of execration. 282  
Oaths are not easily to be violated 281  
Oath first lawful and afterward unlawful is not to be kept. 86  
Oaths against the word of god & charity, are of no force. 288  
Oaths how far they are to be kept. 39 b  
Oaths cannot take away the bond to the commandments of God. 86  
Oath ought not to be a bond of iniquity. 85. b  
Oath of the israelits did not bind them to destroy all the Beniamits 280. b  
oath joined to threatenings. 71  
Othoniels pedigre. 18. b  
Outward works without inward godliness nothing worth. 74. b   

P.  
patience a necessary virtue. 175 b  
Palamedes. 139  
Papists ascribe more to creatures then is meet. 69  
Papists handle all things superstitiously. Their hypocrisy. 146. b  
Papists commit Idolatry to their Pope. 68 b  
Papists impudent claiming of authority, is the casting away of Christ. 2  
Papists subtlety of Lechem. 205.  
Papists compared with the Danites. 246  
Papists church is without a Magistrate. 255  
Papists common infection Sodomitry. 254. b  
Papists maintain hooredom. 230. b  
Papists count adulteries light crimes. 233  
Papists more ignorant of gods will then the ethnics. 207. b  
Papists wiser then God. 94. b  
Papists falsely accuse us of sedition, being seditious themselves. 197. b  
Papists cruelty in punishing heretics. 182. b  
Papists make many lies in the Mass. 50  
Papists offering of Christ in the Mass. 207  
Papists are scholars of Montanus. 278 b  
Papistry more liked than the truth why. 173. b  
Papists how they should be ordered. 61. b  
Pardon defined. 13  
Parents duty concerning keeping of their children. 288  
Parents consent, whether it be needful in marriage of their children. 214  
Parent's consent in matrimony. 212. b  
Parents obtain for their children some spiritual gifts. 182  
Parricide. 158  
Patres conscripti. 105. b  
Paul whether he lied when he said he knew not the high priest. 89  
P●x defined. 122. b  
Peace among the Romans never above forty years. 83. b  
Peace offerings. 271  
Peace is not so much to be sought, as obedience to God. 124  
Peace of the Israelites during. 45 years. 172  
Penuel. 145  
People always frame themselves to the example of their prince. 66  
Peregrinations causes. 29  
Perils are to be avoided rather than nourished. 286. b  
Peripatetikes exposition of dreams. 135  
Peripatetikes opinion of affections. 142  
Perjury is diligently to be avoided. 288  
Permission. 167  
Permission of God, to excuse his doings. 78. b  
Persecutions abrogate not the laws of God. 54  
Personals burdens defined. 263. b  
Peter slain at Rome, answered. 149  
Pharaoh was hardened both of god and of himself. 78. b  
Philip the Emperor first christian Prince. 258. b  
Phineas nephew of Aaron. 59  
Phineas lived long. 272. 237  
Physician traitor. 37. 39 b  
Phrantike persons oft see dreams 135. b  
Piety defined. 279  
Pigineians stature. 82  
Pithagorians two the one pledge for the other. 192. b  
Pythagoras opinion of music. 102. b  
Pity foolish. 13  
Plague of the church grievous. 92  
Plays handled. 218. b  
Plays and dances upon feast days. 282. b  
Plato's praise. 29  
pleadings in the law forbidden in the Lent. 279. b  
Pleasure's some delight the mind, some the outward senses also. 102. b  
Pliny's epistle to trajan. 102 b  
Plural for the singular. 108 b  
plutarchs divine sentence. 180. b  
Poetries beginning and lawfulness. 102  
poets. 139 b  
Policy, not to make many privy of thine enterprise. 170. b  
Policy of war against the Beniamites. 273. b  
Policy in fulfilling a man's vocation, God forbiddeth not. 123.  
Policies of Gedeon. 139  
Poligamia argued against. 288  
Pope Antichrist. 231. b  
Pope hath no authority to make laws in a common wealth. 21. b  
Pope teacheth he must be obeyed upon necessity of salvation. 257. b  
Pope above all kings and Princes. 257  
Pope above emperor absurd 147 b  
Pope inferior to many priests in dignity. 261  
Popes put down kings and Emperors, which the prophets never did, nor Christ nor his Apostles. 259  
Pope maketh the sword of the emperor subject unto him. 257  
Pope whether he may be judged of no man. 262  
Pope claimeth dignity for spiritual things, & never useth them. 261  
Popes are bawds. 232  
Popes and popish bishops compared to brambles and briers. 161  
Pope overthrown by jothams' apology. 161  
Popes ought to have before their eyes. etc. 148  
Pope dissolveth oaths lawful and unlawful. 85. b  
Pope touched. 150  
Pope's wickedness in handling degrees of marriage. 21. b  
Posterity whether they may be bound by their elders. 75. b  
Postliminium. 186  
Poverty vowed 203  
Power of God absolute and ordinary. 97. b  
Powers ii ecclesiastical and civil. 257. b  
Power is given to princes of god & not of bishops. 261. b  
Powers Ecclesiastical and Civil wherein they differ. 259. b  
Precepts of the law, when one is contrary to an other, the weightier is to be observed. 184  
Precepts of God of divers sorts. 203. b  
Prescription. 38  
Prescription handled. 188. b  
President forbidden to marry a wife in his province. 21  
Preterperfectence expounded by the preterpluperfectence 14  
Praying we help other. 50  
Prayers distinguished into public and private. 94  
Prayers without faith avail not. 100LS  
Pray only to God, for that which is above the faculty of man. 129  
prattlers oft see dreams. 135. b  
Preaching of god's word is not subject to civil power, but the preacher. 258. b  
Preaching of the word of god hath all men and all states subject unto it. 258  
Priests for whoredom should be deposed. 233  
Priests may excel the Pope in dignity. 261  
priesthood both of Melchisedech and of Levi signified Christ. 261  
Pride detested of God. 270  
Pride of the Ephramites. 197  
Princes are called Deacons and pastors. 255. b  
Princes good are diligently to be prayed for. 155  
Princes duty to be a father of his country. 105. b  
Princess may be called heads of their people. 148. b  
Princess evil are the appointment of God. 150  
Princes duty in suffering fellowship of godly and ungodly. 54  
Princes duty to be careful for his people's good state after his death 65 b  
Princes have not lawfully exemte Ecclesiastical men from their subjection. 263  
Priscillanistes. 38  
Prisons are not to be violated. 227  
Prisoners condemned, though the party injured by them forgive them, yet may they not be delivered without the will of the Magistrate. 81, b  
Private men admonished. 122. b  
Private man's duty in taking away ungodliness. 123. b  
Private man's sin sometimes cause of common calamity. 124  
private man suddenly oppressed, is armed by the Magistrate to defend himself. 85  
Private men ought not to take away Images. 245  
Privy contracts unlawful. 154  
Prodition handled. 36. b  
Prolepsis a common figure in scriptures. 246. b  
Promises how far they be of force. 23  
Promise first is ever to be kept, if it be honest. 86  
promise rash of Chaleb. 23  
Promises how far they are to be kept. 39 b  
promises of as much efficacy as an oath. 86  
Promises civil how far they are to be performed. 176. b  
Promises of the law. 175  
Promises of God how they are to to be understanded. 175  
Promises of the law & gospel. 13. b  
Promises joined commonly to precepts. 96  
promises and threatenings why they they be added to the commandments. 23. b  
promotion offered godly men, modestly refused. 161  
Pronounce of the first person repeated. 104. b  
Prophecy in women. 93  
Prophets might sacrifice though they were not of the Tribe of Levi. 206  
prophets are not the efficient cause of overthrowing of kingdoms. 262  
prophets false, by being possessed of an evil spirit. 137. b  
propitiatory sacrifice is but one. 64  
Prosopographia. 111  
Prosperities behaviour. 6  
Prosperous event showeth not the enterprise to be just. 271. b  
prosperous success is no good argument that our doings please the Lord. 243  
Proverb, law and country. 189. b  
Proverb of the court of Rome. 85. b  
Providence of God by light things bringeth weighty things to pass. 122  
Provoking occasion of destruction given by God. 97  
Prudence God forbiddeth not, in fulfilling a man's vocation. 123  
Public prayer, what behaviour is required thereat. 207  
Public wealth is more to be regarded then kinsfolk. 156. b  
Punishment by the purse. 284  
Punishments should rather be diminished by judges, then augmented. 12. b  
punishment of the ungodly after. 2. sorts. 11  
punishments of this life no man suffereth which he deserveth not. 180  
Punishments outward used by the Apostles. 259  
Punishment would not be done in anger. 280. b  
Punishment first in the lords house. 234. b  
punishments of God is to move repentance. 174  
Punishing of fathers in the children, is lawful for God, but not for men. 182  
punishments of other aught we consider to our profit. 171. b  
purgatory emptied with fasting. 279. b  
Purifications of the elders. 273. b   

R.  
RAhab traitor. 38. b  
rapt handled. 283  
rapt hath most commonly an unlucky end. 285 b  
Reading of an history what it profiteth. 288 b  
Reasons human must give place to God's vocation. 115. b  
Reasoning by the example of god is not always lawful. 233. b  
Rechabyts came of the Kenites. 27 b. their praise. 29  
Rechabites came of the Kenites. 98  
Reconciliation of the husband and the wife after adultery hath been committed. 249  
Reformation of Rome and romish religion promised. 222  
rejoicing at an other man's hurt. 143  
Religion pure, can we not long abide in. 72. b  
Religion pure must be so received that we depart from pernicious Masses and papistical impieties. 123  
Religion remaining unrestored. nothing can go forward in a public wealth. 122. b  
Religion hath continual need of repairing and purging. 68  
Remedies against fear. 247. b  
Remista for remissio. 42. b  
Remnauntes described. 1●7  
Remus, why he was killed of Romulus. 227  
Repentance. 174  
Repentance true. 176  
Repentance consisteth in two points. 61. b  
Repentance is not perfect in us. 175. b  
Repentance is sometimes openly to be renewed. 63. b  
Repentance and amendment is given of God. 73  
Repentance bringeth not always the former good state again. 65. b  
Repentance of God, how. 70  
Repetition of periods in the scripture. 105  
Repetitions in speech are to purpose. 109  
Reprobate are forsaken of God before they forsake him. 33  
Reprobate why they be tempted 34  
Reproving lawful. 37  
Resisters of God's vocation differ. 1●5. b  
Reubenites trade and country. 108  
Revenging of a man's own injuries. 31. b  
Reward handled. 272 b  
Rewards may lawfully be set for good deeds. 23. b  
Rewards may be respected in doing well. 23. b  
Rhetoric profitable in war. 36  
Riddles in feasts. 218. b  
Right of war. 186  
Rites and ceremonies need not be all alike every where. 54. b  
Rivalty. 143. b  
River swelling at the battle of Sisara. 109  
rochester's false argument. 148. b  
Rock in the scriptures signifieth oft a castle or fortress. 273. b  
Rome builded, when. 3. b  
Rome's dignity caused the Bishop thereof to be preferred before other. 148. b  
Romans in the primative church communicated every day, and yet were married. 94  
Romans never had peace above xl. years at once. 83. b  
Romans compelled their Consul. 91  
Romans punished their Citizens only by banishment. 146. b  
Romish proverb. 85. b  
Romulus in Ezechias time. 3. b  
Rule firm of invocation. 129  
Rule of our actions is the word of God. 129  
Ruth the daughter of Eglon. 83   

S.  
Sabbath day to dance in. 287  
Sabbath endureth from evening to evening. 277. b  
Sacraments of the Elders and ours were all one, and differ in outward symbols & signs. 273  
Sacraments all one in both testaments. 74  
Sacrament and Sacrifice may be both in one thing. 64 b  
Sacrament & sacrifice differ. 63. b  
Sacraments and miracles are after a sort like. 129. b  
Sacraments consist by the word of God. 91. b  
Sacrifice handled. 206. b  
Sacrifice defined. 63. b  
Sacrifices of the Elders what they signified. 194. b  
Sacrificing in other places besides the Tabernacle. 205. b  
Sacrifices of the law, what profit they had. 273  
Sacrifices killing signified. etc. 6●  
Sacrifices of Christians. 207  
Sacrifice hath two special properties. 64. b  
Sacrificer is more acceptable unto God, than the Sacrifice. 206. b  
Sacrificing belonged only to the Levites. 123. b  
Sacrifices for the dead. 277  
Sacrifice for quick and dead. 50  
Sacrifices of ethnics agree more with God's sacrifices, than the Mass with the Communion. 50. b  
Sasconduit. 86. b  
saints whether they behold all things in the glass of the divine essence. 68 b  
Sayntes sometimes not to be followed. 4  
salomon's sin. 54  
Salt sowing. 170  
Salvation is the gift of God. 182  
Salutation of the hebrews. 114. b  
Samson had faith. 235. b  
Samson only appointed a judge before his birth. 200. b  
Samsons mother compared to Mary the virgin. 201  
Samuel of the posterity of Chore. 182  
Sanctified in the womb .. 103. b  
Sangar. 91  
Sapor king of the Persians. 12. b  
Sassias monstrous lust. 21  
Satisfaction for sins is not by death or martyrdom of men. 195  
Satisfaction is not in fasting. 279  
Scoffing punished. 144. b  
School masters should be godly. 45. b  
Schoolmaster traitor. 37. 39 b  
Schoolman's inconstancy. 119  
Schisms, what. 197. b  
Scots matrimony. 20. b  
Scriptures came from God, and their authority. 5  
scriptures, whether jews have corrupt. 57 b  
Scriptures verity. 226. b  
scriptures diversly divided. 1  
Scriptures is rather to be believed, than miracles. 131  
Scriptures term things sometimes according as men use commonly to speak. 217. b  
Scriptures never attribute that to God, which in a man is of itself vice, or of his own nature sin. 142  
Sechems situation. 159  
Sechemites sins. 157  
Secrets revealed by drunkenness 164  
secrets revealing, death. 37  
Secrets are not rashly to be communicated to a man's wife. 221. b  
Secundum quid ad simpliciter. 256. b  
Security handled. 246. b  
Security laudable. 247. b  
Security of the flesh pernicious. 244  
Sedition handled. 197  
Seditions springeth oft of setting forth of true piety. 124. b  
seditious persons, who. 197. b  
Seeing of God or angels. 117  
 of God by men. 118  
Senadrim. 1. b  
Senses cannot know God. 118  
Senses, when they may be received. 209. b  
Senses are not deceived in seeing of angels. 210. b  
Sensible things distinguished. 209 b  
Sepulchres of dead men watched. 139. b  
Sequences and feigned hymns. 103. b  
Serapions act for Communion under one kind. 190  
Sermon of a Prophet. 113. etc.  
Sermon must be taken out of the scriptures. 61  
Serpents of the carcase of a man. 218  
Servants sometimes wiser than their masters. 250. b  
Servitude. 80  
Seven a number of fullness. 179  
Severity of God toward his enemies. 112  
Severity to much against the Beniamites. 280  
Severity in a man's own cause not commendable, but in Gods, necessary. 31. b  
Shadows of the old law are removed, but the things shadowed remain. 47. b  
Shaphat interpreted. 1. b  
Shaving of heads. 201. b  
shepherds used watches. 139. b  
Show of ill, how far it is to be avoided. 38. b  
Shipwreck, cruelly dealt with in certain regions. 235. b  
Shrat●tide. 279. b  
Sibyllas' verses. 58  
Sicarii. 166  
Sicera drunk. 202  
sickles value. 238  
Sign desired by Manoah. 204. b  
Sign required by Gedeon. 116  
Sign may be required to strengthen our faith. 126  
Signs have the names of the properties of things oft times. 62  
Signs are called lies, why. 127 b  
Silence enjoined to women in the church. 93  
Silla eaten of louse. 13  
Siloh was in mount Ephraim. 252  
Symbol or Crede is called the tradition of the Church. 43  
Similitudes force in reasoning. 234  
Sins in .4. degrees. 179. b  
Sin entered by man, and not by God. 167  
Sin separateth us from the familiarity of God. 117. b  
sins are not equal. 53  
Sins punished by sins. 248. b  
Sins of committing and omitting. 63  
Sins former, by latter sins punished. 79  
Sin cured with sin. 168. b  
Sins cannot be avoided by us. 73  
Sin is not therefore excused, because it is public. 254. b  
Sins have their weight by the law. 53  
Sins are ill and good in divers respects. 166. b  
Sin is sin, because it is against God's word. 233. b  
Sin no sin when God commands it. 39  
Sin, whether God be the cause thereof. 78  
sins reward is death. 194. b  
sins cause is not to be laid to God. 167  
Sin, how it dependeth of god. 166. b  
Sin punished with sin. 11  
Sin is not to be committed to avoid sin, 253  
Sin is ever to be avoided, let follow what will. 253  
Sins of the Israelites. 40. b  
Sinners punished by God two manner of ways. 11  
Sinners punished by the same things wherein they transgress. 61  
Sinners are not excused by the working of God. 79  
Sinners ought to call upon God 78  
Sinners whether God hear. 207  
Single life for Ministers. 94  
Singular for plural. 109. b  
sing in the church. 102. b  
sing & dancing alike. 286. b  
Sircius a Romain forbade marriage of Ministers. 94  
Sisera a wicked man. 101  
Sisters two may no man marry. 223  
Society of the wicked is to be fled 251. b  
Socrates refused to escape out of prison. 227  
Socrates condemned for religion. 266  
Sodomitry punished. 4  
Sodomitry is a horrible sin. 253. b  
Sodomitry a common infection of papistical prelate's. 254. b  
Soden flesh in sacrifices. 116. b  
sold for nought. 70. b  
solitary life how it may be allowed. 19●  
Songs of victory. 102. 191. b  
Sores of the mind, what. 247. b  
Sorrow is in the sinews. 141. b  
Sorrow is thirsty. 100 b  
Soldiers slaying their enemies in just wars, are not murderers. 165. b  
Soldiers hired. 187. b  
soldiers faithful. 187  
Soldiers not commendable. 156. b  
soldiers vices. 187.  
Speeches may have two faults in them. 87  
Spieches differences, whence. 199  
Spies office. 35. b  
Spies should be wise men. 141  
Spy and Traitor sometimes all one. 37. b  
Spirit evil signifieth. 168  
Spirit of God is three ways in men. 190. b  
Spiritualty of two sorts. 257. b  
Spoils dividing. 111. b  
State present of things should not be changed. 150  
Stature of Giants. 16. b  
Stealing made lawful. 4. b  
Stealing containeth rapt, finding and not restoring. etc. 283  
Stealing of maids. 282. b  
Stipends are paid both to superiors and to inferiors. 261. b  
Stipends are due to an host. 144. b  
Stoics opinion of affections. 142  
Strangers intertaining. 251. b  
Strange gods can no man worship, but he must cast away the true god. 155. b  
Strong and weak god useth alike 92. b  
Strong men oft overcomed with women. 228. b  
Subjects whether they may in any case rise against their prince. 90. b  
Subjects some are more private & some so inferiors that the higher in a manner dependeth of them. 90. b  
Subjection of two. kinds. 258  
Subjections some are natural. 80  
Submissions of the body outward how they pertain to idolatry. 68 b  
Submission to gods will is true repentance 176  
Success is no good trial of lawful doings. 227  
Success is no sure ground to judge of actions by. 243  
Success maketh not the cause either good or evil. 271. b  
Success good and evil is to be ascribed unto god. 70. b  
Succothes situation. 144  
Succoths and Nabals churlishness 144. b  
Suns two. the world cannot hold 157  
suns Image set upon josuas' Sepulchre. 66  
Sun whether he shall bear the iniquity of the father. 178. b  
Sun in law, how he should be sought. 23  
Sundays exercise. 44  
Supper of the Lord a sacrifice, how 62  
Supper of the Lord and the Mass compared. 49. b  
Supper of the lords end. 235  
Superstition once taken root, are wont to have more authority than pure worshipping of god can ever obtain. 123  
Superstition must so be forsaken that we embrace pure religion. 123  
Supreme head of the universal church. 147  
Surnames taken of fathers among the Israelites. 19  
Swearing defined 183. b  
Swearing used of God in threatening. 71  
Swearing contrary to a man's intent is wicked. 39 b  
Sweet bread used why. 116. b  
sword two. interpreted. 260. b  
Sword is given only to powers. 90. b  
Sword is no instrument whereby the minister worketh, but the word of God. 258  
Sword of the word, the Pope useth not. 260. b  
Symbol of Athanasius. 103. b  
Synecdoche. 111  
Synods two. in a year. 258. b  
Syria a dry region. 25. b  
Syria scant of water. 106. b  
Syria hath christian religion at this day. 287. b   

T  
TAble first whoso breaketh will easily break the second. 237. b  
Table play forbidden. 219. b. 220  
Talionis lex, or law of rendering like for like. 11. b  
Tears or weeping. 61. b. 62  
Tears abused. 63  
Tearing of garments. 192  
Temperatures diversity, breedeth diversity in manners. 287. b  
Temples for fortresses. 170. b  
Temptation defined. 33. b  
Tempting whether it be the action of God. 79  
Temptation why it is prayed against. 34  
Temptation of trial and deceit. 79  
Temptations final causes. 7. b  
Temptation grievous. 115  
Tempting of God by desiring miracles. 131  
tenths paying, to prove dignity 261  
tenths in the old time partained to ceremonies, what they signified. 261  
tenths at this day are no more ceremonies but rewards and stipends. 261  
tenth soldier punished for the rest. 181  
Tertullian excused by Augustine. 120  
Testament old and new, how they differ. 73. b  
Testaments old and new, have all one and same sacraments. 74  
Testimonies of most value. 58  
Testimonies of thenemies of most strength. 134  
Thabor where Christ was transfigured. 96  
Thanks giving for gods benefits is not to be deferred. 104  
Theft how it differeth from rapt. 283  
Theft praised. 234  
Theft unlawful made lawful. 4. b  
Theodosius fall. 145  
Theraphines'. 238. b  
thieves ought a man to keep promise withal. 86. b  
Thirst caused oft by weariness and sorrow. 100 b  
Therus used in punishments. 145. b  
Thracians guile in truce keeping. 86  
threatenings of god depend upon conditions. 175. b  
Threshing two. ways. 114  
Title good, what. 189  
Traditions of papists have little credit. 279. b  
Traian's godly sentence. 56  
Traitors detestable. 37  
Transubstantiation is no miracle 126. b  
Transposing of letters familiar in the Hebrew tongue. 66. b  
Transubstantiations subtlety. 209. b  
traveling in the night is dangerous. 250. b  
traveling men should no man deceive. 38  
Treason debated. 36. b  
Treason lawful, what cautions it requireth. 38. b  
Treason's law, to punish children with the father. 182. b  
Treasure true. 283.  
Tributes defined. 263  
Tribute defined. 232  
Trifles and all things do obey god 222  
Tribunes. 90. b  
Tribunes centurions and captains why god appointed. 115. b  
Troyes war. 160  
Troubles for religion, is not long of the godly. 124. b  
Trust in ourselves god hateth 270  
Truth handled. 87  
Tribe obscurest. 172. b  
Tribe of juda praised. 8  
Tribes of Nepthalim and zabulon were of less estimation than other tribes. 96  
Turks ought not to have synagogues granted them as jews have. 58  
Turkish wars why they have not prospered. 70. b  
Tutor may not marry his pupil. 21  
Tyranny is never of long time. 165. b  
tyrants are to be obeyed. 255. b  
tyrants not to be feared. 17. b  
tyrants live in fear. 247. b  
Tyrants warned of cruelty. 12  
Tyrants oppress and govern not 161  
Tyrant and a true prince differre. 172. b  
tyrants invading may be resisted, when they have obtained the kingdom, not. 9●  
tyrants killers are not allowed by the scriptures. 91  
Tyrants, whether we may curse them or pray against them. 31. b   

V  
VAlentinian Emperor commended and discommended. 258  
Variety of promise to sin whence it cometh. 79. b  
Venetians stolen S. Marks body. 246  
Vengeance belongeth to the Magistrate. 236  
Verity of the scriptures. 226. b  
virtues whetstones. 142  
Virtues are knit together, that who so hath one, hath all, and contrary. 53  
Vices of armies. 187  
Victory unperfect of judah what caused. 33. b  
Victory is both to be prayed for & hoped for at gods hands only. 270  
Victories are given at God's pleasure. 78  
Victory is god's gift whether it be by many or few. 132. b  
Victory is with speed to be followed. 141  
Victor's songs. 102  
victuals are due to an host. 14. 4. b  
Vittailers oft ill spoken of. 177  
Vittaylers women. 226. b  
Vigils converted into fastings, why 140  
Violence against violence may be used. 85  
Violence may be resisted by violence 165. b  
Violence acceptable unto god. 43. b  
Violence or coaction god inferreth not to man's will. 167. b  
Virginity bewailed. 192. b  
Visions of Angels. 208  
Visions handled. 118  
ungodly chastened by ungodly 80. b  
ungodly fall into those evils whereof they be afeard. 224  
Unity of citizens where in it consisteth. 197. b  
Unity without agreement in ceremonies. 279  
Universal supreme patriarch & title refused by bishops of Rome 147  
Universality in oaths. 86. b  
Unleavened bread used, why 116. b  
Unthankfulness, look ingratitude  
unumquodque propter quid, & aliud magis. 5. b  
Vocation of God is not to be left for revenging of private injuries, nor for lack of meat and other necessaries. 144. b  
Vocation of god, whether we ought to object our infirmity against it. 115. b  
Vow defined. 203. b. 237. b  
Vow is a promise made to god 214  
Vows how they are to be kept 86  
Vow of unjust things is of no force 95. b  
Vow of jiphtah handled. 192. b  
Vows redeeming. 192  
Vows before joining in war 190. b  
Vows of religious men. 203  
Vows for other, as mother for the son. 203  
Vows chief property, to be with a willing mind performed. 193  
Vowing to do things. 30. b  
Urim and Thumim. 7  
Vsucapio. 189  
Usury where it may take place. 85  
Usury used by the Popes. 232   

W.  
WValles and gates of Cities ought not to be violated. 227  
Wantonness at grape gathering. 168  
Wars may be lawful. 76  
War is a thing lawful. 156. b  
wars process, to send messengers first to debate the injuries. 185. b  
War must be proclaimed. 268. b  
Wars against the Turks, why they have not prospered. 70. b  
War just and unjust, 186. b  
War right. 186  
Wars observations before they begin. 271  
War, what is to be reproved therein. 187. b  
War civil is not all unjust. 199  
Warfare allowed of god. 97  
Wasps of dead horses. 218  
Watches who invented. 139  
Water scant in Syria. 106. b  
Weak and strong God useth alike 92. b  
Weakness of others is to be borne with. 52  
Weapons be they never so simple may serve when gods word is added, and contrary. 91. b  
Weariness is thirsty. 100 b  
Wepying not always token of repentance. 62. b  
weeping god alloweth sometime 61. b  
weeping not allowed. 63  
West church when it received singing. 103  
Whetstones of virtue. 142  
Wicked easily agree against the people of God. 80. b  
Will of God of ii sorts, hid & manifest. 213  
Will of God in nature is one, but divers in respects. 79  
Will of God changeth not. 33. b  
Will to murder, though it be disappointed is to be punished. 166  
Wit of man is by nature sluggish. 218. b  
Woman condemned of adultery, no man can marry. 249. b  
women's enticements are of great force. 228. b  
Women are not forbidden to prophesy for the common edification of the church, but warned to have their heads covered. 93  
Woman prophet. 92. b  
Women teachers. 93. b  
women's vice curiosity. 285. b  
women easily fall to cursings. 237. b  
Words defined. 88 b  
Words whence they have their significations. 205  
Word of God written or unwritten of like authority. 5  
Word of god, is the rule of our actions. 129  
Word of god is it the declareth what or who is godly or ungodly, not success or prosperity. 227  
Word of god known, he will not suffer to be despised. 80. b  
Word of god, no custom prescribeth against. 189. b. 190  
Words of men are so far fruitful as the predestination of God hath before appointed. 97  
Words gentle would be used in dangerous corrections. 253  
Words doubling affirm more assuredly. 206  
Works much available. 14  
Works of ours do not reconcile god unto us. 72  
Works of ours how holy soever they appear are impure and unperfect. 272. b  
Works are not good before faith. 152. b  
Works, they that trust to much to them, attribute to much to humane aids. 132. b  
Works are not meritorious of eternal life. 152. b  
Worshipping inward and outward 49  
Worshipping religions of ii sorts 68  
Worshipping of God feigned or devised by man is nought. 48  
Worshipping of god by other ways than he hath willed is idolatry 69. b  
Worshipping ought to lean to the word of God. 202. b  
Worshipping of the true god with other worship, than he himself hath commanded is Idolatry. 238  
worshipping of God instituted without his word is to him unacceptable. 151. b  
Worshipping of god consisteth not in outward things only. 75  
Wowing by just means lawful. 23  
Wowing by dancing. 287  
Wives right use and abuse. 161. b  
wives use and cautions. 165  
wives more than one at once argued against. 288  
wives many permitted after a sort to the fathers. 153. b  
wives called concubines. 268  
wives duty. 204  
Wife helpeth her husband. 208  
Wife of a minister if she be an adultres sinneth more grievously than an other. 248. b  
wifely affections in their husband's absence. 111   

X  
Xerxes cruel act. 13   

Z  
ZAbulons tribe 9●  
Zeugma. 32   
FJNJS.