hEre beginneth the prohemye upon the reducing/ both out of latin as of french in to our english tongue/ of the politic book named Tullius de senectute. which that Tullius wrote upon the disputations & commynycations made to the puissant duke Cato senator of rome by Scipion & Lelius thenne being young noble knights & also senators of the said rome/ of the worship/ recommendation & magnificence. that should be given to men of old age/ for their deserts & experience in wisdom of politic governance/ & blamed them that reproven or lothen old age/ & how Caton exhorteth & counseilleth old men to be joyful/ and bear patiently old age when it cometh to them/ And how Tullius at reverence of Caton declareth by way of example. how Enneus thauncyent philosopher purposeth and writeth in three verses compendiously unto his friend Attitus also a senator of Rome/ how he took great thought and charge for the governance of the common prouffyght/ for which he deserved great laud and honour in preferring the same named in latin Res Publica keeping the Romans prosperous/ & defending them fro their adversaryës and rebels/ which book was translated and th'histories openly declared. by the ordinance & desire of the noble Ancient knight Sir johan Fastolf of the county of Norfolk banerette. living the age of four score year. excercising the wars in the Royame's of France and other countries/ for the diffence and universal welfare of both royalmes of england and france by forty years enduring/ the fayte of arms haunting. And in admynystring justice and politic governance under three kings. that is to wete Henry the fourth. Henry the fifth. Henry the syxthe/ And was governor of the duchy of Angeou and the countee of Maine. captain of many towns. Castellies and fortressies in the said Royame's of France/ having the charge and safeguard of them diverse years. ocupyeng and ruling three ninety spears and the bows acustomed then/ And yielding good account of the foresaid towns castles & fortresses to the said kings and to their lyeutenauntes'/ princes of noble recomendation/ as johan regent of france Duc of Bedforde Thomas duke of excestre/ Thomas duke of clarence & other lyeutenauntes/ praying to take this reducing patiently/ & submitting me to the amending & correction of the reder and understonder/ that is disposed to read or have any contemplation in th'histories of this book/ which were drawn and compiled out of the books of th'ancient philosophers of Grece/ As in thoriginal text of Tullij de Senectute in. latin is specyfyced compendiously/ which is in manner hard the text. But this book reduced in Englyssh tongue/ is more ample expowned and more swetter to the reder keeping the just sentence of the latin/ Hen for as much 〈◊〉 this book thus reduced in to our english is with great instance labour & cost comen in to mine hand which I advisedly have seen/ over red/ and considered the noble. honest/ and virtuous matter necessarily requisite unto men stepped in age/ and to young men for to learn/ how they ought to come to the same/ to which every man naturally desireth to attain/ And the matter and communication of this said book between that wise and noble man Cato/ on that one part/ and Scipio and Lelius two young knights on that other part. is much behoefful to be known to every man. virtuous & well disposed of what some ever eage reasonable that he be. Thenne by cause I have not seen any of the same here tofore. I have endeavoured me to get it with great difficult/ and so gotten/ have put it in enprynte & diligently after my little understanding corrected it/ to th'intent/ that noble/ virtuous and well disposed men might have it to look on & to understand it. And this book is not requisite ne eke convenient for every rude and simple man. which understandeth not of science ne cunning. and for such as have not herd of the noble policy/ and prudence of the Romans/ but for noble/ wise/ & great lords gentlemen & merchants that have seen & daily been occupied in matters touching the public weal/ And in especial unto them that been passed their green youth/ and eke their middle eage called virylyte/ and been approchid unto senectute called old and ancient eage. wherein they may see how to suffer & bear the same patiently. and what surety & virtue been in the same/ And have also cause to be joyous & glad/ that they have escaped and passed the manifold perils & doubtevous adventures that been in How Attitus was recommended for keeping of justice prudence and attemperance How Tullius writeth this book/ that Caton disputeth of old age with two knights of Rome named Scipion and Lelius/ How every man desireth to come to old age How ffolys complain against nature. How Lelius would learn of Caton to suffer easily age How old age joyeth to be quite of delectation of the flesh How Themystocles gentleman of Athenes answered Seriphus a churl How old age is not easy tendure in poverty How old aged men should use truly their crafts with virtues. How Quintus Fabius recovered the city of Tarent in puyll How the said Fabyus was virtuous in his ages Here rehearseth th'author what Offices Caton had in rome How Fabyus ordained/ that thoffices should be given to men well disposed How Fabyus not withstanding his age exercised Arms/ Of the attemperance of Fabyus How Fabyus suffered Hanybal by mean of truces to be idle/ by which his men of war were disused/ and fill to sensuality How Fabyus alway tendered the welfare of the common profit/ Of the great business and thought that he took for the recover of the city of Tarente How Salmator would have excused him of the losing of a castle by which he was accused by Fabyus/ saying Nam nisi admisisses numquam ego recepissem/ How Fabius died many good deeds in time of were and of peace/ How Fabius resisted them that would have endamaged the common weal of Rome and them that exercised not duly their offices How Fabius was dyvynour and knew what was to come by prodyges How Fabius was so constant in cheer. that he dysmayed not for the death of his sone How great praising the said Fabius deserved for his noble governance Here Caton concludeth the Reasons before said that old age is not wretched as he proveth by the life of Fabius How Plato the philosopher at th'age of four and twenty year wrote books How Socrates in th'age of four score and fourteen year wrote a book how a man should despise death How Gorgias lived an hundred and seven year/ and was nevir idle How simple answer/ fools maken when they wax aged How Enneus likeneth his age to an horse that is swift How Caton was of the faculty of a learned man How Enneus the poet had delectation in two things which were poverty and old age hEre endeth the first treaty/ And beginneth the second part How Fabyus notwithstanding his great eage died much good profitably How Lucius Paulus died/ great good in his old age How Fabricius and Curius intended to the common prouffyt in their old age/ How old Apias being a blind priest counseled the Romans wisely How king Pirrus was discomfited by the counsel of old Apias foresaid An example of old age likened to the lodesman of a ship The replication of Lelius & Scipion against Caton Of thoffices of Rome as a knight/ a tribune/ A Legate. and a Consul. How Caton answereth to the said replication How Caton would nevir cease to counsel the destruction of Cartage for the welfare of the Romans How Caton affirmed that if Quintus Fabyus had lived an hundred year he would evir have be virtuously occupied/ How the sovereign counselors of Rome were called Senators How old aged men in grece had sovereign dignity How the common we'll was mynusshed by the governance of young men/ and relieved by old aged men How Nenius the poet answered why and by whom the common prouffyt was lost/ How default of remembrance is a default in age/ How Themystocles remembered in his young days/ and Caton in his old days Of thepitaphs written on tombs and graves of men of worship How old men forget not matters of charge as their debttes etc. How old men desire to know divinations How among poour people of simple degree remembrance abideth How the children of Sophocles accused their father for his age saying he was a fool and wasted his goods How old age discouraged not these noble philosophers fro study/ that is to weet Sophocles/ Esiodus/ Simonides/ Tersitourus. Socrates. Gorgias/ Onierus. Pitagoras/ Democritus/ Plato/ Zenocrates/ Zenon/ Cleantes/ Diogenes. and other Studia philosophy et poetry sunt divine sciency How Caton commendeth labourage in tyllyeng sowing land and setting of trees▪ and how old age delighteth in like things A good Nota why aged men plant and graffen trees How Staci the philosopher telleth notably the cause why How Lelius and Scipion arguen greatly with Caton against praising age How old men been hateful after some men's opinion How Caton proveth the contrary. and how old men loven young men How Solon the versyfyer learned greek in his old age The Conclusion of Caton touching age How Solon learned to make verses in his old age How Socrates learned to harp in his old age hEre endeth the second trayttye/ And beginneth the third/ How Milo a strong champion of grece sorrowed in his age/ that he might not wrestle as other died. How Emilius repented not his strength lost/ as died Mylo/ Of Titus Cornutatus and Publius Crassus' counselors/ A question of Scipion. if that men learned in the law/ learned their cunning in age. How and in what formal wise/ an advocate must utter Caton was of sixty and ten year of age when he made this book/ What time speech is acceptable/ How an aged man in proposing long process. may with worship remit it to be uttered by young men/ How noble thing it is for to be an Informer/ How Cyrus' king of pierce was full attemperat in his age/ How Lucius Metellus a noble Counseyllour. and a bishop in Rome was witty in understanding/ in his great age/ How Nestor a king of Grece was a noble Informer How king Agamenon desired rather to have wise old men than young knights. How Caton being four score and four year old desired to be no warrior/ and reporteth of his owen person how he was content with age having these offices Questour. Consul/ and Tribune/ What things be required to a senator/ an alderman or a counseyllour/ How bodily strength is not required among judges Of Titus poncius a champion in strength/ How attemperance in strength is a great virtue. as a man to take upon him as he may perform/ How Hercules and the nobles of great made justes in the high mountain of Olympus. How Milo was so strong that he bore an ox an his shoulders/ How Caton demandeth of Lelius/ whether he had liefer the strength of Mylo/ or the wisdom of Pythagoras How Caton questioneth lelius Scipion & pitagoras And how he assoylleth the question How adolescency aught rather be desired than childhood How nature worketh his office in every age How sickness is appropered to the age of childhood/ cruelty to youth/ honour to virylite moderance and attemperance to old age How Scipion discomfited the king of Munydye. How Masmissa king of Auffrique being four score & ten year of age used moche to go on foot/ & not to cover his heed/ How they that been brought up hard in youth/ may better endure in age How strength is not required in old age How ancient men aught texcercise offices of dignity/ How that Publius the son of Publius Africans soon grew to great noblesse by keeping of justice/ all be it he was sekely/ How men aught eschew idleness and use excercise of labour t'eschew sickness in age How aged men should diet them for their health/ How that the soul ne mind be not passyoned An example how aged men should read & here pleasant histories How study and reading enjoyeth the spirits of men How aged men as Cecilius saith/ been ready to believe Nota of three conditions in old age light to believe/ fforyeteful/ and strange to please/ How apius old & blind governed ix his sons and daughters How Caton exhorted to have old age in recommendation How Caton was learned in the law/ a pledar & a purposer in the courts. & how he made books of prophecies & predestinations & thyngiss to come & a book of spiritual causes How Caton recorded at eve all that he had herd or learned the. day before/ Item How he was liberal to do for his friends by counseyl/ authority/ and by wisdom ¶ Here endeth the third treaty. & beginneth the fourth How old age is commendable/ by 'cause it taketh away the lust of lechery How Archites wrote that nature gave nevir greater pestilence than fleshly lusts unto man. How fleshly delectation is the greatest torment that nature nourisheth. How Archites argueth against fleshly delectation/ How fleshly delectation taketh away from man. his understanding. his reason. and mind/ How Archites disputed with Gayus Poncius. of Inconuenyentys of delectation. Of an history of Lucius Carnulus and apius Claudius'/ How/ in case. that reason/ ne wisdom void not delectation/ then old age is therein greatly to be recommended How greatly that delectation is dampened. How Gayus Flammineus was put out of the Senate by cause of his lechery. How he deserved to die by cause at thexcitacion of his ribald he slew a prisoner/ and lost his office/ Of thopinion of Epicurus that held that delectation of the flesh was most to be recommended/ How the Romans would have that opinion showed to king Pirrus their enemy/ by which he might be the feebler/ and rather overcome/ How Fabricius and Cornucamus his fellow gave laud and praising to them that eschewed sensuality/ How old age loveth clean diet for his health/ How Plato reproveth delectation of fleshly lusts. How Gaius duellius delighted in harping and piping How Caton took his disports with his felawys·s How Caton allowed more the communication of his fellowship. than the lust that he had to eat and drink/ How some delectation is grounded inhoneste. How Caton counseylleth an aged man to have some manner delectation as in offices of governance and dignities/ How Exenophon of Grece adviseth a man to be merry and joyful/ etc. How Sophocles the philosopher eschewed the delight of lechery. How young delectation enjoyeth an aged man in his heart/ all be it he may not excercise it. How Gallus of great authority and dignity in his old age had great delight to study and labour in astronomy and geometry/ And also in Grammar/ Rethoryk/ and logic/ Nenius thaged man delighted to make a book of battles How Plantus delighted him in making of a book of the cruelty of a servant against his master. and of a bondman against his lord/ How Lenius an old Scoelmaistre in Rome delighted in age to teach rhymes and ballads/ How Tonus Tudicanus & Publius Lucinus wrote divine law. Lucynius wrote law civil/ How Marcus Chetegus by his sweet terms in purposing caused the hierers to give credence and audience to his matters/ How Solon in his old age learned new things▪ How aged men should give their delectation in labouring and tylyeng the lands sowing grains/ planting and greffing trees. How Caton had great joy to see and understand how nature wrought by her course of kind/ How old age delighteth in planting of vines and nature of fruits. How Caton certefyeth the great delectation that he had in labourage of sowing and vines setting How the virtue of th'earth worketh in seediss herbs trees and roots/ How Caton treateth of the growing and knitting of vines/ & of the great delectation in the labourage of it How Omer writeth that Lacortes king of ytasye in grece had great pleasure that one of his sons give him to labouring and tylyeng of lands. How Caton rehearseth to Scipion and Lelius/ in how many manner wyses delectation may be given to labouring and tylyeng of lands and fruits/ How great delectations and pleasure is had in gardens and curtilages greffyd with trees/ nourishing of beasts. hives of been and honey/ etc. How in greffing of trees he commendeth nature working marvelously/ How Marcus curius had delectation in labouring and tylyeng of lands/ How Pyrrus the king was discomfited by Marcus curius that became a ploughman/ How Marcus curius refused a great present of gold. and said he desired more the lordship over rich men. than such richesse of gold/ How Lucius Quintus being a labourer in the fields was chosen by the Senate to govern Rome/ and was made dictator the greatest office How Caton concludeth that there is no better life than an earth tylyer & labourer in lands/ ne no more wholesome. How the houses of offices in an ancient lords house be well stuffed and stored with all that is necessary How old age hath great delectation in the sight and beholding of green meadows How the natural heat of the son/ and also of the fire comforted an old man How young men be ready to battle/ to ride/ to go/ and to fight/ where as the aged man may not How the use of the play at chess and tables is given to old men How Caton counseylleth not old men ne young. to play at chess ne at tables. where they may be better occupied How Exenophon made a book of labourage and tilyeng of lands How the craft of a labourer is like the life of a philosopher/ How Socrates writeth that Cyrus' king of pierce delighted him in planting of trees/ in fruits/ & gardens of diverse flowers and herbs How Lucius Merellus deffended Postumus not to go to battle/ till he had done sacrifice unto god of battles/ How the Romans died do write Epytaphyes on the tombs of noble men. in which were wreton their noble acts and deeds of worship/ How in seven points an aged man aught be reverenced How men should learn of them to give counseyl/ as in giving audience. obeyeng/ and to follow after them. How that aged men were most put in reverence in Lacedomone. How citizens of Lacedomone died in Athenes reverence to old men/ How bishops and priests be set forth after their ages in honour. How aged men been slothful/ angry. noyous/ mysdeming/ and covetous How old men mysdemen to be dispraised and lacked of young men. Of two brethren twynlyngys' born in one hour/ and diverse in conditions/ How he dispraised covetise in age/ ¶ Here endeth the fourth treaty/ & beginneth the fifth How Caton affirmeth that an aged man should not have thought to die/ How young age is rather disposed to sickness by riots than old age/ The wise conduit of old men/ A wise proverb of Caton to put no doubtous thing to be certain/ How necessity is convertible and appropered to death by the divine sentence of god/ How Architonius king of Tharse reigned four score year/ and lived an hundred and twenty year/ How no man can wite in what estate a man standeth after his death/ An example how an old man should no more repent his age. than the labourer doth harvest/ which is the last season of growing. The four seasons/ Ueer/ Somer. harvest/ and Winter. What difference is by resemblance of a young man to die/ and a man of old age/ Death is resembled to gathering of green Apples/ and ripe apples/ How old aged men decessen without great pain. How Caton was joyful of death/ a noble similitude/ Of a noble answer of Solon to Phisistrates the tyrant/ As dame Nature worketh in kind/ so doth age when it cometh/ An example of a maker of a ship/ How Pitagras commandeth that a man should not short his life. by his own folly. How moche people sorrowed for the death of Solon/ by cause of the tender love that he had to his friends. How Ennius the poet charged that no man should lament ne weep for his departing/ How old men dreaden to die. And of the dread of death/ How Tarquyne the proud king of rome was banysshid/ by cause of the maintaining of his son against Lucrece/ How Lucius' brutus for to recover the franchise and liberties of Rome abandouned him to die in the middle of th'host upon Arrius/ How Publius decius spared not to die among th'host of his adversaries for the common we'll of Rome. How Studecius for the welfare of his country was slain in the field/ How the host was saved by the good courage taking and death of the captain/ How the noble Romayn Marcus Attilius freely abandouned himself to the death for the welfare of the Romans/ and to keep his oath/ How Scipion Affricanus slew himself rather than he would fall in the danger of his enemy julius Cesar How Scipion Asianus was for envy accused and deyde in prison/ How Lucius Paulus advanced him in battle willing rather die/ than to live rebuked/ How Marcus Marcellus dread not to die in battle against the enemies of rome for the welfare of the same/ How Hannibal did do bury his adversary Marcus Marcellus worshipfully by cause he was so noble a man in arms/ Of diverse conditions after diverse ages grown/ The definition of young age/ Of the nature of death. and of theternity of the soul/ How that paynims and heathen people believed in one god and after blessed living they should come to joy & rest How Caton proveth the soul to be not deadly/ but to endure perpetuelly. And that by great reasons/ and doctrine of philosophers/ Socrates was master to Plato. Notable ensamples to Induce/ the soul to be perpetual & most light and parfyght/ Platon treateth upon the diffynytion of the soul/ How the souls be perpetual and continuing/ How king Cirus proveth by evident reasons that his soul should live perpetuelly. as Exenophon the philosopher maketh mention. The seven diverse names that the soul is called/ after the occupation/ that it is busied/ How noble an exhortation king Cirus maketh to his children. How Caton was a governor in Rome/ How fonned and foolish been though old aged men that desire or weesshe to be young again How and of what avail it is to be living in this present world/ Note well the Inuentyf reasons of Caton/ that a man should not dread to depart out of this world/ How the son of Caton was excellent in pity. and in parfyght living. How thopinion of the Epicures is damnable. Of thopinion of Caton that the soul nevir dieth/ & troth it is/ Thus endeth the remembrance of thistories comprised and towchid in this little book entitled Tullyus de Senectute/ mY sovereign friend Attitus/ how be it that I know certainly that thou art both night and day pensif and careful/ for the government of the common profit of the romans/ called in latin Res publica/ like as is Tytus flaminius the noble consul of Rome Nevertheless I may purpose & speak to the by the sentences of iij versis by the which that worshipful philosopher Enneus the poet spoke to his friend Attitus in this manner. Certainly said Enneus I shall deserve in this matter a good reward. great fees and wages/ if I by my wit and reasons reduce in the said versis to help the conduit/ and the ordinances to support/ & in any wise the charge and business that thou hast take. for the study of the public profit called the common weal. to be sovereignly and pollytikly rulid. the which brennyth and turmentith stidfastly in thine heart. in so much that by the same business exercised/ thou hast thy wyttis and thine understanding always occupied toward such worldly things to the profitable ordinance. and well disposed for the universal welfare of the city of Rome upon the earthly and worldly things/ Thoruh which study and fervent labour thou art greatly oppressed and revalyd in thy spyrities where thorough thou art moche thank worthy/ The said versis of the great poet Enneus be not only of so great effect purposed so sentencyously in so few words full obscure to declare. but they be of right great substance true & full of good faith & credence/ for sooth my very friend Attitus I know and understand the temperance and the natural law of justice in thy courage exercised/ and also I know and understand that by the magnifyeng of thy science and understanding I know not one only in the school & study of athens of so great laud and renomee to be of/ as that thou hast of worship in that university/ but many men know there & understand the great benignity the attemperance and also the prudence of the in that behalf/ & how be it that thou hast these excellent virtues sourmounting othyrs yet I trow and dame that thou art Sometime moved and troubled in thy spirities for the said causes ministering/ whereof I am of the same disposition myself/ whereupon thou must nediss have greater comfort than I may give the at this time/ therefore I shall abide to recomfort the till an other time/ But now me seemeth it is good that I writ unto the some thing of the worship and recommendation of ancient age for I will that thou & I be recomforted/ and relieved of that sore burden which is common both to the & me/ that is to wit of Age which now constraineth us and that full certainly comyth & noyeth us I will by this book comfort the and me not withstanding that I wot certainly that now thou suffirst & endurist attemperately & wisely all things which common unto the Nevertheless when my will was to writ any thing of the age of auncientnes I remembered of the as of him which was worthy for to have this present book of which each of us shall mow comounly use for our solace And verily after that I had considered to writ this book which is of moral philosophy this labour & making was to me so joyful/ that not only it took away fro me all charges thouhtis & grievance of age but it is come toward me sost & gladsome Therefore thenne my friend Attitus there is no man by whom philosophy may be praised I nowgh for/ she is such that there is no man if he obey to her in following perfectly her commandments/ but he may live by all the time of his age/ without sorrow & without any grievance/ & as to the other things pertaining to philosophy/ we have said ynowgh & yet shall we say often in other books And therefore we have sent unto the this present book in the which we speak of age/ But to th'intent that our book may have grettir authority/ we attribue & direct all our words & speak to the old Caton & not as did Aristotiles which in his book of age dyrectid his word & speech to the king Titonus brother of Laomedon of. which Titonus the poets have feigned that by the great age of him he was changed in to a Crikket for our present book should be of little authority if we should attribue it to a man of whom men tellyn a fable or a feigned tale we make our book so compendiously that these two noble young men romans of noble courage Lelius & Sipion makyn emongys' them merveiling & questioning how that duke Caton beareth & endurith so lightly & so easily his ancient age/ And after that we make what the old Caton ansuerith to Lelius & Scipion by reasons and by exsamplis how age must be worshipped & recommended for many great & necessary causes And if it seemeth the that in this present book Caton disputih & speaketh more wisely than he used in his other bookys/ it must be attribued & remitted unto the grekyssh books & language in which the said Caton studied & learned plainly in the time of his old age/ it nedith not for to say more to the praising of this book for the language of Caton shall declare soon all our sentence touching the honour & wisdom of old age/ Here endeth the prologue of the book and beginneth of the disputation made by Tully beginning in the latin Sepe numero admirari soleo And first how scipion with lelyns merueilyth & asketh of Caton/ oh Noble philosopher & vaillaunt duke Caton I Sipion have often times marvel & so hath this Gayus lelyus my fellow aswele for thine high wisdom & profit in science that thou hast in the as in other things/ and also I am wont to marvel me that I perceyvid never that old age was to the neythir noyous ne heavy which is so hateful to some old men that they say that they bearen a more grievous and more mightier burden than is that mounteyn of Sicily called Ethna Caton answerith certainly good young men of noble courage it seemeth to some men that ye twain have marvel of a thing light & easy to know that is to wit why age seemed me never neythyr heavy grievous ne noyous/ for each of these uj ages which men name Childhode adolescence youngth virilite manhood & old age semyn to be heavy & noyous to men the which in them silf have nothing that may help & succour them to live goodly & blessidly as be though which excercisen sciences & virtues & good works but as to such men which sechyn & fyndyn in themsilf all the goods & thyngiss which belongyn weal & blessidly for to live/ there is nothing that cometh to them in age by the default of nature that may seem unto them evil ner noyous It is certain that old age is such that it serchith & fyndyth in itself all the goodnesses which longen to live well & blyssidly/ and yet is old age such that all men desire to come until it/ And nevertheless the mutablenes & evil disposition of men it is so great in our days that they blamyn old age when they be come thereto by cause that thenne they may not use delectations All the folis seen that old age cometh in them son/ ner then they wend/ but I demand a question of such men what manner folly constrained them forto trow or suppose the thing the which is falls/ for they can say no reason how old age entrith sooner in the man after adolescence no more then doth adolescence after puerice called chidlhode which is the second age/ how be it that it is so ordained by nature that that one of the ages entrith after the end of the other Moore ovir I demand such fools how old age should be less charging & less grievous to men if they might live viijC year/ for how be it that the age past had be longer yet it may neithir comfort ne allege ne satisfy the fool old man Therefore if ye two be marveled of my wisdom in mine age which I would it were such as ye repute & understand it and would be worthy to be known & bear forth my surname Caton/ I answer to you that if I am wise my wisdom is only in this thing for I follow the law & ordinances of dame Nature the right good leader of kind & also I obey unto her for all her commandments befulle like to the commandments of the divine gddies by cause that both two drawn to the true wealth of blyssyd disposition It is not like seeming sigh Nature hath weal disposed & ordained the other five first ages each after his office that she had negligently left to ordain the office of old age/ which is the last time & ending of men And as it cometh of a fool & of a negligent clerk which can not ne may nor will fulfil the book that he began but alway what evir be said of old age allway that she hath her office ordegned by nature I say that it must needs of necessity that it have some ending sweet & soft for to endure to the wise man for like as nature hath ordained in the fruyties of trees & of earth which have the fruit soft or hard that they abydyn on the tree & fallen after they been ripe enough/ so hath Nature ordained of the cause of ages some as fools will argue & rebel them against the ordinances of nature/ but that debate & rebellion is properly compared and lykend to the fiction of the poets which by their tales feigned that in the time of jupiter king of the land of Crete the geaunties as fools would make were against the goddies by the which ye own to understand that the foolish men would rebel against the ordinances of nature chamberer & servant of god Lelyus demaundith a question forsooth Caton I promise the for my fellow Scipion that thou shalt do unto us right a gracious friendship if by the/ we learn long time afore or we become old men/ by what reasons we might suffer & endure right lightly the charging & the grievous age of old men/ for we hope certainly that we will become old/ Caton answerith/ forsooth Lelius I shall do that thou requirest me so that each of you have agreeable my words that I sshal say to you/ of though Lelius & Scipion demanded this question to Caton/ so that it be not grievous to the we will desire certainly/ what is the long weigh by the which thou art common in/ from thy childhood until this age/ for thou mayst teach us/ as he which had done a long voyage/ in the which we must entre/ Caton answered I shall make you Lelius an answer so as ye ask after that I may/ forsooth I have oft-times be in the quarrel of scivile causes disputing/ & in the parlamentis of my fellows equal to me in the disputing & pleading causes of their matters & processis for after the ancient proverb all things which be like of resemblaunte exsamples. lightly would be understand assembled & gaderd to gedyr/ So I shall tell you what great things Salmator And Spurius Albinus whilom consuls in Rome which were almost like to me in age/ were wont to sorrow and weep by cause that in the time of their old age they had no fleshly delectations/ without which they said their life was naught/ And said also that they were dispraised/ and hold in reproof & reproach of pain & displeasyre by whom they should be haunted magnified & worshipped these men Salmator And Albinus after my deeming did not accuse & blame that thing which they huld have accused/ for if that thing whereof they wept & sorowid should come by the blame & default of old age by lyk reason to me & all other the which be greater & older than I/ should come the ij causes a foresaid for which they sorowyn/ but it is not so/ for I know many of them which be of such age & of greater age than I am/ which bear & enduryn their old age without making such complaint for they enduryn & suffer gladly & be glad to be out of the prisons & bonds of fleshly delectations & they complain not that they be dispraised of such men/ but the blame & the vice of all such compleining by which old age seemeth grievous & noyous is in the conditions & in the manners of the men & not in the age/ for certainly the old temperate men which be not dangerous ne cruel/ enduryn & bear lightly their old age/ but importunyte cruelty & unmannerly governance is charging & grievous to old age/ & to all other age/ Lelyus answereth & after demandeth certainly Caton it is so as thou sayst/ but paraventur some might say that thou berist and endurist better thine old age by cause of thy richesses & for the abundance of the temporal goods that thou hast by cause of thy dignity/ and true it is that this thing which thou hast cometh but to few men/ Caton answerith forsooth Lelyus thou reasonest & sayst well that the richessis & the dignity that I have maken me to suffer & endure more easily mine old age/ but in this thing be not all the means patiently to suffer & endure old age The things which makyn old age sweet & patient be as though things which make a man to be noble or to be a churl thereof I shall tell the by exsampl/ There was a noble man of athens cleped Themystecles which pleated with a churl of the Isle of seryphus in the which were commonly froward men & evil condiconned This scr●fios that was a churl said to Themystecles that he was not noble ne gentle of himself/ but only by cause of the magnifyeng & worship of his noble country of athens/ to the which Themystecles answered/ By god said he & I were a man of Seriphus as thou art/ yet should I not be a churl/ & if thou haddist be of athens as I am/ yet sholdist thou nevir be noble in worship nor gentleness/ In semblable wise may be said this comparison of old age/ for it may not be soft nor light to suffer and endure in great poverty/ how be it that the old men were wise & full of letters/ & also is old age grievous & danugerous to the fool old man/ how be it that he have right great abundance of goods by his birth/ Certainly my friends scipion & lelyus the right covenable arms of old age be the crafts & occupations to use right wisely/ & the excercita●on̄s of the iiij principal virtues/ that is to wit/ temperance/ prudence/ force/ & justice if these virtues be well set to work in all thine age/ after that thou hast lived long enough/ they shall bring to the merueillous fruits of delectation by the sweet remembrance of the good deeds past/ the fruits of these virtues be not only merueillous by cause that they will nevir leave their master namely in the last time of old age which is right a great & a syngulere thing/ but also the fruits of virtues be merueillous for the conscience of the man which had weal lived/ & as by the record of remembrance of many good deeds done is right a glad some thing to the old age/ wherefore it may appear unto you that old age is not without delectation of virtuous deeds doing Now come I forto show that the old men be not dispraised nor relinquysshed or forsake of other men that time when I was as an adolescent young of age/ as much loved I that old man Quyntus ffabius which took & recovered the city of tarente which is in the land of puyle And loved him which was like me in age & in conditions/ ffabyus than an old man had in himsilf a good disposition of a moderaunce meddled with courtesy & with honest and cleanness & his old age had not changed his usis & good custumes in any wise/ But that they were as good or better as they were in his first time/ I began to haunt & love the said ffabyus how be it he was not marvelously of great age/ but nevertheless he was than aged/ for the said ffabius first was consul of Rome in the year that I was borne/ & in the year of his fourth consulat/ I which was thenne a young adolescent & knyghnt/ went with the said ffabius to Capne a city in champaign/ and the fifth year after I was Questour and went to Tarent & after I was made edyle of Rome and the fourth year after I was presture which is the sovereign dignity in Rome/ I had this dignity at that time whan Tudicanus and Cetegus were consuls of rome/ & ffabius which was thenne full old did so moch by his amonesting & purposing of fair words that the law of Cyntius was received at Rome by the which he made ordinance in gifts of offices/ that is to wit/ that though gifts should not be outerageous excessive no evil employed & that the offices should be committed by election to sufficient men in cunning & convenient personis acceptable/ How be it that ffabyus was plainly old yet made he battles so victoriously & so eagerly as he had be in the age of adolescence in the time that hannibal a young man & duke of cartage made were against room & the country a bout/ ffabyus then old suffered hanybal to sport him & take his recreation in the champaign of rome & by the sufferance that ffabius had against hannibal/ he lessed & enfeebled him & his host in somoch that he & his men were so sotted and delighted in fleshly delectations that they forgot & lost all the excercising of arms & the discipline of knyghthede Of this ffabyus telleth right nobly our good & privy ffrende the poet/ Enneus ffabyus said he is a roman which restored us our country our franchises & our liberties by the respite & long sufferance that he had against our great enemy hannibal Fabius then old was so temperate & so prudent that of the renomee fame & worship of all other vain glories he charged not nethir set by it/ but above all other things he put before the health & the welfare of the common profit of his country/ & for this cause the renomee glory worship & the fame of ffabyus resplendysshed & flowered after his death/ more than at that time when he lived But it should be a great thing for to tell and say by what diligence & by what conseille he took & recovyrd the city of/ Tarente which then was a castle and at that time was take by the africans/ It fortuned that a consul roman called Salmator lost as it is said the castle of Tarente and fled by the withdraught in to the tour of the same castle Then after that ffabyus recovird the same castle the said Salmator me hearing how he glorified & magnified himself of that recovering by these words Certainly said Salmator to the said ffabius/ thou hast recovered by me & by my work the castle of/ Tarente forsooth answered ffabyus if thou haddyst not lost it afore I should never have recovird it neithirr take it again/ This ffabyus full old was so good in arms & in house that is to say that he was so good in time of werr and of peace that he was not better in that one than in that other And eftsoons ffabyus was consul and had a fellow of office called carinlyus the which excercised not his office but that notwithstanding the said ffabyus then an old man resisted as moch as he night to the enterprise of Gayus fflammynyus which at that time was tribune of the people of Rome which against the authority of the senators of Rome would divide by syngler parties an heritage called the terroner Picentois and the terroner Galois And how be it that ffabius of the cunning & office called Angure which is a dyvinore which was a dignity in Rome that men gave them to that science which determined & knew the things to come by the chirming & by the song & by the countenance of the fowls & bryddies of the air/ Nevertheless he had in him the boldness for to say that all things which were made for the salvation & for the welfare of the common profit called Res publica were made by right good dyvyning But the things made or said against the common profit were made or said against the sentemcies of wise men of Auspexes that is to say against the dyvynynges jugementys & demynges the which were made by the sentences of fowls and bryddies I have known that in this man were many things of right noble conditions the which I tell not/ but I know nothing more marvelous for to say than is to tell how ffabyus sustained & endured without mourning & weeping the death of his son Marius which was a noble man & wylome consul of rome We have clearly & in a part declared the praising of the old ffabius of which when we read his praising we find but few philosophers like him but me owghte to dispraise them to the regard of Fabius and it is certain that he was not only to be recommended in great deeds of prise that he did outward & in the presence of the citizens of Rome But he was better & greater within forth/ that is to wit in good conditions & within his soul/ I may not say enough what was the speech & words nor what were the commandements of the old Fabyus nor what was the knowledge that he had of the deeds & of the sayengys' of the old time I may not also say ynowgh how moche he knew of the art & sciences of dyvyning & determiination of fortunes to come good or ill in time of peace & of were by the flyghnt or by the chirming or by the countenance of the fowls & briddis of the year/ And yet had also ffabyus science & wit enough after the manner which the romans had & used at that time/ This ffabyus conceived & received in his mind not only the romans battles but also remembered of strange battles/ I spoke as desyringly with him as I could devise at that time/ the same thing which fortuned of him after he died that is wit that after his death I should have no man Roman of whom I might learn in works & in techyngys' such as he had be It needeth not to say so many things to the praising & fame of the said ffabyus/ for certainly ye see weal by that that I have said that it is untrouth & a vice to say that old age is wretched myschaunt or noyous so that it had be such as was the same of old ffabyus & how be it that ffabyus had be such in all his age nevertheless it is certain that all men may not be such as were the scipions and the ffabyens nethir all men also may not be such that they might so of themself record & rehearse/ the cities the which they have fought with & werrid or conquered in the battles that they have made afore in divers lands & reams & also by navy of ships on the see/ nor all men also may not be such that they might of themself/ record nor say the victorious deeds & triumphs which they have had in their lives like as did the worthy Scipions and also the noble ffabiens whilom noble romans & virtuous in themself for namely some old men might in times past have be of peaceable clean and fair life in governance/ and yet is their old age pleasant & sweet such as as we here by the histories that declaren of the old age of platon which at fourscore year & one wrote books to teach men cunning & virtue & so doing he died Some old age may be pleasant & sweet how be it that the life precedent had be still pure & soft without war or so noyed as we hire by histories how was the old age of socrates the philosopher the which as men say wrote in the year of his age fourscore and fourteen a book called Penatheticus in which he taught men for to dispraise & not to set by death Socrates lived v year after that he had made an end of the said book he was disciple of a philosopher called Gorgias which was born in a castle called Leoucin This Gorgias master to Socrates was an hundert & seven year fulfilled of age & he never cesid in his study but evermore he was busied and occupied/ Thenne it fortuned that men demaundid him why he would be so long alive he answered I have not said ne seen in me any 'cause why I should accuse nor blame mine old age/ Certainly this answer was right nobly spoken & was worshipfully said & appertynent to a wise man/ The fools would say in contrary of th'answer of that philosopher Gorgias for the fools puttyn upon the old age their own vices & blame which come of them silf/ that is to wit/ the Fools accusyn their old age and puttyn upon it the vices & defaults which come of their evil conditions in youngth & not of the age which thing did not the poet Enneus of whom we have now late made mention/ for in showing what he was in old age he made thereof a comparison/ I am saide Enneus as the strong horse which many atyme hath discomfited/ the other horsys in running lightly/ & is come first to the prick/ And by cause that now this horse is old he rested him & labourith no more/ This Enneus comparith & resemblyth his old age to the old age of a strong & a victorious horse/ Of this Enneus may we well have in mind for the xix year after the death of him Titus fflamminius and Marcus Attilius were made Consuls of Rome & Ennius died at that time when Sipion & Philip was made the second time Consuls And I which than was sixti & five year of age purposed & pleated with a great & high voice a fore the senators of rome for the law which made bocone one of the wise men of Rome/ & that law I proved & sustained by suasyons & good reasons vayllable when ennyus was sixty & ten year of age/ for he lived so long by age/ The said poet Enneus being old as I have said suffered and endured so patiently and so we'll two great burdons/ which men reputen and accept right great/ that is to wit poverty and old Age/ that it seemeth that Enneus had therein great delectation/ Here endeth the first part of this book/ which is the disputation of duke Caton And beginneth the numbering of the causes. why old Age seemeth to be wretched and myschaunt. And in this same distinction Caton confoundith reproveth & abasshith Scipion and Lelius of the first default which they opposyn Caton against old Age/ And beginneth in the latin Etenim cum complector animo. quatuor causas reperio etc. Scipion speaketh for him and for lelyus. when I Scipion considre certainly in my courage. for how many and what causes the old age seemeth to be wretched myschamit and noyous. I find of them only four causes. The first cause and reason is. by cause that men taken away from old men thadministrations and governance of things. which requyren work and labour of bodily strength or advice and lack of wit and of understanding. The second is by cause that old Age maketh men feeble. seekly and foryetefulle. The third cause is for as much that old age taketh away fro men all delectations and pleasures naturelle as sensualitees in getting of children. The iiij reason is by cause that the old man after course of nature is not ferr from death Caton answereth now see we if it please you how great and how just/ & of what value been each of these four causes which men opposyn against old age/ & first tell me how ye understand that old age withdrawith & taketh away fro men the governance and the administration of things concerning bodily occupations of strength and business/ and if it be so/ tell me of what things/ & ye peraventure shall answer me that men take away and withdrawn fro men by cause of old age the administration and governance of the things that men take in youngth by bodily strength/ And that time when the body is in strength & wertu/ but thank ye not Scipion and Lelyus that old men have not some things & workys which they may & can administer & do in their age/ And also think ye not but some thing been which men may make and admynistre by the counsel of old men how be it that namely they have their bodies seek & maladif Sayest thou thenne Scipion that this old man ffabyus did nothing profitable to the government and to the administration of the common profit of Rome/ sayst thou also that nothing did thy ffader Lucyus Paulus for the welfare of Rome of whom my son young Caton had wedded the daughter sayst thou also that these other old men called ffabrycius and the curious and the Cornycanoys did nothing when they defended and saved with their counseile and by their authority the common profit of our city of Rome/ Theridamas was at Rome one Appius an old agid priest which served in the temple of Minerva other wise called Pallas which priest was full old and with that he was blind/ And it fortuned that at that time Pirrus the king of Epirites made were against Rome/ & insomuch that the senators were inclined and concordid for to make peace and alliance with the said king Pirrus and notwithstanding that Appius was an old man and blind/ yet he doubtid not for to say the senators the words which the said Enneus had set in verses/ whereof of the sentence is thus/ why said Appius have ye inclined and revaled your courageous hearts/ which till now were accustomed to be farm and stidfast/ be ye mad or for lak of digression agreed ye for to condescend and desire ye to make alliance and peace with king Pirrus by cause that he puttth in strength for to put you down and in subjection and would destroy you/ and other things he said right felly and right grievously he rebukid them/ and the said Appius full old said yet to the senators/ and yet ye know said he that Enneus made the verses that I have here allegid & said by the which he reproveth you/ and also ye Scipion and Lelyus mow have seen the reason by the which Appius old and blind purposed this matter before the senators/ seventeen year after that he had be the second time consul/ and yet there was x year betwixt her first and second consulat/ wherefore men may understand that in the time of battle of king Pirrus the said Appius was of a great age/ that is to wit seventy and seven yeris/ The old Appius did/ by his reasoning and talking that the romans undirtoke then their enterprise and ordained a great host against king Pyrrhus which by them was discomfited/ which was thing full marvelous/ And algatis we have herd it said by our ancient ffaders They thenne prove not ne affirm any thing against the counsel of old age/ that say that they may nor can entirmete and meddle of nothing And though that so say/ been like to them which supposyn and ween that in a ship sailing by the see/ the lodesman/ which is called the patron or master of the ship/ which keepeth the rothir or stern of the ship to guide it weal doth nothing but attendith only to that/ by cause that some young men clymmyn upon the mastis and some men drawn up the ankyrs and some young men trussyn up the sails/ and someothir young poompyn and drawn water out of the harmeron of the ship/ and also as ye may see the patron master or lodesman which that holdeth & keepeth the rothir of the ship which restyth & sittith in the end of the ship & taketh keep to the nedyl & compass to know the direct course of the ship sailing doth not that business of bodily strength which be longeth to young men to do/ but all the charge & welfare of of the ship merchandise & men's lives lies in the wit & discretion of the old man which is patron master or lodesman of the ship/ and for these said causes I answer you/ that he doth greater & bettir thing then young men/ for he counseylith ordaineth and adviseth of the most chargeable things which been to be done/ for the great things of charge be not made by strengthiss of body nor by delyvernes and plyantnesse neithir by lightness of body/ but they been made by counsel by authority experience and by ordenauncies of great wit & high discretion/ of which things/ old age is bettir provided & stuffed by experience/ then any other age/ & by old age they loose not her time/ But peraventure ye shall reply to me/ by cause that it seemeth you that now I do nothing & that I was wont to employ & occupy me in were and in deeds of arms in divers battles for the defence to be made against the adversaries of Rome/ And now I may were no more/ I which was wont to be one time excercised in the office of a knight occupied in battle & arms/ another time using the office of tribun/ another time the office of an ambassiatour or a begat/ & another time sitting as consul/ I answer you that evir I do somewhat for the profit of rome/ for before the time I ordain & devise to the senators the things which be most expedient to be done for the honour of the romans/ & I denounce & make to be remembered long before the time of necessity to the senators & to the romans/ by what manner men may resist against the land of cartage our great enemies which now by long time have be full evil & maliciously disposed for to make battle & mortel were against our city/ Wherefore know ye verryly Scipion/ that I shall not sense to make ordinance & provisions which be long to defend us from our enemies that we romans shall not dread ne doubt the power of the city of Cartage/ unto the time that I know that it be alto gedyr destroyed by victory of battle/ which battle I desire that the Inmortell gods give to the in such manner that thou poursiewe the destruction of the remnant that be left living of our Ancient Enemies/ which thy grauntsyre Quintus ffabyus left in the city of Cartage/ which deceased now xxxiij year past But he was such that in all the years following/ there shall be mind of his triumph and worship And know Scipion that thy Grauntsyre Quintus died the same year when I was made judge at rome/ And ix year aftir when I was made consul thy said Grauntsire Quintus was made consul after the end of my consulat/ And if thenne thy Grauntsire Quintus had lived/ unto an. C. year. he should nevir had be aunoied discoragid nor weighed of his old age/ for it was so profitable and so honest to him/ how be it that he had left the use and the manner of deeds of arms/ in which young knights/ preven and assay themsilf/ that is to wit/ lightly for to run/ ferr for to leap/ & to just with spears and to fight myghntly with axes & with naked swords Nevertheless & he had lived unto an C year he would have ordained these said occupations to be exercised & the study of the common profit by counceill by reason & by moderate attemperance & sad deliberation which things but if they were in old men rooted by experience· our ancient ffadirs had nevir said that the sovereign counsel of the city weal governed should be called a wise senate which signifieth a wise feliship of old men/ the romans lacedomonois & been right noble and of Ancient folnkies of Grece. which whilom had great people in their domination/ they called old men to them/ which had emongis them the sovereign dignity & the greatest office/ also in such dignity or office men deputed not but old men of cunning/ science/ and of crafts/ And ye will read or here the old histories of philosophers/ ye shall find that the common profits of other contrees as we'll as of ours which were right great in dignity and worship have been lessid and destroyed by the governance of young men of adolescence and young Age But after that they have be sustained and reformed in their first estate by the advise and governance of old men/ they have prosperid in great worship and felicity/ as they died by fore time/ Now tell me Scipion and Lelyus how ye have lost your common profit that was right great and full rich/ I make you this demand for they that pleyen the pagenties in the comodyes of pleyes of solace and disporties/ which Nenius the poet made a dyaloghe of two persons which had lost a right great and a rich patrimony of their inheritance/ It was in semblable wise so questioned as I do/ And to this other demaundys' men answeryn otherwise to matters which been not specyfied here/ But the principal answer of the poet Nenyus was this/ To this governance of your common profit/ revalyd & brought to naught/ came many new young masters ignorant and unkonning of the laws/ both advocatis young apprentices that presume them connynger in the laws than they be/ and Fools of young Age/ And therefore ye lost that rich patrimony and inheritance by outrageous governance and fool hardiness/ and for lack of discretion by the property of nature and kind of young Age/ for prudence and good advice of great discretion been the properties and nature of old Age/ Scipion opposith and saith to Caton but for all that/ in old age is another lack or a default for in old Age is lessid the mind and remembrance of the things that men knew in their young age/ Caton answerith I believe Scipion that the mind of an Agid man is lass/ but if he exercise and occupy it in remembering the things chargeable that he knew before And also it lessith more his good remembrance if he be borne a fool/ or else naturally so evil of complexion or elliss be hurted in that part of the heed wherein lies the virtue memoratyf called remembrance/ A noble man of Athenes called Themystocles had in his mind all the names of the citizens of Athenes/ deem ye then that when Themystocles become old that he would salue the great and worshipful Lysimacus an old cytezeyn of Athenes in stead of Aristidees another old citizen of Athenes/ for soothe nay for Themystocles exercised his mind in recording and remembering the things that he knew in his young Age/ I myself have known not only Lysimacus and Aristides/ but I have known their fadirs and their grauntsirs/ and in the mean time that I read the Epitaphies of scriptures wretyn upon their tombs/ I doubt it not as some men say that I do not forget the remembrance of their names for by cause that I exercise my mind in reading their Epytaphyes it come again to mind of the men deceased for whom the Epytaphies were made/ Moore ovir I show you by experience that if the mind of man be exercised in old age/ it loseth not/ for I herd never say that any old man who so ever he be would forget in what place where he had hid and laid his treasure/ Also old men have mind of the wages fees and pensyons that they been assigned unto/ And also of fees & wages that they have assigned to other of their counseyl and servants/ Also they have mind of the names of their Creancers to whom they own/ and also of the dutees & goods which is owing unto them/ Old men remember them of many and diverse things of great weight and charge/ for they remember of the laws that wise men have made upon the caases pleaded that been comenyd and ordained among them/ Old men remember of the right & of the constitutions and ordinances/ which by the bishops have be made for the service of the goddys'/ They also remember full weal how the anguries that be dyvinatours done and should determine and pronostike upon the dyvinations and things that be for to come/ And also they bring to mind what opinions had the philosophers in determining the causes of the naturelle things and moralle things/ for if it be any doubt or debate of any thing belonging to the governance of the world/ men gone only to the mind of experience and remembrance of old men/ in the wits of whom is most naturelle vertu of ghostly force and strength of the soul which abideth still with old men/ so that the study and industry abideth holy with them/ that is to wit/ that men/ notwithstanding their old age/ yet they abiden witty and subtle in their imaginations and good conceits/ so that they apply their couragys' to though things specially/ and they have wisdom & perseverance in the same/ And know ye Scipion anth Lelyus that the wits and good remembrauncies abiden not only in old men of noble degree and of high estate which have honourable & worshipful offices/ but also the wits and good remembrances abiden in other old men/ also which have never admynystration ne governance of the common profit but only of their own proper goods and privy things belonging to themselves/ as of their household keeping and of their marchandysing or other honest occupations using And the poet Sophocles unto his great old age made in verses divers and many tragedies/ in which he wrote the evil and abominable deeds of the kings and princes of the world/ Albina be it seemed to his children by cause that he was intendant to his books to study/ that he was negligent to govern his own proper goods and things/ And therefore they made him to be called in judgement before the judges/ by cause that as it is of custom after the law of Rome for to interdire and take away the admynystration of good fro them that do not approwe it profitably ne doth not weal their occupation and works/ Also that the judges of grece would have taken away from Sophocles as a fool and negligent of the governance of his own proper goods and cataillies/ Thenne the old man Sophocles began to rehearse and say by heart before the judges afable of a tragedy called Oedipus' Colonnoys that is to wit of a sad chronicle and of an history lamentable which he had all ready in his hands and had writyn it not long before/ And after that he had purposed and declared his Tragedy he questioned to the judges why it seemed them that he was a fool which made such verses and such a ditte of a substancialle process/ then he by the sentence of the judges was absolved and discharged of the accusation of his children/ Tell me then Scipion and Lelyus if the old age constrain a man for to be changed or for to be deprived for to cease from his studies/ these four noble poets Sophocles Esyodus Simonides and Tersytorus/ he answered nay/ Telle me also if the old age constrained them to be changed or for to cease in their studies these two philosophers Socrates and Gorgias of whom we have spoken here a/ fore and Omer the poet Pythagoras and demacritus Platon and Exenocrates/ Andrea after this zenon Celantes & that worthy Dyogines the which namely ye have seen at rome which seven have be & been princes of philosophers called sovereign wise men/ forsooth old age made them nevir to be changed nor to sense in their study of books reading/ see ye not/ that in all these poets and philosophers lives the frequentation & excercise of their studies hath be like to the time of all their lyfdayes/ for they have studied by as long time as they have lived/ sithen that they had be of reason/ But leave we to speak of these studies of philosophers and of poetry which been divine sciences/ and come we to speak of the arties of the seven sciences and of the Crafties that men made by labour of body I may name you some old men laboers romans my neyghbores and my familiar friends which been of the ground of ffabyens/ that workyn so fast and so weal that their works been nevir greater ne better as then when they be present there at/ be it in sowing corn & greffing trees or in gathering the fruits and putting them in the garners/ that is a thing more marvelous that these old men which have hope to live but a while labouryn so greatly in sowing corns of divers greynes in planting & in setting trees & in greffing trees to bring forth divers kinds of fruits/ and also in gathering of them again/ And in leying up such provisions/ & though things necessaries to live with all. how be it that in other men which hopyn and trust long to live by them/ it is a less marvel so greatly for to labour in such business But ye may say that these old men labourens so fast for they thenkyn the use of their labours joyeth them greatly/ for that say ye/ there is no man so old/ but he weenyth that he may live a year longer/ forsooth Scipion and Lelyus/ that that ye say is somewhat true/ But old Caton answereth/ men labouryn in things which they know that to them it appertaineth not/ nor shall not appertain in any wise/ fforthies old men set plants and greffyn trees to bear fruits of divers kinds/ by cause that they do profit & being forth fruit to men that after them shall come and not to them silf only that settyn these trees/ As saith stacy an author of our city in a book of his which men namyn Sinophedys in which he speaketh of the age of men or they have berdys'/ fosoth said stacy/ the labourer how be it that he thenkyth he is old he dare we'll answer to him that demaundith and askith him for whom and to whom he settith and greffith the trees/ I set them said he to the goddys' immortal and not to me ne to them that by mine elders in age which anon shall die That is for to undirstond I plant trees to the men & build castles towns & horses for to dwell upon for cratures which shall be borne after my decees/ And also I set and graft these trees to the service and profit of the goddys'/ which only would not that I should receive of my predecessors these trees/ but the goddies would that I should gift them to such that after me shall come as is before declared and said/ Scipion and Lelyus apposyn/ forsooth Caton better speaketh the philosopher Cecylius/ then did the labourer of whom thou spekyst of for Cecylius said/ of an old man which thought yet to live by a great age/ By god said he/ dame old age/ if thou shuldist not bring with the any other vice or any other default of felicity and blessidnesse when thou comyst thenne is age/ yet thou bryngyst a vice & a default/ which sufficeth to the disconforting of misery and unhappiness/ that is to wit/ that in living long time the man seethe many things which he would not see/ and also he seeth many things which he desyrith greatly for to see for his syngler joy and pleasire And also it is true that a man being in adolescence of young green age falleth oft-times in things of displeasing/ and such/ that he would that he had not seen them/ Scipion and Lelyus opposyn/ forsooth Caton the philosopher Cecilyus said of old age a thing is no more vituperable and loathing/ then is the same that he seeth here before I hold said he a thing that is most wretched of all things that men may feel and perceive that in old age/ how an old man is hateful and lothfull to any man/ be it also of an old man or of any other age Caton I answer you that the old man is not hateful to another/ but is glad & amiable/ for as the old wise man hath delectation with the adolescence/ and in young men/ which have in them some tokyns of resemblance and showing to be good and worthy of noble courage in time/ to come to great worship/ and that old age is softir and more joyous when old men been hawntid and loved of young men/ Also young men and adolescent have joy to receive the commandments and techyngys' of old men by the which young men been introducid and informed to the study of virtues and of good works which makyn their old age ioyfulle and amiable towards the world/ You two young men Scipion and Lelyus I understand that ye be glad & loving toward me/ therefore I cease here after for to say any more of this matter/ for ye see and understand weal how old age no more thenne other age is not languishing nor seek nor slothful nor ydyll/ But namely old age evir workith and labourith and doth and maketh ready evir somewhat/ that is to wit such as he did & exercised in the aages precedent if ye ask me what old age labourith/ I answer you that old men learn something ovir that/ they know/ as we hire by the histories that Solon one of the Chief seven wise men of Athenes that after their decease were called philosophers/ glorified him to have learned in his old age the science for to make verses in metyr after the measure of time and number of syllables and Solon said that he become old every day in learning somewhat as I have do that have learned as I said the letters and the language of grece as willingly and as desiryngly as he that drinketh covetously and largely of the cup that would slake his thirst that he bore long And know ye that I have learned the letters and the greekish language by cause that I might know by the grekisshe histories the exsamples/ whereof ye see me to use in this book/ And as I have herd say that Socrates a grekisshe philosopher had in his old age learned for to play with musical Instrumentys with strengys' as is of harping and luting and such other manner Instrumentys of music I was moved to that/ that I should also learn the play of Instrumentys of music as I learned the letters and the grekysshe language/ for the ancient noble men philosophers for the comfort and solace of old age learned to play in instruments of music with strengys'/ and therefore I did put my study and my labour for to learn and know the letters and the language of grece in my great age/ Here endeth the second part and the first destynctyon of the book of old age/ And aftir beginneth the third part and second distinction which Caton answereth confoundith and reproveth them of the second default of vituperacyon opposed against old age N the number of the ffoure causes here above rehearsed/ where by how/ & in what wise old age seemeth to be noyous & lothly/ the second distinctyon contained the cause why old age seemeth to be myschaunt noyous & wretched/ that is to wit by cause that it maketh the body seek & fell/ wherefore I answer you Scipion & Lelius that forsooth I desire not for to have the strengthis now of an adolescent young man after that I am become an old man no more thenne I desired when I was an adolescent young man to have the strengthies of a bull or of an Olyphant/ A man aught/ we'll for to use in every age of that thing that nature giveth him/ and also it appertaineth that thou do all things aftir the measure and after the quantity of thine own proper strength and not to usurp and take the unto greater things then thou mayst not nor hast no power to execute/ for it may not be said more abominable nor more spiteful word than was that which was said of a champion called Milo which was of crotoine a city of grece which Milo than being old as he saw the mighty champions and wrestelers which proved and assayed their strenghties by divers manners in the common place that was ordained for to do such maystryes'/ This Milo as men sayen/ looked upon his arms and said with weeping teries/ forsooth these arms and and these sides be deed/ But I tell the Milo that thine arms and thy sides for whom thou wepist fore/ been not so deed as thou art thyself/ which is but as a japer both faint & feeble/ & forsooth thou were nevir reputid noble for no wisdom/ nor for no virtue of thine own might and courage/ but thou hast been worshyppid and set much by for thy strong arms and for thy strong sides when thou didist wrastill against other men/ this Milo a man unworthy and unnoble of little reputation for any wisdom that he had/ but for his strong sides and the brawnies of his bonies and synewies/ which from his adolescent young age accustomed and used to bear upon his shoulders a young and a little calff/ which aftir grew and become a great and an huge ox/ and by thaccustoming & use that Milo had to bear it from youngth/ and when he was light it was nothing grievous to him for to bear it/ after that he was grown and become an ox/ heavy great and huge/ The old Emilius which by six times was consul at rome/ weeped nevir in desiring again the strength of his youngth/ as did Milo the Crothonjoys/ also no more did Titus Cornutatus/ which by many yeris was borne before the said Emilius/ no more did also that old man Publius Crassus/ which all three as consuls ordained to the cyteseins of rome the rightfulle law civil for to observe and govern the cities & the people/ of these three old men that their wisdom ascended in increasing & continued unto the last spirit of their lives/ Scipion demaundid a question and askith/ if any old agid man being an orator or a pletar that is to wit an advocate learning the law for admynystration of justice if it be to doubt that he may err or fail in damaunding or asking his reasons by the default of voice & of matters covenable & necessaries in purposing and uttering before a judge/ fforsoth the office of an advocate is not only in clearness & subtilty of wit/ but he must have in purposing his matters & in declaring both in good reasons of eloquence & wit a demure countenance & bodily strength for to speak couragyously well & wisely & also attemperately/ after as the causes of the matters shall require/ As if the matter be comfortable/ then to purpose it with a joyous spirit/ & if the matter be dolorous/ lamentable & piteous/ than he must purpose & declare it with lamentable speech & soft countenance Caton answereth & saith that voice which is temperate soft and demure of sweet eloquent speech purposed/ which hath be exercised in the orator/ that is learned in his youngth/ It shineth and flourisshith parfyteli in the man when he is come in old age which is so syngulere a thing that I know not the cause of it/ but as a virtue given to him/ and as ye know I have not lost the voice of sweet eloquence both acceptable and favourable/ and yet ye see that I am/ lxx/ yeris of age/ But nevertheless if ye will know why the voice that is soft and demure showeth acceptably in the mouth of old men/ I answer you that the speech of the old man fair of good eloquence if it be courteously peasybly and temperately uttered/ the wit and the sweet language of the wise old man maketh him full often to have great audience and favour of the hearers/ And if thou which art old have peraventure some reason so long or so hard for to pronounce or plead which thou mayst not accomplish & fulfil in speedy time/ nevertheless thou mayst honestly command to such young men as been Scipion & Lelius/ that they uttir & speak for the/ & the aged man's office is to minister his sage counsel by his instruction to the young orators studying the laws/ whereby he may the more sadlyer ground his matters to a good conclusion by his great wisdom/ for there is nothing more joyful to studienties lerners than is old aged men approved/ in cunning which be accompanied/ & felisshippid as amongs young men which have appetite & courage to study & learning/ for to obey to the commandments of old men/ And we old men leave some things which we might weal do after the strength of our years to th'intent by cause that young men been by us taught & informed/ for to excercise & for to do all honourable office by/ There is no work nor occupation more noble & more commendable than that by the which old men teach young men to excercise & to do all honourable office/ And certainly me thought whilom that these unoble old men of worship/ Gilyus' Publius & the two Scipions thy grauntfirs & Lucius Emilyus & Publius Affricanus were full blessed/ fortunate & happy/ whenthey were in the feliship of the noble young men romans which of the said old men took thexamples of virtues/ for me aught to thank that all old men been full blessed & fortunate which been masters & teachers of good conditions great wisdoms and profitable sciences/ And how be it that the naturel strengthis lacken & faillen in old men nevertheless that lacking cometh more ofter by the vices & outragyousnes of young age than it cometh by the vices of old age/ for the age of adolescency outragyous & evil disposed/ & intemperate/ yieldeth & causeth the body to be feeble & unwieldy in old age/ for where as Cirus king of pierce was full old/ he confessid by his word that he had/ at the time of his death/ that he felt not/ nor neuir perceyvid/ that he was in any wise become old by cause of old age/ no more than he was in adolescence as telleth an historyographe a chronicler called Exenophon/ I remember me that when I was a child I saw an old man consul roman called Lucius metellus/ sithen that he had be iiij year the chief of the bishops of rome after that he had betwies consul/ he was hool & vygorus in understanding & he dwelled in that dignity of sovereign bishop by xxij year & in so good strengthis he lived/ to the last end of his age/ that he ne required nor desired nevir te return again to the state & age of adolescency/ It needeth not to me for to say any thing of my silf how be it that this book that we make is the work & process of recomendyng of old age & which appertaineth to our age that be old men as be they of whom we have spoken/ You also may see how Nestor one of the kyngys' of grece techid & informed/ & set before the exsamples of his wisdoms & virtues in a book that Omer the poet made of the battle of troy/ Nestor at that time when he preached & taught his virtues was thenne in the third age of man for he was upon an hundird years & yet he made no doubt but in recomendyg him silf/ he semid to be full arogaunt & auauntyng & nevertheless he recomendith not only himself/ but the poet Omer him praiseth also of his great virtues/ for certainly said Omer of the tongue of old king Nestor stilled & droppid a language swetter than honey/ and for to speak that of his sweetness of language the said king nedid not of strength of body/ and nevirthelesse the king Agamenon duke & leader of the battle of grece against the Trojans asked/ nevir ne required/ to the goddies immortell/ that he might have x such knights as was the young/ Ajax's by cause that Agamenon might the rathir discomfit the Trojans/ But the duke Agamenon askith & requireth to the goddies that he might have uj such old men as was that king Nestor & Agamenon said/ that if he might have uj/ such old men/ he doubted not but within short time troy should be take & destroyed/ But in leaving to speak of myself that am of th'age of ffourscore & iiij yeris/ and forsooth I would that I might magnify & avaunt myself of that same thing/ whereof Cirus king of pierce glorifieth & vauntyth him/ saying of himself/ that he felt nevir nor perceived that he was in any wise become feeble by cause of old age/ no more than he was in his adolescency/ But algates I say this of myself/ that now I am not of such strength as that I was at that time when I was knight in the battle punic in aufrik/ or at that time when I was consul in spain or four year after that I was tribun of the romans knights & fought nych to the mountains called thermophiles that departen the perces from the greeks/ & at that time when marcus attilius regulus was consul/ But as ye see Scipion & Lelius/ old age hath not enfeblid me of all & wastid my body/ and also ye see that the court & the parliament of the senators askith not nor desiren my bodily strengthis/ that is for to understand but for to counsel the things & the causes publikes/ for the common profit which concernyth the common welfare of the city to be weal guided/ it needeth not to the expedition of the things that I be strong of body/ but only it sufficeth that I be prudent & temperate/ just & strong in courage/ also the sieges of the auditoryes of the judges which I occupy & excercise requyrens/ & demand not that I be strong of body/ nor my friends nor my servants/ ne though that occupy & haunten mine house/ asken not that I be strong of body/ for without any great strength I may do my devoir to speed them/ And know ye Scipion that I nevir conscented to an old proverb/ that many men approuen & commend/ which amonyssheth & signifieth that thou be comyst old hastli if thou wilt long be old but I had/ lyner that I were not old than I were old/ or I should be/ by naturel age And forsooth there is no man that might yet/ take or say against me how I have been occupied & as said to be old/ or I should have it after course of nature/ & true it is that I have less strength of body/ thenne any of you twain/ And also none of you two have the strength of this captain roman called Titus poncyus/ and how be it that the said Titus have greater strength than any of you two/ yet he is not therefore stronger in virtue by cause that any man ougth to be reputed and accounted/ for strong/ It sufficeth only that in him be temperance of strength/ That is to wit that he undirtake not the thing which he may not perform/ And also it must needs be that every man enforce him and put him in devoir to begin that thing which he may perform/ and if every man will tempre & mother his strength so as I have said/ he shall have great desire & plesire in his strength as I shall show you by thexample following/ The worthy knight Hercules and also the men of grece ordained/ from iiij/ to iiij years in the mountain of Olymphus the highest of the world justyngys' turnementies & wrestlynges in the worship of their god jubiter/ Thenne it fortuned/ that a champion called Milo of crotoyne came in to the place & in the circuit whereupon men made these plays/ he bore as men say a beef called an ox upon his shoulders by the space of an hundird paces/ So I question the Scipion which strength haddist thou liefer to have either the strength or the wit of the philosopher Pythagoras/ or the strength of the said Milo/ ffinally I tell the thou owhtist use of the bodily strengthis which is one of the goods of nature in the mean time when thou haste them/ But when the goods of bodily strength been no more in the/ then thou shuldist not require it nor ask it save that thou mayst say peraventure that the adolescenties which been in the third age owghten to desire & ask after the age of pueryce which is second age/ & by that he is the ferthir from death/ Therefore I tell the Scipion/ that when men been somewhat entered & come within adolescence/ which is an age fructuouse and profitable/ they to require it and to ask it/ And not puerice called childhood which is without avail and profit The course and the weigh of age is certain and determined by nature/ which hath only away which is simple & is nothing different more in the one than in the other/ But each go by that simple and determined/ weigh after the degrees in their course from the one age in to that other/ And yet nature had yeven to every part of age his own proper season and time/ and her partynent course of usage in kind/ That is to wit/ that sickness and malady is propered to the age of puerice in childhood/ & cruelty is approprid to the age of youngth/ worshipfulnesse and sadness of manners be appropered to the age of virilite which is is the fifth age/ Moderaunce and temperance be propred to old age/ Eueriche oweth to have somewhat naturally and appropered unto that/ which may be gadird in his time I would Scipion that thou wouldest give me audience/ & I shall tell the what thing did old Masimissa one of the kyngys' of auffryk/ which was our enemy and also he which was Lelyus fellow/ when thou foughtist and discomfitist in battle Siphar/ the king of Munyde/ This Masimissa which was of age xxiv years when he began to walk on foot/ he would not skipp on horseback/ & when he road an horse back/ he would not light down during all that voyage/ he was nevir constrained for to kevir his heed/ for any rain nor for any wind or wedyr were it never so cold/ This old Masimissa had in him a sovereign dryness & leenesse/ & also he fulfilled & mayteyned all sovereign officis & all nobleness pertaining unto a noble court & to rial puissance/ that is to wit to be a treasurer a countroller and a steward or else a Grant maystir in a kyngys' or in a princes court/ By this then appeareth that the excercitation/ the frequentation and the attemperance that a man keepeth in his young age/ may keep in old age/ sumparte of the ancient strength which was before in the body Some may oppose me/ that in old age there be no strengthis/ and I answer to that/ there is noon old man that askith to old any strength or any work that be done by strength/ By this appeareth then that after law Civil and after ancient ordinances by statutes & custumes of a land/ our old age aught to be busied/ occupied/ and medeled/ with public offices of dignities or pryvees/ as to be counseillours and governors of cities and towns/ so that they be such/ that men may excercise them without bodily strength/ And by that we old men be not only free to do that/ which we may not/ neithir we namely be constrained to do asmuch as we might do/ But Scipion thou myghtist oppose me against old age/ that some old men been so feeble that they should not mow execute nor do any public office of dignity or prive pertaining to his living/ I answer the that this vice is not propird to old age/ but is to common vices of sickness and of nonpower of feebleness of body Thank Scipion how feeble was Publyus' africans son/ which brought the up and adopted the as his son Thank how by a little sickness he was enfeblid/ which and it had not be come unto him/ he should have be the second named in prowess and renomee in acts of marcialle causes after the noble ffabyus for the son of Publius ovircame & in renome surmounted his ffadir by justice & rightwiseness & science using/ whereof he had the more in his courage to minister & excercise There is no marvel then if old men be sometime sekely and feeble/ sith that it was so that they of adolescenties age/ and namely young men may not eschew sickness of body/ Therefore I tell you Scipion and lelyus that men must resist to old age by cause that they might eschew and put away dissolution sloth and ydeluesse by diligent labour and study/ And men must in like wise by excercitation and by study fight against old age by cause that it fall not by no vicious living/ like as by provisions and remedy of good dieting/ men fight and preserve them against sickness of body/ Old men owen to have in old age such conduit guiding and measure by moderate excercise of labour/ as seek men use to have/ therefore it must be advised that old men usen of small and light excercitations and of temperate labours/ Hit must also be counseilde that old men eat and drink meets of light and good digestion/ so that the strengthis and the bodily virtues be replete and susyned and not stopped/ by surfetes of hard meats or by surfeit of drinks/ And it needeth much more to succour and help to the thought and passion of the soul & to the courage of old men/ by cause that by the succour that he doth to such thoughts and the mind of good remembrance fail nor lessith not/ and that be he couraged/ as he may excercise & occupy him in the things pertaining to old age/ for as the light of a lamp quencheth & dieth/ but men put in sum oil/ to the quantity that it lessith/ So the thought in which is the mind of man & the courage of heart/ wherein is the wisdom/ rest stint and fail/ but if they be socourd with such comfortable thing of pleasyre/ and comfortable excercitations of merry communications as is in recording & reading the books of vertu/ and cunning in chronicles and histories of their noble predecessors and bring them so again to more perfect remembrance after that men have red them/ And it is certain/ that as their bodies so aaged been waxen/ grieved and weary by pain & labour/ So their courages been sustained/ and relevid by excercitaci/ on of use of study of memory and mind keeping/ for when Cecylius the poet in a comedy of a merry book of his saith that old men been sotties called/ othirwise Fools/ for he saith that old man without exercitation of reading or hearing good histories/ they be disposed lightly to believe all the things or tale's thowh they be not profitable to them that they here say/ by cause that they have no deeming in them/ and also they be forged full by replection of cold & phlegmatic humours/ and the more by cause that they have not exercised in age the virtue of remembrance/ and also they been noyous and dangerous strange for to please without having of moderation and temperance by cause of weakness of their complexion/ been disposed/ more to sickness then they were in youngth these three sicknesses come not to a man by cause of old age/ but they been the vices of the nature of old negligent age/ as is sloth and sleep/ And as to wantonness/ & fleshly delectation it is more the vice of young men thenne of old men/ and also wantonness is not only the vice of adolescente men/ but it is the vice of evil disposed adolescent persons/ and such aged fooly which men callyn out of reason misruled or sotted at some seasons/ which condition cometh to some old men Hit cometh to such old men that were light of courage in their youngth/ and were not stable in wisdom nor in study/ Appius of whom I have spoken before was a worshipful priest of the temple of the goddies of Minerva/ he being blind and old governed his four sons/ which were full grown and strong men/ and his five doughtirs and a great houholde and great feliship he kept with ontyn any help/ & without counsel save only of himself/ This Appius had his courage lent and given to wisdom and to good memory as it had be above/ and to whom the bodily strengthies failed/ yet he was nevir submyttid to old age/ but he entendid to study and to public business and prive/ as in giving good advices & counsel to such as had Rule and governance of/ to minister justice & in keeping good household/ Appius old and blind held sovereign rule and domination had upon his subjects and servants/ for they bore him reverence and doubted his puissance/ his servants dread him/ his children obeyed him/ and all though that haunted him loved him/ & had him in great worship & favour/ and this Appius was of courage vigorous/ & as a man given to great watch as it was in his ffader/ and also he had and used the doctrine of him Therefore I tell you Scipion and Lelius that the old man is to be pleased/ and with honest to be reverenced/ so that he defend him with the yefte and treasures of memory/ by study and by exsamples/ by authority by reverence and by the other arms of virtues living and of sciences/ Old age is honest if it hold and keep his divine law/ by which it is withdrawn for haboundoning and withdrawing from taking himself to vices if it be weal fornysshed and supportid to his troth and complexion by which he liveth after temperance & reason/ The old man is honest and good if he make him governor and enfourmer of his children & of his main & servants unto the last end of his life after his authority & to his puissance/ fforsoth so as I approve and praise the adolescent man/ which hath in him some thing pertaining to old age as is temperance and sobirnesse/ Also I comende & praise the old man which in him hath something pertaining to youngth/ as is some strength of body and constance of good courage The man that followeth that/ which I have above said he may be old of body/ but he shall nevir be old of courage to exercise good deeds/ I Caton which am old have now betwixt my hands the seven book wherein I treat the birthis of the ancient people of renomee of ytayle/ In this book I gadir to gedir all recordable process of eveery noble cause that I have purposed/ and studied sore to please by advocacye before the senators and other judges of rome that is to wit/ like a sergeant of the law or the kyngys' promoter or speaker of his parliament or his attorney generalle ora pprentise of court declareth & pledith his matters that been committed to him of these causes/ I compile and make now orations propositions & pleas by which I show the form and manner to you to purpose and plead here after pleas and causes in demanding and asking right and justice to be mynistrid or in defending a wrong/ surmised in causis crymynelle and civil imperiale which is the common law in rome used/ I Caton which am old treat/ and compile now a divine book of a law by the which I teach how and by what cause men should make the arguments by reasons and writyngys' of philosophers and clerks prenostiques for to come/ that is to wit the divynations for to know the doubtuouse thing/ and uncertain/ present and by example as by constellations of coniunctyons and aspects of the seven planets and by eclipses aswele of the son as of the moan & by the introites & entrees of the son in to the xii signs of the year passidor for to come as very pestelences/ dearth of cornis oils and wines/ and impressions of the air of great coldies and heties/ dryness or moistness great storms & winds/ I treat also the right law of civil/ causes & the ordinances of high dignity of bishops and presties how and in what wise should be deputed and ordained to them/ as in obedience and reverence that serven to the great goddies of the temple/ I in making these things a foresaid/ use much of the books of the greeks philosophers I use much/ also of the manner of the disciples of the philosopher pytagoras by cause to excercise my mind of remembrance/ for so as the ministers and the scholars of Pythagoras learned the arguments and the speculatyf of science of divers connyngys' by the space of v year/ and by other five year after that the said scholars studied her doctrine without speech made to them but by the thought and study speculatife practising upon the seven sciences that they had learned of their maistir before/ And than by ten year after/ they had ability and licence to inform and teach other scholars and studienties/ Also I record and remember at even/ all that I have said/ and all that I have herd/ and all that I have do the day precedent/ such be the excercysynges and works of my wit and also of my thought/ whiles I travaillid and laboured in these things above said/ Therefore I desire not greatly to have much strength of body only/ but I am ready to my friends if they have need of me/ I come to the senators and to the parlementies & to open courts accompanied with the feliship of my brethren and friends/ I bring with me such matters and processes that I have long before thught/ also I defend my process & matters & also affirm the process after as the causes shall require before the senators/ not by the strength of my body but by the power and strength of my wits and the courage of my heart/ That is to wit/ by counsel by deliberation by authority and by wisdom/ and if I should not mow execute nor bring to a due end the matters and processes of my own/ as of my friends/ Nevertheless in lying and resting in my bed I would delight and enjoy me in thenking the good conduit of these things how be it I that should not mow speed it incontinent/ but I have so demeaned me/ and lived in time past that I might both speed in doing mine own process/ and also though of my friends matters before the senators and other officers of justice public within a reasonable time/ fforsoth he that liveth and endurith in such studies and in such labours alway as I have lived/ he may not understand nor feel in what time old age hideth him silf within him/ And by that undirstonding his age/ little and little groweth & becomith old without that the man can neithir perceive nor feel it/ and so his age is neither brousyd ner broken suddenly by old age/ but his age straineth and faileth by the length of the time or he know it/ Here endeth the third part and second distynctyon/ and aftir beginneth the fourth part/ in the which our Caton answereth and confoundith the third vituperation of default opposid to old age/ and beginneth in latin Sequitur Tercia distinctio/ etc. after the forseid two reprevis & defaults alledgid and opposid against old age/ Now followeth the iij vituperation & default by the which young men say/ that old age is noiouse/ myschaunte/ & wretched by cause it hath almost no fleshly delectations or sensualitees/ as for to get with children and issue to increase and multiply the world/ To whom I answer forwith/ that it is right a noble gift reward & the right great worship of old age/ that it be sequestered/ deprived/ and discharged of the delectations of sensuality of the body or fleshly lustis/ for if it be so that old age be prived and sequestered of such delectations/ It had takin away from us old men/ that thing which is right vicious & right foul in the age of adolescence & youth/ And neverthelesshe my right good and loving young men Scipion and Lelius/ a ancient senator purposed an oration/ that a philosopher called Archites made which was take of Haniballe duke of cartage when he werrid in ytaile/ he was recovered by Quintus ffabius the noble senator when he recovered tarente/ take by the said Haniballe/ Archites was principally a great man cunningly learned in sciences and in virtues and was right famous and noble/ this oration purposed/ which archites made was yeven to me/ when I adolescent and young of age was at tarente with the said ffabius/ and by this oration said archites that nature which ordained to men complexions/ gave nevir no pestilence pain nor tourment/ more damageable to young men than is fleshly delectation/ the covetous playsirs of delectation moven tyce and steeren men over boldly and without bridle of reason or shame or any restraint to execute and make an end of their foul lusts/ for thought/ delectations been made and conspired treasons divisions and dissensions of countries & the destructions of their common profit/ and the secrets of parlementies disclosed to our enemies and adversary party/ there is noon untruth/ there is noon evil work/ but pleasyre of delectation which shall constrain men to incline thereto/ by cause that they enjoyen out of measure of spousehode breaking & that so fervently/ The cause of defouling of maidens virgins the anontry of wedded women & all such corrupt untrue works/ which been nevir moved nor undirtakyn/ but by the insolence & wantownes & wenlacies of fleshly delectation/ Archites also said/ that as nature by power/ of which god hath yeven to men nothing bettir than is the soul/ by the which they have understanding & mind/ all so to that soul which is an office & agift divine/ nothing is so great enemy nor so contrary as been fleshly delectations/ for sigh delectation & fleshly pleasure have domination in the region of man/ That is to wit in the courage of his body/ the virtue of attemperance may not be lodgid therein/ & wthin the region of man which is yeven to delectation may not abide any wisdom nor virtue/ & by cause that this thing may be understand/ Archites would that some should fain & imagine in his courage & conceit that some were moved by some delectation of body as great as any man might prove it & know it then/ There is no doubt said he/ but while the man is given to such sensualite/ which shall enjoy of that delectation as plainly & as largely as any man might enjoy of it/ that then he should not mow demean him in understanding nor in mind/ neithir he should mow be of power to undirtake any thing of woryship nor profit to perform by reason nor by any good avise/ And therefore said Archites/ that there is nothing so cursed nor so infortunate as delectation of body unmeasurably used/ And if the delectation which is little & short/ were greater & longer/ it would quench and bring to naught all the light of the courage and of the clearness of the life/ And know ye Scipion and lelius/ that one of mine hosttes called Nearcus Citezeyn of tarent/ which had be long in the friendship of alliance of the people of rome/ said that he herd tell to more ancient men than he was/ that the said Archites pronounced the words here before wretyn in disputing of delectation with Gayus Poncyus ffader of the said Archites and citizen of Sannice a city of Poyle/ This Poncius was so worthy and so manly that in a battle made before Candy he discomfited two consuls romans/ That is to wit Spurius Postumus and Titus veturius/ & Archites disputed of delectation in the presence of the philosopher Platon an Athens man/ That is to wit a clerk of Atheenes that thenne was come to Tarent so as I find by the reporties of Lucius Canubus & of Appyus Claudyus consuls romans/ if ye ask me to what intent/ the things that I have here disputed against delectation draw and stretchyn/ I answer you that they belongen and drawn to th'intent that ye understand that if we men may not despise & flee delectations of body by mean of reason and of wisdom/ we should greatly thank old age sith that he may do so much/ that fleshly delectation should displease which is uncovenable to any man young & old/ Delectation of body letteth the deliberation of good counsel/ It is the enemy of reason/ It shyttith fast & closeth the eyen of the thought and courage which containeth understanding and ready mind of remembrance/ Nevertheless delectation hath no bargeyne with virtue/ I caused once almost great maugre mysilf by asmuch that I castid out of the college of the senatous Gayus fflamyneus brother of Titus fflamyneus consul of rome/ after that the said Gayus had be seven year consul to the intent that I should show that he was vituperable and defamed by cause that he followed delectation of body unmeasurably/ for where as the said Gayus had be by the romans sent as consul in the country of galls/ and he sitting at board was exhorted by a rebawde stotte of his/ that he should do smite to the heart with a dagger one of his prisoners condemned to die/ This Gayus scapid to be deed by sentence/ but he lost his office of consul by the sentence of his brother Titus being thenné judge of Rome/ which before me had be next consul/ This delectation is so evil and so damageable which so was reproved by me and by flattus at that time consuls romans/ Sigh that the same delectation was in a man which had such syngler reproof and such defame and shame/ and the which with that was in lordship and in dignity of offices/ other of like degree and worship or beneath her degrees/ ought right greatly pondre and consider in their mind/ to put away such fleshly delectations/ I have often herd say of our ancient ffaders/ though things which they at that time when they were children had herd say to old men/ That is to wit that where as a cytezeyne of rome called ffabricius herd a cytezeyn of the country of Thessaly say/ that in the study of Athenes was one Epicurus which called him silf a philosopher/ & maintained an opinion/ that all things that we do in sovereignty should be chief comendid & reported to delectation of the body/ Of that opinion the said ffabrycius marveled him/ & to old men recounters said/ that Marcus curyus & Titus Cormicacyus hiering/ that which I have said before/ They two which in time paste had habondouned & disposed them to sensualite/ and to delectation of fleshly lustis/ they were wont to desire that the opinion of Epycurus should be in semblable wise exhorted affermid & said to the samytoys & to king Pyrrhus their lord/ by 'cause that the samyto is & king Pyrrhus enemies to the romans should be abandouned and disposed to the delight of lechery/ which feblith & taketh away the bodily strengthiss of the body/ This Marcus curius/ which in his time ordained him unto delectation that he had lyvid & conversed with Publius decyus that lived virtuously and chastely/ and by five year before that the said Curyus was consul/ the said Publius decyus with plain will of good courage habandouned & offird him to the death for the salvation of the public weal & common profit of rome thenne when that he was consul the fourth time Gayus ffabricius & Coruucacyus knew the good knight decyus/ these twain ffabricyus and Cornucacyus might certainly judge & dame aswele by the conversation as by the noble deeds of decyns/ whereof he saith that sum thing is naturally so fair and so precious & noble/ that it must be sought & desired with plain heart & effectuell desire And that thing so fair & so gracious is noon other thing but laud & fame of virtue/ which is such that for that cause every right good & weal disposed person aught to despise & rebuke delectation of the body to th'intent that he use laud and praising of virtue/ Therefore thenne ye may ask and demand why I have said so many things of fleshly delight and of lechery/ wherefore I answer you/ that the blame and the shame is not only enough/ But namely it is the great laud and praising of old age that it desireth but little fleshly delectations/ Old age chargith nevir of dyetes nor of divers dainty meats nor of tables richly and diversly arrayed nor of many gardeners drynkys/ old age will not be full of win often for doubt of sickness/ Old age will not suffer the aching of the belly as is the colyk or of the stone or costyfnes/ which cometh of taking somuch meet and so often/ that it abideth raw within the stomach/ Old age desyrith not waking in the time that nature hath ordained to sleep/ Albina be it an aged man is greatly disposed to wake against his will/ fforsoth the philosopher Platon which spoke diversly in a matter that delectation attempted by evil disposed men/ that layen the bait & the snare to delight aged men in replection of lustis & meats not helefull to them/ & by cause that men be taken & deceived by the bait set in the hook or angle as the bird is taken in the snare/ how be it that old age would have no meats ne his etyngys' excessively/ algates they may delight in dainty meats and in small feedyngys' and temperate diet/ At the time when I was young I saw often an old consul of rome called Gayus duellius which was the first that discomfited by navy and ships upon the see the aufricans/ when he came from supper and dinner he oftentimes delighted in the instruments of music as playing upon strengys' of haps/ and such like melodies and in hearing the sown of pipes and trompys/ Also he had takin only for his delectation and solasthies two plays without/ that he had seen any ancient men to delight or disport them with any other honest solas/ and that licence and use of honest delectation had duellius by cause of his glorious victory/ by the which he discomfited them of aufrik/ But it is not need also to remember in what things the other old men token their honest delectations/ Therefore I shall come again to speak of myself/ for from mine youth I have always had fellows and acqueynted of virtuous disposed men/ And after that I was in the office of questour at Rome/ I was ordained in the feleshipps and acqueyntances of young men/ And in that same time the romans received of them of ffrige/ the manner to sacrify to the goddess/ Berchinchia which is the great mother of the gods/ I drank and eat with my fellows temperately and measurably without any excess/ But within me was yet an heat of youngth/ but in as much that it procedith evir in approaching & coming of mine old age/ all the delectations of the body it appesith and softeth/ And know ye that I did not rek nor took any charge/ more of the delectations of meats and drinks of wines/ not only for the delectation of my body/ but in specyalle that I did more for the delectation and contemplation that I took in the feliship of my friends/ and also in their reasons and their wise and friendly communications for the solace of my soul/ And consider ye Scipion and Lelius that our ancient ffaders of worship/ which have set their names as a brethirhede or a gild to such assembles named/ at the feast that is weal and properly called in latin Conuivium/ which is desired prayed and gaderd/ of friendly people in drinking and eting at table as they would themselves say or desire/ that the feleship of the same company/ ought to have a customable and a continual assembled life at convenient days assigned/ The grekisshe people said not so we'll of such festis making/ for in the stead of such companies and congregations they said/ that it was ordained for to eat and drink to gedir/ as the said greeks would approve/ and say that such eting and drinking as swooned to delight principally in meats and drinks/ is the lest thing to account amongs the company of friendship showing and friends/ Therefore I tell you Scipion and lelius that I delight me in covenable things weal ordained and approved feasts by the delectation that I have to speak with my fellows and friends for our solacies and comfort/ and that they have with me/ and yet I delight me not only with mine of age/ for now there be of them right few that be living/ but I delight me with them of your age and also with you/ I own also to yield great grace thankyngis and praisings to old age/ which hath increased/ and multiplied in me the desire to speak with my fellows & friends/ But if ye ask what is my sentence/ if some old men deliten them in eting and drinking/ I answer that by cause that ye think not that I would move were & dyspleaser against all delectation by cause that no man should use of it/ know ye Scipion and lelyus that I understand not nor will not/ that old age be destituded of his natural lufte/ and desire by any thing that it mynysshith and bessith all the delectations which as be in drinking and eting/ for to some men befallyn paravenre some delectations which folowyn and continue with them naturel manner founded/ and grounded in honest of conditions/ for I take delectation to have the dignities and offices ordained by our predecessors/ I take delectation in the words of the master steward or of the botiler of the house/ when he prayeth me or commandeth me to dine or take a repast for his lord or his masters sake orellies to drink for some man's sake after the custom be of our predecessors/ and also I delight me in the standing cups half full of cold wine/ after the custom that an author of grece called Exenophon wrote in a book of his named Simoposium/ in which he treateth and showeth how men shude make their drynkynges' emongys' friends and fellows/ I delight me in summer time to feel the cold wind/ and also in winter time I delight me to be one time in the son shining/ & another time to be at fire/ fforsoth also I follow these delectations a foresaid when I am in my village with the sabynoys my neyghmbours/ and I make every day meetynges/ stevens/ and assemblees of my neighbours when I am at sabines/ and we endure sometime long for the most that we may at our meetyngys'/ till a great part of the night be passed/ as in speaking of many things & of divers matters And if thou say Scipion that the delectation of bodily delights/ is not so great in the courages of old men/ that it might steer them or move them to lechery or other sensualitees of the body/ for if these delectations be over great/ it should thenne seem that thou shalt desire nothing/ but that it be angwisshouse and sorrowful in courage/ The philosopher Sophocles which for cause of age was feeble/ answered weal and pertynently to one that asked him if he used any more of delights of lechery and of sensualytee of the body/ I pray god said Sophocles/ that he give me fortune to desire better things/ for I have with draw fro me/ and fled away from delights of lechery as a man should flee and withdraw him fro some strange lord mad or furious/ And know ye Scipion and Lelyus that it is peraventure chargeous thing & enoyouse to young men that be covetous of the delights of lechery if they may not enjoy them/ But to old men that be weary and replete of such delights/ it is more joyful thing to be sequestered/ prived/ and quited/ thereof than for to use and enjoy in that/ how be it that they be not deprived of bodily delights/ that they desire them/ nevir I say thenne that it is more joyful thing to desire not the delectations/ than it is for to have them/ but if the age of good and honest youngth use of these delectations/ it is used more gladly first of some little and small delectable things as we have said here before/ And after that the good young men delighted/ them in this honest delectation/ wherein old age useth not habondauntly and plainly of bodily delights/ yet be they/ not all for that prived nor for boden thereof/ as ye may see by this foresaid example There is a man at rome called Turpis Albinius which playeth and counterfetyth the pagenties/ when the poets singen interludes in plays or tragedies of sorrowful lamentations/ or other ditties in verses/ in the place called the scene or the teatre/ the tent or pavilion/ he than which is in the first stage nigh the pleyar/ hath great delectation in the words & in the countenance of the pleyar/ But also he delighteth therein that is in the last stage and in the ferthist of the tent or plaing place/ Also I tell the Scipion that the age of adolescency which looketh nigh the delectations/ gladith peraventure more than another age doth But also old age which seethe from far the delectations/ he taketh a delight in it/ asmuch as it sufficeth/ But and ye ask/ what arn worth the young delectations that old age taketh/ and which be so ferr from the body/ I answer you that these small pleasures deliten not the body/ but they deliten the courage which is the most excellent part of a man/ The small honest delectations as old men say/ maken the courage to be mightier and to live longer and strength the man/ for then ceesen the wages and sawlde of lechery/ of coveting/ of contemptions of strives/ of enemytees/ and of all covetyfe/ as it be falleth/ like as it cometh to knights and to chief officers which after sixti yeris been dischargid out of their offices and comen to rest/ There is thenne nothing more joyful than is old age/ and honest idleness and resting/ so that it have feeding and refectyon of study of sapience and wisdom/ and some doctrine for to teach to other though things that he had learned in young age/ Remember the Scipion by how many times we saw that worthy man Gallus familiar and homely with thy father which was so old/ that it seemed that he should die/ and yet he continued by delectation in the study of geometry and astronomy which be two sovereign sciences for to meet and measure the proportions of heaven and the earth and of the distance in courses of the sterrys/ and of her coniunctyons' oppositions and aspecties by the sixth part iiij part or third part in aspecties casting her lights and influences from other/ and what the said coniunctyons and aspects signyfien upon things to come/ as heat cold/ rains dryness/ and winds/ derthes/ pestilences/ & other infirmities/ And to know the convenient days and times of ministering of medicines/ as laxatives/ digestives/ expulsifs/ and retentifs/ and the days called Dies cretici & dies of prenostikes of good determynations/ of the passions of a man's sickness or the contrary/ Remember the Scipion by how many times this Gallus by delectation hath begun by night some conclusions of these two sciences so long that the day came unwarely upon him/ and oftentimes he wrote and studied ending to the night/ and yet had he begun in the morning/ he took great delectation for to tell us the effects of the eclipse of the son and of the moan long before that it should come and befall/ Thou wottest also how Gallus delighted him in study of light sciences called trynals'/ as be grammar logic and rethorik in comparison of the quadryivall sciences/ as ars metryk for numbers/ Geometry for mesurs/ Music for singing/ and astronomy for divinacyons/ as is before specified/ But they be sharp and subtile/ and ought to be in virtuous men's learning weal disposed/ Thou knowist also how that old man Nenyus delighted him in a book which he indited and made/ of a battle done by the romans against them of cartage/ Thou knowist also how the poet Plantus delighted him in two comodies made in ballad and interludes that he made/ whereof the one is called Terencius & the other Sendulus/ In the first he treateth of the cruelty of a servant against his master/ and in the other he treateth of the falseness of a bond man against his lord/ I have seen also an old poet called Lenyus/ which in the study of rome taught to his scholars/ one of his fables of a comedy in ballad and interlude/ by six year or I was borne/ And yet the said Lenyus proceeded & continued in fair age unto the time of mine adolescente age/ at the time when Tonus and Tudycanus were consuls at rome/ What wilt thou Scipion that I tell the of the labour and of the study of the old man Publius lucinius/ which wrote and treateth of divine law after the which the bishops and priests of the temple aught to sacryfie & to serve the gods/ Lucinius also wrote and tretid of law civil aftir which men must govern and rule the cities and countries/ or what wilt thou that I tell the of the labour and of the study of this Scipion Mysica now an old man all ready to depart from the world/ which now hath be chosen and ordained the most greatest bishop of rome for certainly we have seen all these which I have remembered to the/ that were old men having a sharp and a fervent desire in intending the occupations that I have said/ in the which they had pleasyrs and honest delectations/ Thank also Scipion in how great labour of study I saw full busy this old man Marcus Thetegus to whom the poet Ennimis called him his sweet honey/ by cause that his book was so retoriquely made/ and was of the said Thetegus indited/ by fair and sweet language in eloquent terms/ which enforced men hiering his purposyngys'/ to incline and bow them to believe all that he had purposed and told/ You may thenne see and know/ what be the delectations of meats drinkies and of plays/ and also of folissh women and ribalds/ to regard of weal disposed people of sad governance/ and how great in comparison of the moralle virtuous men/ that be disposed for to study for the advancement of the common prouffite and of other seven crafts of sciences wherein the wise old men that I have named above/ delighted greatly/ fforsoth these studies of doctrine and of sciences followed & followeth the wise men weal ordained in conditions/ And also these studies of doctrine have been and be such that they encrecen and multiply semblaby & equally with the aged men/ in so much that the good and honest sentences said by the philosopher Solon that is proved true as I have said afore/ This philosopher Solon said that he became wise in learning alway many things by study/ which he nevir had known before/ There is not forsooth not greater delectation/ than is that/ by the which the wise old men learn somewhat by excercise as did the right wise philosopher Solon/ Aftir that I have spoken now hire of the studies/ and of the occupations wherein wise men and letterd have had/ and may have honestees and pleasirs and delectations/ I come now to speak of delectations that wise old men may have in labouragys' and culture & approwment of lands/ wherein I delight me more than any man would or might believe/ Old age letteth not the delectations and the great joy and pleasirs that grown and come of the labourage and tilling of the lands/ and they be such that as it seemeth me they be right nigh neighbours to the life of a man/ leading the life of a philosopher/ for wise old men proceeden by naturelle reason in the labourages and tilling of lands/ and the earth refusith not nor disobeyeth the naturelle working to the comaundementis of the wise old men labourers/ for the earth hath received/ and is sowed it yieldeth nevir without vsure of manifold working the same/ That is to wit that the earth yieldeth the double as the second greyn the third/ and the iiij until the viii greyne & not only the simple again/ But the earth in some time yieldeth that/ which he hath received of the greynes and seedies in less vsure of increase/ and some time in multiplying increase greater/ And how be it that the earth yieldeth that/ which it received/ with vsure of increase/ nevertheless the fruits of the earth deliten me/ not only in that great encrece/ but namely it delighted and joyeth me to know the virtue/ and the naturel growing and working by the which the earth gendrith things necessaries and healthful to men and to bestis/ And when the earth receiveth the seed sown in his lap softed and beddid/ then it is closed first and syttyth fast so that the seed be covird by the instrument of the plough/ or by the harowe/ and in the time/ in which men sown seedies and covern the corn/ for that cause/ it is called the time and season of sowing/ according to the custom and nature of divers countries/ after that the seed is heeted/ by the naturel moisture of the earth and through the heat of the son/ and also by the spraynture of dewies of nourishing that the earth doth to the seed/ and to the planties which is with all covird/ the earth brekith and casteth out of that seed an herb growing green/ which puttyth and spredith within the earth small roots/ the & stokkes of the stalks grown and wexen after great/ little and little/ and aftir riseth and cometh in to a spring and a stalk full of knots/ and wh●̄ne it cometh to the first ears and buddis/ it is closed with small leaves like heres/ and after that the seed is remevid and gone out of these leaves/ it castyth an ere in which the wheat corn or other greyns been ordained and renged ordinately in such wise that one corn putteth not out that other/ and by cause that the small birds shall not lightly eat nor waste the corn/ the ere is armed with the closing of prickis/ In which things to know and to excercise and occupy/ The old age may take great example of naturel working and honest delectation/ why should I remember the delectations and pleasirs that old age may take in considering and knowing the nature of the wines/ the manner of the settyngys' and of the shredyngys' and cuttyngys' of it in season/ for to th'intent ye know the rest and the delight of mine old age/ I tell you that I may not be weary nor fulfilid of the dlectation that I take in the labourages of corn and of the wines/ I leave to tell what delectation old age taketh in knowing and considering the virtue & the naturel strength of all things that be genderd on earth/ for of a small grain of a fig or of a little small pepin or kernel of a roysyn or of a small corn of wheat or of any other seedies or of some small wands and braunchis the earth engendereth great trunks and great trees and bows/ I demand you Scipion and Lelius if the new blossomys and buddies of the vine/ if that the sapys that men settyn again to the shredyngiss that men cuttyn of the wines charged with grapes the roots which spredyn aswele without as within the earth/ and the planties that thicken the vine/ yeven not only delectation Enough and pleasirs to the old men/ so that they will consider in merueiling them of the things a 'bove said/ O thing may give to old age honest delectation/ that is to wit how the vine/ which naturally falleth down to the ground/ but it be undirsett & sustained/ it mounteth & groweth high/ and all that it ovirtaketh it beclippith and embraceth with his tenderness so as if it had the craft & hands And the labourers of the wines after their craft/ art & reason/ kepyn that the vine grow not/ but aftir reason nor out of measure/ for they cut it with the vine hook/ when it draweth or hangeth upon the ground/ or when it departed excessively in divers and crooked branches/ by cause that the vine be not to thik by ovir great branches & that it stretch not in to many parties/ And at the beginning of the season of veer & of springing/ the vine groweth to the branches which be left in the stocks/ & in the knots of the braunchis cometh a water that men call jennue/ whereof after that sewith the burgeon whereof the grape cometh/ & this grape which by the moistness of the earth & by mean of the heat of the son beginneth to wax great and is at the beginning bettir and sour to the taste/ and after that it is ripe/ it showeth sweet/ and then it is clothed with leaves whereof the grape receiveth the heat we'll temperately/ and also is defended and kept from to great brenning of the son/ I see not forsooth how any delectation might be more joyous nor gladder than is the fruit of the vine nor fairer for to see/ And know ye Scipion and Lelius/ that so as I have here before said the fruit of the vine maketh me not only to have delight/ But namely the labourage & the nature of the vine in burgeoning such delicious liquors closed in grapes/ deliten to me for to see/ the rengis of the stakes that sustain the vine/ to bind or end equally as the other to attach and bind every timber & branch to his own proper stake/ & the growing of the wines and the cutting of the branches Whereof some arn take away for to brenne & the other be kept/ for to set again in other places/ which makyn to me great delectations and pleasirs/ It needeth not that I tell what delectations and pleasirs be to old age/ the donging and the dyghting of the lands with the superfluity that is voided of bestis and sheep/ that men make to be spread in a field/ by which doonging and composting/ the fields gladeth/ the ground wexith more fructuous and plenteous/ What needeth that I seek of the delectation that old men may have of the profit that cometh to dung and fat the lands and fields/ I have spoken of donging of lands in oon of my books which I have wretyn to the labourage of the fields & of the doonging of the lands/ A wise author called Hefredus said nevir one word ydely nor vain thereof/ when he wrote his book of earth tilying/ that men say of the labourage & tilling of the fields/ But the poet Omer which was as me seemeth by many yeris before Hefredus/ which was one of thoo that taught the manner for to labour and till the lands and fruits and the things that grow of it/ After whom Uirgile the poet wrote a book called Giorgika That Omer by his verses saith that Lacertes king of ytacye in grece/ ffader of king Ulixes had right sweet pleasure in oon of his sons/ which laboured the culture of the earth tilyeng & donged oon of his fields/ whereof it was the more joyful & more fertile & plentevoꝰ in multiplyeng of corns & fruits/ And know ye Scipion & Lelius that the things & werkys & business of labourers of the lands & fields be gladsome & pleasant not only by thincrease of wheties & cornis/ nor by the meadows full of grass nor by the wines full of grapes nor by divers small & young trees bringing forth fruits/ But also the things & the works of the labourers be gladsome & delectable/ by the gardens full of divers herbs flowers & seedys'/ by the curtilages gardyns & orchards planted & grieved with divers trees/ & by the nourishing & feeding of bestis in fair green meadows & pastures/ & by the hives of bees keeping & norisshing of them which makyn wax & honey/ by a marvelous working of their kind/ & by the dyversitee of all flowers & of divers colours of roses/ And not old men have delectation of the trees that they set/ or that they do to be set/ but also they deliten themsilf to set a tree/ & grief it upon annothir/ which is the most subtle & most artificial thing that evir was found by labourers of the land/ And now I will tell many delectations & many pleasirs which be in the labourages of the feeldys'/ But the delectations that I have above told be longer and more durable than be the other which I leave to tell/ I trust Scipion and Lelyus/ that ye shall pardon me by cause that I am a long speaker of an earth tilleir in telling the delectations which come & grow of the labourages of lands/ and to th'intent that it seemeth not that I would defend & make old age to be free of all vices/ I tell you that old age after nature & kind/ speaketh and determineth more than any other age/ And for to have such delectations/ this noble man roman Marcus curius would were out/ & endure forth to the end of the remnant of his old age in labourages of lands after that he had received at rome the honour & the worship of triumph for the victory that he had of the Samytois of the sabynoys & of Purrus king of Epirotes/ the which the said Curius descomfited by bateyll/ when I consider the village & also the great labouring in lands/ of the said marcus curius/ which be nigh unto mine/ I may not marvel to greatly of the perseverance of the said Marcus curius/ nor of the study & solicitude/ which he had in his time about the things pertynent to labourage & tilling of his lands/ It fortuned oones that the said Curius sat by his fire/ to whom the samytois had brought a great some of gold for to make him a present thenne/ But Curius the worthy man being full of noble courage refused their yift so presented to him & set not by them nor of their gifts in gold/ & said to the samitois/ that it semid unto him naught/ though it were rich & right a fair sight nor it is no noble thing to a governor of a country to have a great heap or a quantity of gold all only/ But it was right fair & a more noble thing to a sovereign captain using were for to be lord of the men within the country that have gold & other riches/ Tell me Scipion & Lelius/ if ye thank not/ that sigh marcus curius had so great & so noble courage in disputing of covetise & refusing gifts and rewards/ he might weal have but gladsonmesse & mirth of his old age/ which is only joyful/ when the old man knoweth him silf to have lived evir weal & virtuously/ & hath had his desire in wealth & worship to live in delights profitable & honest/ But I have much to speak of the delights & pleasirs that old men have/ in knowing/ using & hawnting the labourages of lands/ And of this matter I speak by cause I go not to ferr fro mine occupation which am a labourer & a tiller of lands in mine age/ Whilom the senators/ that is to wit the old romans/ which dwelled in villages upon their lordships'/ And at the time when Lucius Quintus thenne an old man eryed tilled & laboured in oon of his fields/ a messenger was sent to him & denounced him as to let him wit/ that the senators of rome had by their election chosen him for to be dictator/ which was at rome the greatest of the offices as chief judge of the land to admynystre justice to the people/ And by the commandment of this Quyntus dictator Gayus seruylius thenne master of the knygthis at rome/ slew a knight roman Spuryus melius/ which stood about knights armed by cause that the said spuryus would take to him the governance of the ream of romans/ men called also in semblable wise Curyus of whom we have spoken for to bear office of dignity to assemble and come again to Rome with the senators aoccmpanyed/ After that time when he had dwelled in his village upon the approwing of his lands/ & the sergeanties that summoned & called auncien men romans to the senate for to be counseillours for the common profit/ were named journey men & riders/ as messengers pursivauntes and sergeaunties/ Therefore I demand you Scipion & Lelius/ if the old age of such as delighted them in the labourage of lands seemeth unto you to be wretched or lothfull/ I say after my sentence & avise/ that I know not if any old age may be better ne more blessed/ than is this/ which delighteth men in labouring & approwmenties of lands/ for th'increasing of fruits of lands tilling/ which by his avise is not only profitable & wholesome to all mankind/ but the labourage of lands is good & profitable & healthful to his body/ by the delectation in excercising the tilling of hymsilf/ It recoverith naturelle heat to warm his stomach & his body as I have more ample before said/ & also the labourage of lands is good/ & profitable for the refection profit & abundance of all things/ that belongen to the multiplyeng of victual & sustenance for living to men/ Then sethin that old men desiren the delectations & pleasirs which be in the labourages & tilling of londys'/ thenne be we graciously disposed in such profitable works of delectation according to old age fforsoth in the house of a good & diligent old lord labourers have ordained his manoirs & lordships to be weal approwed by planting fruits tilling ering/ sowing/ & gardening/ & in their harvest & vindages/ with their bestis & catailles norisshing stored/ as the seler is evir stored with wines ciders & oils/ & the bernies with the garners evir stored of corns and victuals necessaries to the sustenance and living of man/ and all the villages as the tenants of the said good/ and diligent ancient lords be rich & stuffid plenteously/ & also hath great abundance and plenty of beefs & motous porkies for lard and kedys' lambies swannies partridges hennys capons & of other pullaile & of other foulys of divers kinds/ also of milk of cheesies & of honey by the bees in hives in places which the labourers of lands callen now their curtylages/ The second thought & solicitude of aged men is for to say that the labourers will/ that after the labourage of the fields be done & sped/ Thenne that men put to labour the curtilages of gardens for their herbage of herbs of divers colours & of divers complexions & in orchards making for to plant & to set trees of fruits bringing forth/ as oils pomegarnades/ oranges/ figs dates/ almandes/ pomecedres/ pechies/ apples/ perysquynces' medelers'/ chesteynes/ & other such fruits of divers kinds/ these be goods of kind here above named & rehearsed/ which come by the study and diligent occupation of agood labourer in the land/ a man may namely thank/ to be come more rich and more delectable by that occupation/ than by a business or a work which is superfluyous vain and ydill/ That is to wit/ by hawking fowling of birds and hunting of wild bestis which belongith unto young men/ What will ye Scipion and lelius say if I tell you of the delectation & pleasyre/ which old age may have by cause of the greenness of the medews or of the fair rows in which arn set the trees of divers kinds and fruits I shall tell you upon that/ my sentence in short words/ There is no thing that may be more plenteous nor more habondaunt in usage for the profit to a man's living/ nor any thing more semblable to naturelle beauty and fairness/ than is a close of fruits weal tillyed and laboured/ Old age letteth not to labour weal a close planted with fruits of divers kinds/ for their sustenance/ But namely old age sterith and yeveth courage to the old man for to labour weal the land/ for sith that in winter time the old man labourer may as readily for his health and comfort warm him to the son shining upon the earth/ or at the fire/ which is a thing more covenable to old age/ than to any other age/ Or sith that the old man labourer may withdraw him to the shadows/ or for to find the heat/ or for to find the cold/ or that in summer time he may refresh him with waters or othirwise more sykyrly/ than the young man which hath his hot blood boylling/ I say that delectation sterith and yeveth courage to the old man to labour in the lands/ then ye Scipion and Lelius may not say the contrary/ but young men have for them for their solace & worship/ their armours/ their horsys/ their speris/ pollaxis mallies/ and Instrumentys of iron/ or of lead/ and launcegayes for to fight/ And also mariners in using the see/ and young men deliten in ships bargys' of divers fashions and in rowynges and in saylling in waters and rivers and in the sees/ and some young men usen the course of voyages in going riding and iourneyeng from one counttre to another/ and among many other labours of plays sporties and of divers solacies/ The young men also/ levyn to the use of old men/ the play at the tablis and chess/ and the philosophers play by number of arsmetrike as is made mention in the book of ovid de vetula called the reformation of his life/ But we demand the Caton/ if the old men may goodly use and when we be old of these two said plays of the tablis and chess/ I answer you nay/ for without these two plays olnde age may weal be stuffid and fulfilled of all other goodness pertaining to felicity and to blessidnesse/ Now it is so that old age and each other age using of discretion aught not to do any thing/ but that it draw and be long to virtues and to blessidnesse in stead of plays at tables and at chesses/ You Scipion and Lelyus may read the books of the philosopher xenophon/ which be right profitable to many things And I pray you that ye will read them so as ye do now all ready/ and read diligently how Xenophon praiseth moche to labourage of lands in a book of his named the book of Economike/ wherein he declareth how the man aught to govern keep & approwe his own proper lands and goods/ And to th'intent that ye understand the some of the said book/ which the philosopher Xenophon made/ Know ye he saith/ that to noble & puissant men in worship & to rialle astates/ there is nothing so worthy nor so welbecoming them/ as is the study and the craft for to labour and approwe the lands to be plenteous/ for the life of a labourer as it is said/ is like the life of a philosopher/ in so much as he serchith and enquereth the causes naturel whereby the land thorough burgeoning might be fertile and plenteous/ and also his labour is continual and profitable to all creatures and so it aught to be of every king and prince and other states of noblesse/ and yet there is no craft nor any work so leefulle nor so honest to a king or to a sovereign/ as is to provide and ordain the labourage of the feeldys'/ for namely in battle the hands of a labourer be more harder and stronger to endure/ than of any other man/ The philosopher Socrates in one of his books in which he speaketh with the poet Tritobolus/ saith that litil Cirus king of peer was excellent in wit and glorious in earthly lordships'/ In the time of that king Cirus/ a man of the city of lacedomone in grece called lisander/ which was a man of right great virtue and nobleness came in an ambassade for to see the same king Cirus/ at that time being at sardes his city/ to whom Lisander brought clotheses of gold & rich jewels from the lacedomonies and from the cities adjoinant that were of his feliship/ And Socrates said that this king Cirus was full benign and curtays to the said Lisander to come to his noble presence/ and received him worshipfully and liberally in his rialle palais/ and for his most rialltee in such richessis that he delighted most in/ not in treasure of gold of precious stones ne of other great richesses that he had great plenty/ he delighted not therein/ but in the richesse of tilling and labourages of lands and fruits of trees of divers kinds he showed him a close wallid all about diligently and cunningly laboured/ tilled/ planted/ and set with trees of divers fruits bearing/ where as Lisander merueilled him of the length & beauty of the trees & for their right renges planted and keeping a measurable order in dimension/ which trees were set five foot one from another/ and also Lisander merueilde him of the aleyes and walking places and the ground of that close was so weal pared/ doluyn and made clean/ set/ and planted/ with herbs of divers kinds of sweet flavours and odours excellent of beautes in levis flouris/ and colours/ for the softness & the sweetness of aromatic savours came out of the flowers of divers kyndys'/ as of violetties rosemarynes maiorons/ gylofres/ basiles lillium convallium etc./ He said to the king Cirus that he merueilid not only for the diligence and study of him that had laboured it/ But he namely merueilid of the subtility and craft of him which had compassed and ordained by due measure the setting and planting of the trees of that close/ Thenne king Cirus answered to Lisander/ forsooth said he/ I have myself ordained and measured all these things of this close/ and also I have compassid and proportioned the renges of them/ and many also of these trees that ye see here/ be set and greffid with mine own handys'/ And Socrates' telleth that Lisander in looking upon the gown of purpur of king Cirus/ and the clean beauty and goodliness of his body/ and the array which he bore in the manner and wise accustomed of the country of pierce/ which was wevid with gold thick/ and with many precious stonies garnished and richly couchid/ and purposed in these words to king Cirus/ fforsoth said Lisandre/ men seyen rightfully & truly that thou art rich and fortunate happy and blessed in thy life/ for to thy virtue & nobleness royal is conjoined to gedir fortune and worldly felicity/ by cause that thou employest the and occupyest to labour the fields to be rich and plenteous/ wherein is the principal part of worldly blessidnesse/ Sigh than that of these fortune and blessed disposition which king Cirus thenne old/ might leefully use and work in londys' tilling/ and that he delighted him therein to make his ream plentiful and rich/ I tell you Scipion and lelius that it is leeful to the old aged men of high estate as of other mean degree/ to use and to take delectation in labouring the lands/ and yet it is true that old age letteth not/ but yeveth old men might to maintain continue and perform unto th'end of our age the study and by counseylling the offices of divers crafts of all things to be wrought and to be done and specially in labouring of lands/ for forsooth I have herd say by the old historyographes/ that a noble old man roman called/ Ualerius Carninus used the life of a labourer unto an C year of his age/ and all though he were of long & of perfit age/ nevertheless he dwelled in opyn towns and in villages and laboured the lands Betwixt the first office given him in rome and the sixth consulat of this Ualerius was xluj years by revolution of yeris/ and anon after that same time he was judged to be an old man/ And by that great age/ he was named unable to have public office of rule and governance of cities and towns or for to be a captain to make were for the defence of the romans/ But which men may understand that after the number of years that auncien men ordained/ which was from childhood unto the beginning of old age/ men might endure till that same number of auncien yeris to have offices and dignities in rome/ for old age began after the ordinance of the romans and not after the number of yeris/ and forsooth the last age of this valerius was more bettir and more blessed/ by cause that it had more authority and experience in the office of labourage of approwmenties of manoirs fields and lordships/ If ye question how I prove that authority/ by the most high thing that old age might have his very experience and excercise/ You know it weal Enough in considering what was that old man roman Lucius Metellus the most great bishop of rome which by his great authority and wisdom defended Postumius consul of rome/ that he should not go for to make were in aufryk/ in leaving the sacrifices in the old law deputed and accustomed of Mars god of battle/ whereof it fortuned that the said Postumius in obeying to the authority of Lucius metellus the bishop left the said entrepris of his were making though it had be committed to Postumyus as consul of rome/ You also may know how great the authority had be of old men by the same that was subdued in the noble roman Actilius Catilinus/ which was the prince and lord of the people subdued and conquered as many men consenten and as it appeareth by all the versis of the title graved and wretyn upon his tomb/ This Attilius thenne was by right a man authorised/ that the fame and name of all the Romans consented/ to writ upon his tomb his title of renomee in worship and in praising of his victorious deedys'/ Consider ye Scipion and Lelius of what authority was Publius Crassus the most great bishop of rome/ And after him Marcus Lepedus which had the same dignity/ which both we have seen of great age/ What will ye that I tell you of these iij noble romans Paulus or of Affricanus or of ffabyus Maximus all iij old men/ of whom the authority was not only in speaking and in counseilling/ But they were of so great authority/ that it was obeyed to that which they would have done or sped/ so that they had showed it but by signs and tokens/ Old age honourable hath in it principally so great authority that it is of greater power than be all the delectations of young age/ But remember ye Scipion and Lelyus in all this my present book that I praise and magnify that old age/ which from his beginning is ordained and arrayed by the fondementies of adolescency which be in divers doctrines of sciences learned and in excercising of honest occupations and crafts instruct and exercised By which I show you that the silf old age is but lewd and wretched that defendeth the authority of it only by wordys'/ and not by virtues & sciences learned studied conquered/ and won in young age/ as I said it once in oon of my sentences/ to the which all the philosophers of rome accorded/ The white hairs and the ryviling chier of the body of an old man may not win suddenly authority nor worship/ but the age passed/ before the old age/ taketh his lafte fruits of authority/ That is to wit/ that the virtues and the sciences of the young men resceyven not hold worship nor full authority till old age come on him/ that his wits be stablished by/ fforsoth there be seven things pertaining to the worship of old age/ which semytth to some men to be light and common/ by cause that they belongen to all good old men/ which been these/ The first is that it pertaineth that the other young men all be it they be great in dignity to salue and make reverence in all places to the old man/ men aught desire the felisihp of the old man for to learn of him and to have his counseille/ Men aught in every place to give room & audience to the old man in the felishipps where men treten and comenyn of public offices upon matters for a common profit or a prive/ that be syngler causes to be decysed/ Men aught to rise soon anon before the old man and bow them in obeying him/ Men aught to follow and go honourably and worshipfully after the old man favour and abide him when it needeth/ Men aught to lead and guide them honestly/ and bring them again from the places that old men have for to tarry/ Men aught to demand question and inquire of the old man counsel & advise upon chargeable matters and doubtouse things for to wit which be for to do and which be for to leave/ And all these worship's belongen to old men/ which be full diligently kept/ among us romans/ and also in other cities towns and villages after that which be right weal founded and grounded in good conditions and the same custumes duly observed The histories of the greekys sayne that the wise man Lisander of the kingdom of lacedomonye in grease of whom I have now late made mention/ where he was wont for to say that the city of lacedemone was the right honest tour or dungeon or castle of old age/ That is to wit/ In the city of lacedomone old men received right great worship and right great authority in dignity/ for in no place save there/ men made not somuch worship to old age and was not more honourid and worshipped/ than it was in the said city of lacedomone other wise named sparta/ And know ye Scipion and lelius that we remember weal that out of the city of Athens was come thither aged men of worship and degree for to see games and plays/ There was no man of all the citizens sitting and standing in that great place that would give place and room to the old men of Athens for to set them to be hold and see the plays/ Thenne these old men considering that noon of citizens had not made them no place/ they withdrew them a part from the Teatre called the Tent and stages where as there sat in a certain place ordained some men of the city of Lacedomone/ which were come unto Athens as legates called Ambassiatours/ and the histories sayne that all the men of lacedomone ariseden from their sieges and received the said old men for to set the same old men by them/ And after that they/ which sat in the tents had right greatly praised and recommended the men of lacedomone/ which had yeven place to the said old men/ And one of the men of lacedomone said hearing them that were there/ fforsooth said he the men of Athens known such things of reverence and/ honour belonging to be done after right and gentleness/ but they will not do it/ O ye men of lacedomone I come to speak of you for I have known that in your company and feliship/ and in your college be many things right noble and worthy to be told of and put in remembrance/ But the honour and worship due and belonging unto old age/ whereof I speak now is found principally in your feliship/ for after that every man hath more in age emongys' you men of lacedomone/ he is holden and take for the principal/ and the first place to him assigned in the assembles and in places and public counseils/ and giveth first the sentences upon the causes questioned whereof men spekyn and come to be counseylde upon the dignity/ And the reverence and the religion be so straightly kept among the men of lacedomony/ that not only the old men be set before them which be in worship and dignity/ But namely the bishops and priests more aged be set before the Emperors and princes less aged/ Now may ye know that men of bodily delectations aught not to be compared with the rewards of authority of worship/ which is due and yelden to old age and if some have to greatly used of this bodily delectations whereof I complain me/ It seemith me that they have not performed their age/ but it ought to be told for a mok/ and for a fable/ by cause that in their life days they have made no profitable thing vaillable to endure by them/ which over much have used of these delectations tomblyn and fall in their last age/ That is to wit in old age which is to understand/ not as jouglers' mynstrels and players turnyn and tomblyn up so down in the last end of their plays of maistryes for disports making by the which they aught lightly to be excused/ But the men which so long have used/ of delectation that they leave it but as a fable and a v●nyte/ They aught to have no mercy nor be excused/ But some may tell me that old men be slow and soft/ angwisshous/ and heavy/ angry and soroufulle/ variant and mystrusting/ and if we seek weal the conditions of old men/ we shall find as ye say/ that they be also nygardes and covetous/ But I answer you Scipion and Lelyus/ that their vices which ye name here above/ be the vices of the conditions of corrupt & evil custumes/ and be not the vices after age/ But algatis this evil slowness of body & the other vices that I have said which semyn to be found in old age have appearance of some excusation which forsooth is not just/ But it is such that it seemyth that men may prove that it be reasonable/ Men may yet oppose me that old men trowyn and imagine to be dispraised and mocked of young men/ And with that all office and every dyspleasyre be hatefulle to old age/ by cause that old men have their bodies freel and sekely/ by which they may suffer noon offences of displeasure nor wrethfull But I tell you Scipion & Lelius/ that though old men weenyn to be dispraised and mocked and offended of young men which things arn divers & hateful to old men/ nevertheless if they be purueid of good conditions and virtues & of good sciences as they aught to be the things aforesaid shall seem them sweet and light to bear and to suffer/ for though the mind be purueid of good conditions and virtues and of good sciences/ it may not be so hard offended nor troubled/ but it appeaseth and swetith it holding him content and pleased/ as soon as it thenkith and remembrith the proper goodness that it hath in it silf/ But and the old men be not weal drawn forth in cunning and mannerly taught and wise/ the evil conditions hereabove rehearsed should be to them hard noyous & hateful/ & peraventure importable & it is not marvel though some old men suffryn & heeryn weal & softly the grievances of old age/ And that some arn inportune & weary of age/ for we may read and see like thing in the living & the conditions of two brethren gemellies called twynlynges/ whereof the poet Trecencius made a comodye called aelphis/ the which he red in the scene at rome/ for of these two brethren gendird of one ffadir in one belly at once nourished/ the one like as the other/ the one was hard sharp angry ungracious & rude/ And the other was courteous meek honest and debonair/ Than know ye Scipion and lelius that such is the ordinance of the custumes of old age/ for as every wine long kept and old waxith not eager of his own proper nature/ right so all mankind is not aygre fell cruel ungracious charging nor inportune in old age of their own kind/ though some men among many be found of that condition/ I approve & praise in old age the man which hath severity & stidfast abiding in him/ severite is continuance & perseverance of oon manner of living aswele in the things within as in them without/ But I approve not that in an old man be eagerness nor hardness & sharpness of manners of conditions/ & also I may not consceyve nor understand why avarice & covetise aught to be in an old man/ for their is no thing more unreasonable nor more folyssh/ then is for to heap greater quantity of wordily goods or of victuals in the time when the man hath less weigh for to endure & & live/ Now it is so that old age after nature is the end of the last days of old men/ wherefore aftir reason they aught less put them to thought solicitude and care for to gather more great heaps and plenty of richesses and tresours' thenne needeth/ Here endeth the fourth part & the third distinctonn of this book & aftir beginneth the fifth part & the fourth & the last distinction by the which Caton confoundith and reproveth the fourth vituperation opposid against old age/ beginning/ Quarta restat/ etc. bY cause that in the iijj distinctonn next of this book I have sufficiently answered to the third opposition/ that young age opposith against old age so behoveth now to say the fourth cause answering to the fourth vituperation of old age reproving/ which seemeth principally to constrain & forthenk our old age/ and this fourth vituperation is by cause that young age lothith/ esche with/ & saith against old age by cause that it nigheth the death/ which after course of nature may not be ferr from old age/ But oon defaute Scipion & Lelius consider ye I pray you how the old man is a keitif wretched & unhappy which that seethe not ne vnderstondith that in old age men aught not to rek nor set by neithir to be afferd of death whethir it neyheth or cometh/ for men aught not plainly to retch not of death/ but aught to defy it/ if it quench & bring to naught the soul/ as falsely saith & is the opinion of the philosopher Epicurus/ or else men aught namely to desire the death if it lead & bring our souls in some place for to be perdurable after the departing of the body/ as truly saith Aristotle prince of philosophers and also they that folowyn him/ And it is true that betwixt these two means is founden no third/ for it must needs be that the soul be deed or stint & end with the body/ or else that after the death of the body it liveth evir/ Then I/ that am an old man have no cause for to doubt the death if I shall not be wretched nor unhappy/ after the death by cause that my soul dieth with my body as some affermyn falsely/ Orellies I have no cause for to doubt the death/ if after that I shallbe blessed & joyous everlasting/ by cause that my soul needeth not nor is dead for evir after this present death And though ye oppose against old age that it be nigh the death/ Tell me what man is so great afole/ how be it that he adolescent or young of age that knoweth of troth & in certain/ that he shall live till eve/ and for to excuse moreovir the iiij repreef & default alleged/ I tell you Scipion & lelius that young age inclined to excess & to outrageousness hath more causes of death/ than our old age/ for young men more lightly fallen in sekenessis/ they be more grievously seek/ they take health more latter & with greater danger/ And for this reason few men may come to old age/ And if the age of youngth would leave the excess/ & the great outragyousnes of surfeits/ & would follow the temperance of old age/ the young men should live better & more wisely/ for in old men is grounded with sad purpose advis reason & counsel/ And it is certain that if there had nevir be noon old men/ there had nevir be no cities towns ne villages edified nor no comynaltees of men living/ rulid & governed to the common we'll after justice/ And by cause that I have said shortly that young age falleth more lightly in sickness & in parel of death/ than doth old age/ which hath be cause of a disposition for to edify cities & towns/ & justly to make & ordain assemblies of men/ and people to govern cities & towns & countries/ I begin now & torn again how young age opposith that the death is the neighbour of old age/ And for to tell the troth there is no shame nor repreef to old age by cause that they be nigh to death/ for ye see that if the death were just cause of blame and of reproof/ that cause should be common to the age of adolescence and also to old age/ And as ye we'll know I had a right good son named Caton as I am/ And thou Scipion also haddist two brethren young men/ which after their evident merits should/ have be in right great dignity preferred/ That is to wit consuls of rome/ as many oon trustid and hoped/ which three decessed in their young age/ where by I have understand and perceived verily/ that death is common to all ages/ But ye may say that the man adolescent & young hopith that he shall live long/ & after that a man is old he may not have such an hope/ Therefore I answer you that the young man hopith foliously/ if by cause of his young age he wenith to live long/ for he is not certain thereof nor knoweth not the truth/ Now there is nothing more folly thenne is for to have & hold the doubtuose things as certain/ & the falls as true/ & if ye oppose against old age that the old man hath nothing in him whereby he may hope to live more/ I answer you Scipion & Lelius that by this thing is bettir the condition & the estate of the old man than of the young man/ for the young man will live long/ & the old man hath lived long/ how be it that in the life of the man is nothing long by the ordinance of the goddies which to mankind have set necessity & need for to die/ I will Scipion in considering how old men lyven that thou telltst me how it is true that every man have some last time assigned/ Consider we Architonius king of Tarse which is the principal country of cilice/ This Architonius as I have seen written in histories reigned four & twynty year And lived six score yeris/ But know ye Scipion and Lelyus that forsooth there is no thing that seemeth to me long/ sith it hath some last end for when that last end cometh/ the time and yeris of great pains and labours/ in youngth in great adventures which before be passed is then escaped and run all together/ And than abideth only in the remembrance and mind the merit/ which thou hast conquered by thy virtue and by thy good works done in time passed/ which aught make the glad which haste ovir scape all the jeopardyes and aventuris as weal in battle as in divers and many other ways perilous aswele on the see as on the land/ The hours of the time of our life/ and the days/ and the months and also the years passen and come nevir again/ And also the thing to come may not be known/ by no man nor in what place & in what estate he be after the death/ Every man aught to be content and pleased of such hope of time/ as god had yeven him for to live/ And for to show how and why the man aught to live/ I would that ye know that as the poet maketh not only by verses of a fable in his comedy called an interlude to th'intent by cause that it please to him that playeth it in the game/ But the poet maketh only his comedy and/ interlude to th'end by cause that in every pageant he be praised and commended of every man after his play/ And the wise man also aught not to desire to live/ till that he say/ That is to wit/ I will no longer of my life/ for a short and a little time of age is long for to live weal and honestly/ And if it fortune that thou live but a short and little time/ thou owhtyst not to have any more forthynkyng nor sorrow than have the labourers of the lands/ which have no forthenking nor sorrow/ by cause that the sweetness and softness of prymetemps called veer and springing time be passed/ And that the time of summer and of autompne called harvest be common/ for though the labourer see and smell gladly the odours of fresh flowers and herbs in prymetemps nevertheless/ he is glad for the time of somyr in which ripyn the herbs trees and fruits of th'earth/ And for the time of autompne and harvest in which he gaderith them to gedir he putted them in the barn and in the garnere/ Now aught ye to know that the perymetemps signifieth the age of adolescency or of youngth which showeth by signs of prymetemps bourioning and springing what fruit shall turn and do to the man in his time to come/ And the two other seasons/ that is to wit summer and harvest be profitable and able for to reapen mow shear and gather the fruits together to the use of men/ And also it is true as I have beforesaid that the fruit of old age signifieth the mind and remembrance and the abundance of the goods/ which before have be made ready and conquered by virtue of good works/ and for to prove more ovir that for to die in old age/ is noon harm nor repreef/ I tell you Scipion and Lelius that all things that be made after nature aught not to be accounted nor reckoned amongs the goods of the man/ Now it is so that there is no thing that is so moche according after nature as is/ that aswele men as other things growing by kind dyen in the time of their old age/ and yet it is certain that death cometh to young men and adolescenties/ which is against kind & out of nature/ where by the death is to them more painful sorrowful & hard/ And by that the adolescentes & young men as me seemeth dyen like as old men/ which quencheth a strong & a right great fflame of fire/ by casting in of moche water/ and old men dyen as a fire which stinteth and wasteth itself/ or as a candle/ & the match in a lamp of oil consumeth without doing violence & without any force & strength/ I make eft sons another commparison of death/ which cometh both to young & old men for as the appils & other fruits hanging on the trees be by force plucked in the mean time whiles they be raw & new & when they be ripe & melowe by the heat of the son they fallen of with their free & plain will/ & so the death taketh away by her violente force the life of young men/ and the ripeness of old age taketh away the life of old men softly and without force/ And this death which cometh by ripeness of long age is so joyful and so agreeable to me in so much as I shall apply and come more nigh to it in a convenient season/ The death is also to me noon other wise joyful or agreeable/ than should be to me the die land/ if me thought that I should see it when I seyle in a ship or swim in the see to the port or havyn/ And that it were likely that I should come to the port or haven after that I have seyled and vyaged long upon the see/ That is to wit that death/ which cometh to the wise man after long age/ is like the port or haven that men see from ferr in seyling upon the see which doth great joy when men be upon the river in to the haven ward and to have take their port salve/ for the dread of the parels and dangers of rokkes sandies and great tempests be than passed changed and turned in saftee and rest/ How be it that the five first ages have their end and their term/ after certain number of yeris/ Nevertheless old age which is the last hath no certain term/ And yet thou mayst rightly live in old age in the mean time/ & as long as thou mayst perform and defend the works of life/ and the offices in which thou art yeven unto/ So alway that thou doubt not death though thou live long/ whereby it fortuneth that namely old age is more couragyouse and more hard and vigorous again all feeries and dreads/ than is adolescency which doubtith and dreadeth death/ This thing is proved by the sentence that the right wise philosopher Solon answered to a tyrant called Phisistratus which Phisistratus by violence occupied the lordship of Athens/ for where as the said tyrant demaundid of Solon in what thing/ he principally trusted/ and why that he resisted him so boldily/ Men sayn that it is true/ that the said Solon answered that he trusted in his old age/ by the boldness of which he despised death/ & doubtid noon other thing/ But I will not blame lightly them which desiren to lyven/ for the end of living is right good whilom that man hath hold thenking of understanding & hole reason and naturel wit/ certain and stable for to labour in office pertaining to life of man/ Dame Nature which hath assembled and increased in mankind a body to wyrke/ That is to wit/ the thinking and the reasons and the wits for to do and excercise the offices of the life/ she breaketh hirself and bringeth to naught high courage at the last end of age/ when nature is consumed/ So as it is in the works of nature/ in like wise it is in the works of crafts/ for the workman which hath made a ship or any other edifyce in building/ the same workman kan break it right lightly/ when it is old and consumed/ Now it is true that the timber and the matter and the bourdys' new fastened or glued be lightly dissevered/ and though which have be glued and fastened long time passed/ be broken with great pains/ So thenne Scipion and Lelyus may know that old men aught not covetously desire that short space of life/ which yet abideth with them/ and also they aught not to leave it without just and honest cause/ whereby the cause to hurt himself or short his life which by all naturel kind and by all divine reason is forbidden to every man/ sith that he may not do that/ which hath noon honest occasion/ And the philosopher Pythagoras which forbiddeth that without the commandment of god/ no man depart from the bodily life/ he useth and maketh his reason by such likeness and similitude as of a prince of the land which maketh the constable of a battle which the prince signifieth/ when he ordaineth his souldours to abide & stand in some place assigned/ for he commandeth them that for nothing they steer not ne remeven without his commandment Pitagoras by this example would say/ that without the commandment of god no man should purchase his death/ And if thou oppose and seyest against that which I have said/ That is to wit that the old man aught not to desire to live the remnant of his time/ for as thou sayst/ the philosopher Solon than old/ by express words ordained that his friends should make sorrow wepyngys' and lamentations after his death/ I tell the Scipion that the wise Solon would be lamented and bemeaned of his friends by cause that they should show that he had loved them/ and that they were evir in his love/ But I wot nevir Caton if the poet Ennyus would be holden more dear and sorrowful of his friends by cause that after his death he would not be bywailled nor lamented/ for by his verses he said/ that after his death noon of his friends should not desire him again in weeping/ & that in his service of exequyes funeral noon should weep for him/ I answer the Scipion that Ennyus undirstode hoely that men should not weep for the death of him/ nor of any other that becomith undeadly and immortalle/ after this present death which cometh to them which have lived all their life after all virtues/ Thou tellist me again Scipion/ that old men felyn in them some dread of the death/ which dread lastith by a little while specially in the old man which dieth soon and softly with little pain/ Therefore I tell the Scipion that the feeling and undirstondnyg of that dredefulnesse is such that it aught to be desired for after death it is naught/ And by cause that the soul departed with the body the which I mean not othirwise/ but what thing evir it be of the feeling of the deed of death/ we aught to have stable thenking from our adolescence/ for to live in such wise and so weal that we may despise doth withouten having of it any dread or grudching/ without this thinking no man may live in peaceable courage/ for evir/ the dread of death fleeth before the eyen of the thought/ I tell you forsooth/ that it must needs be certain that no old man may die young/ And it is uncertain a thing to know if that a man shall die in this present day/ There is no man then which may live in suertee of courage of a mighty heart/ if he doubt the death which may come and steel upon him at all hours of the day or he beware/ It is no need that I dispute long with you of death/ for to show you that men aught not to doubt it/ for if I bring to mind the wise and the courageous men of all astates and aged men/ which doubted not to suffer death for just and honest things/ I may tell you thereof many exsamples though it need not/ ye know by histories/ how after that Tarquyne the proud king of rome was banished/ and driven away and deprived of the royalme for the foul mysdeede that the son of the said Tarquyne did/ in defouling by violence the right chaste lady of great worship and renomee Lucrece wife of the noble Collatyn Citezeyn of Rome/ The duke Tarquyn had a son called Arnus which by arms enforced him to recovir the said ream and to take away the liberty and freedom of the people/ and to bring it again in servage/ But Lucyus Brutus thenne consul of rome as he which doubted not death and which for the common welfare of the city and for the freedom of rome to be had/ he would of plain and full will lose this present life/ being with the host and battle of the romans lighted upon his horse and laid his spear in the arrest and sporrid his horse against the said Appius thorough his host between two battles & in such wise encountered & coped the one with the other/ that both two were wounded and hurted with deadly wounds fill deed upon the earth/ and so by the courageous heart and manhood to overcome that great enemy to Rome by the voluntary death of the said chivallerous noble Brutus/ remained still and abode to the people of Rome their right precious treasure/ That is to wit their freedom and their franchises which were before time appopred unto them/ for to show also that men ought not to dread death/ it needeth not that I tell the history of this noble roman Publyus Decyus/ nor of his son in like wise named Studecyus' amongs them of his kindred/ he was the first which had the dignity of consulat at Rome/ and how he being consul was once in battle with the Romans/ And he saw that his host was nigh all put down/ or should have been destroyed and ovircome/ he of his plain will & great manhood ordained in his courage and in his thought that he should give and abandon his body/ for the salvation of the common profit of Rome/ Then he mounting upon his courser and his spear in his arrest spurrid his horse which bore him swiftly in to the mids of the host of his enemies/ That noble and worthy Decyus which would the health and welfare of his country and the death of himself to take/ before his death made great ●●ision upon his enemies of Rome/ Andrea after that by spears wounded fill deed to the earth/ and so through his entreprice and courage/ by the blood that Decyus shed it fortuned to the host of the Romans/ the victory against their trust and hope was had/ for when they saw their worthy prince and consul and chief of the field deed/ by his own high courage and free-will and for the salvation of all his feliship and country/ The said Romans took so great courage against their enemies/ And insured themsilf to live or die in mortal bataille/ with their prince and the field/ whereof they had the victory/ The son of the said Publius being four times consul of rome had so great & so mighty courage & thought as his ffader in following his nobles in arms and chivalry/ for his said son Publius of his plain and free-will of a mighty courage in martial causis advancing hymsilf upon his enemies in battle in defending the noble romans he abandoned his body and his owen proper life for the salvation of the common profit of the romans/ And this is a noble example/ that so aught such chivalerouse knights put them in adventure for their prince and for the defence and safeguard of a ream or country being in servage/ for to show also that men aught not to doubt the death nor dread to depart out of this present life/ It is no need that I tell you of one of the most noble princes of good remembrance Marcus Attilius first a labourer of the lands/ and after elect consul and connestable of the battles of rome/ which by many a time ovircame and had the uppirhande and victory of the men of cartage mortal enemies to the Romans/ and at last the noble prince by changing of fortune was take prisoner in to Cartage/ And for the deliverance of the same Marcus Attilyus out of prison/ then an old man/ the lords and governors by cause they undirstode his great manhood as a victorious prince against them/ and how he was worthy in renomee & to be worshipped for his manhood/ and how also he was of so great age/ that he after though days should be of easy power of bodily strength to make any more were against Cartage/ treated him & desired/ that he should for his deliverance out of prison/ make to be redeemed/ delivered and recovered many of their young lords knights and Gentiles of Cartage take prisoners before time amongs the Romans/ And in trust thereof the said Marcus Attilius was fraunchysed out of their captivity & so relessed upon his faith promised that he should return/ He at a certain day to come again to prison in to cartage in case that he could not procure & provide for the deliverance of the said young men lords knights and gentiles of Cartage so prisoners thenne in rome/ Attilius willing to despise the death & for an honest cause of an unyversale weal of his country/ would spend both his body & his life/ considering that the common profit of rome might be hynderd & damaged greatly/ if for that his deliverance out of prison should 'cause the said young knights of cartage were yoleden & delivered again home to their country/ counseillid & willid against himself to his destruction & said to the senators of rome & also to his & wife children that he would yield himself raithir again to prison to Cartage/ though he might othirwise be relessed/ and also would acquit him justly of his oath and promise to his master captaigne made/ And though he knew the outrageous cruelty and great duresse of enprisonement of the men of Cartage thenne his enemies which when he returned freely in to prison constrained him by great duresse and pain tormented him in a pipe/ festned and stikked full of nailles rollid him and kutte the lids of his eyen that he might not sleep/ and other pains for to die by so long & cruel tourment and pain that it is not possible to rehearse it without weeping teries/ There is no need also to rehearse how that Scipion Affrycan & Scipion Asian two brethren right noble and glorious champions/ for the common profit employed & occupied all their strengthiss & their bodies/ & in divers battles aventurid them against them of auffryk/ for after the death and discomfiting of the great Pompee/ Scipion othirwise called African succedid in office after the said Pompee and was in one of the battles of Rome that discomfited by arms the men of auffryk/ after Cartage destroyed by the great Scipion And brought them to the lordship of Rome/ But where as by changing of fortune Scipion hoped no refuge ne succour/ he departed from auffryk for to come in to spain by navy of ships with some Captaignes of Rome after many torments in the see/ he and his navy by sudden tempests of winds/ were d●yuen and came again in to the country of Affryk/ And there he was besieged by Publyus Sticyus knight of julius Cesar which thenne alone occupied the lordship of Rome/ Scipion thenne would rathir die in thestate of his freedom and liberty and for to escape the servitude of Cesar as he that charged not in setting no price of his death killed/ himself with his own proper hand/ All be it that he might escape lightly enough that misfortune/ for Cesar would have been to him full gracious & debonair enough/ & after that his right noble brother Scipion Asianus/ which by battle subdued and put down the countries and the kings and the people of the parties of asia/ he made full rich increasing and multeplyeng the common treasure of Rome/ as he which hath many Triumphs and victories and which conquered many kings and princes by victory in battles/ And after that he returned again to Rome where he was unjustly accused by the excitation and exhorting of king Anchiochus/ which by false accusations & conspiracies made him to be unjustly accused and sklaundred/ and surmytted upon him forged matters/ how that he had take to his own singular avail and profit and witholden to himself great number and quantity of money and treasure which should have be put in to the common treasure/ whereupon the said Scipion was take and bound with irons & was put in derck prison wherein he ended his days without any unpatience/ I rehearse not also only of thy Grauntsire Lucius paulus consul roman/ which dreaded not the death/ but would leave his bodily life of his own good will for where as hannibal duke of Cartage Enemy to our city of Rome had assembled his host in a town of poyle called Cans/ And for to resist him and withstand/ had there coming the said Paulus thy Grauntsyre and another consul his fellow with all the strength of Rome/ three hundred noble young knights romans with a part of the host without the counsel & consenting of the said Paulus assembled to gedir & joined in battle/ In the which that part of the said host & the consul and the said three hundred knights were ovirthrowe & died shamefully/ That is to wit by default of good ordinance and out of array being/ they lost the victory & were discomfited And where thy said grauntsire Paulus saw his fellow and his host so ovirthrowe discomfited & killed/ he with the reemnant of his host advanced him in to the battle without any hope or victory/ but only to th'intent that he would venge the outrageous discomfiture and ovirthrowe of his fellow consul/ which foliously undirtoke the deed of enterprise/ in semblable wise was by mortel fate ovirthrowe and slain emongys' his Enemies/ It is no need that I tell how Marcus Marcellus consul Roman despised not his death in plain battle as a chivalrouse knight/ for without any great avis/ he with an eager heart desiring to resist against the africans and the men of Africa/ was chosen and required for to fight with Hanyballe chief prince of Cartage in the field/ wherein our soldiers romans assembled gladly and right weal cheered and stable in their noble courage/ And yet they thought weal enough that without coming again of the said Marcellus her chyveteyne they should die/ as it happeth them so to do/ for the said Marcellus would not spare his life for the worship of Rome/ advanced himself against Hanyball and was slain in plain field in the first battle or he might relieve & succour his host/ And they all with marcellus consul & chief cheveteyne of that battle died in the field in the defence of the Romans full nobly worshippfully to their great renomee/ after which their enemies of Cartage made great sorrow of their death for their great manhood they did them great reverence at their beryenges/ As I have said in my book of the birth of the noble ytalyens/ The which Marcellus so consul lying deed in the field with his knights/ the said Hannibal most cruel enemy of the Romans/ made him to be brought to earth with great worship of sepulture/ for hannibal after his own proper noblesse/ considering the virtue of the said Marcellus & courageous heart bore him so vigorously as a lion in battle which in no wise doubted the death in exposing and advancing his body & his life for the public & common profit & salvation in defending the Romans/ he did cover the body of the said Marcellus with a pall of rich cloth of gold/ after their rights custom and usage of marcialle men of auffrike/ & gave him a coronne of lauror/ & after brent him in a solemn fire after the manner of old auncyen men of worship to be preserved & kept amongs the noble men of worship/ What Scipion & Lelyus will ye that I tell you sigh the young & adolescent men/ And not only they that be introducted and informed in sciences & virtue/ living after the condition of a philosopher/ but namely the fools & idiots lothen not nor doubten the death as ye have herd me and declare in the precedent exsamples/ Thank ye thenne/ that the wise old men aught not to be afeard by cause they be nigh the time of their death And he that is full & replete of all the studies & works perteynent to every age/ he is replete and weary of the time of this life/ so that he doubt not in no wise the death as it seemyth me rightfully & as I prove it by myself/ And note ye for a good advertisement to every man for to bear in remembrance and for his profit/ That certain things be wherein pueryce called childhood/ which is the second age putteth his study and his intending in things according to his agreement/ And the adolescente men which be undir the third age desiren in no wise the things and the business/ wherein puerice studieth and occupieth/ And certain things be wherein the men studyen & occupyen them in beginning of their adolescency/ Also certain things be/ in which young age/ which is the fourth & the mean age/ putteth not his study & business in his precedent ages/ though the man had employed & occupied him in the other first ages which be smaller and of less degree/ Young age is called the age stable & mean/ by cause that it holdeth the mean betwixt adolescence & old age And cesseth than the man for to do lighe things and follies/ And as thenne or nevir the man is stable & hole in body in wit & undirstonding/ The things and the works in which young men studyen And occupy them been such/ that old men rek nevir of it/ But namely old age hath delectation in some things in his last days wherein he studieth and employeth his wits/ How be it then that the studies and the works of the five first ages dyen and cease in some time and seasons/ they in such wise seacen and dyen in the business studies and the works of old age which when they lacken in the man/ than he which is full and weary for to live in this world/ cometh to that time which is ripe and covenable for to die/ fforsoth I see nothing but I dare tell you that which I feel and perceive of the death/ for me seemyth that I may better see & feel the nature & the proprete of death/ by as much as I which am an old man am less ferr from it/ fforsoth Scipion & Lelius I dame & think in my courage that in the high heaven leaven your two ffadirs/ which have be rightfully named & noble in worship/ and my right dear friends/ also I dame in my thought that your two ffadirs lyven of oon life/ as of one good disposition/ which only & noon other ought to be called a life/ for whiles we be enclosed within these joints of our materiel body/ we use of an office containing necessity for to die/ And all so we use of a gracious work and heavy by cause that the body draweth to the death ward/ But within us/ is a celestial soul and divine formed/ which from the most high paleis is come down to be joined and knit with mankind bodily/ and if it had be converted and hid within the earth out of his naturelle place appropered/ The place wherein the celestial soul remaineth to quykyn the body for a season/ is contrary to the divine nature of the soul which is resemleled and likend to the trinity/ for the soul is celestial and descended from an high place/ And the body is earthly low and puissant The soul is undedly and the body is deadly/ But I believe that the undedly goddys' have spread and sown the souls within the bodies of mankind to th'intent/ that the men should see and inhabit the countries/ And by cause also that the men considering the ordinances of the celestial thing should follow that ordinance by manner of stableness of life/ That is to wit that god which is undedly hath put and putteth the undedly soul's within the bodies of the deadly men to th'intent that they perceive and inhabit within this low world to such an end that they consider the ordinance of heaven/ and that they may live after stable life/ celestial & perdurable with god And know ye Scipion and Lelyus that my reason nor my disputation/ which I have made upon this matter/ constrained me nevir that I should believe that the souls of men should be mortal & deadly/ as to die with the body/ But namely thordenaunceordinance & th'authority of the sovereign philosophers hath constrained me to believe that when I herd disputaconns' amongs the wise philosophers of the study of Rome/ reading the doctrines of the worthy philosopher Pythagoras & the opinions of them that followed him which the most part of them/ they have be by old times passed called latyns philosophers/ Thy determined for troth that we have the souls spread &/ sown within our bodies/ the which were not gendered simply by nature/ but that they were of a godly and a divine substance such as god ordained it in his thought/ wherein is the figure & the mirror of all things both godly and manly/ according with the doctrine of Pythagoras and with thopinions of his disciples/ Men did inform and teach me the doctrine/ and that the philosopher socrates in the last day of his life had concluded and affirmed/ And they spekyn of the Inmortalite & undedlynes of the souls/ This Socrates whilom master of the philosopher Platon/ was holden the most wise of all the other philosophers as it appeared & was showed by the answer of the god apollo to whom men demanded/ which was the most wise of the auncyen philosophers/ Socrates said/ he aught to have the principal honour and renomee among all the wise men of the cite of Athens/ It needeth not also that I speak evir of the undedlynesse of the souls/ but I hold trustly that the souls of men be undedly for sith the lightness of the souls is so great that they be evir moving/ sith the mind of things passed is so great & perfect in the souls that men remembryn of the things which be passed like as that they were present And sith the divine providence of things for to come is so great and fervent in the souls/ that the man counseillith him pourueieth him and aviseth him of some thing meritable and profitable and also comfortable to come/ And sigh that in the souls been so many connynges crafts and subtle conceits for to make after right naturelle reason/ the werkys connyngys' and crafts/ wherein the men workyn & occupyen them commonly to live by And where as in the souls be so great sciences and wits both godly and manly and so many new conceits and divers things found without any example or patron/ I say after my wit and feeling that the soul which naturally containeth the things that I have here above said/ may not be deadly/ I show you & prove other wise that the soul is undedly/ for sith the soul evir hath in it divers mevyngys'/ by 'cause that one time it coveteth the delectable things/ as is science/ craft/ prudence/ sapience/ wisdom/ wit/ undirstonding and other good spiritual virtues and such things which seem to be good/ And another time the soul hath moving of contrary passions as in waxing wroth/ thoughtful heavy/ dredefulle noyous sekely/ for displeasant things/ which be or semen to be evil/ and hindering to the body It must needs conclude/ that it be perpetual and everlasting/ I prove you also/ that the soul is undedly/ for it hath nothing that sterith it for to do that which it doth/ for the soul meuith and sterith itself/ and the soul shall nevir have the end of his moving/ for the soul may nevir leave itself/ for it would evir be for to do some office pertaining to his kind and to his nature And by another reason I prove that the soul is perdurable and everlasting/ for the naturel substance of the soul is simple and is not composed nor commixted of parties of divers nature's/ And also there is nothing in the soul/ which is meddled with unlike to his naturelle substance/ whereby it must needs be said/ that the soul may not be divided in divers/ parties/ And if it so be men must needs conclude that it may not die/ And more ovir to prove that the soul be perdurable/ ye have a great argument and good approbation by cause that the men known many & divers things or they be in puerice/ for as ye know men in the age of puerice/ when they learn and studyen in the speculatyf sciences and crafts of the practic and of subtile and divine conceits using after the craft called experience/ which be full hard dangerous and subtle to come unto/ they witholden and conceiven so hastily and so soon divers conceits & many opinions arguen that it seemyth not only that they lernyn them newly and soon/ but it seemyth that eftsoons they have thereof mind and remembrance as if they had known them before And know ye that the philosopher Platon is the author which spoke of the soul so as I have here said/ after that I have showed you by arguments and reasons that the souls be not deadly/ I now will by example and by authority show that the souls arn perpetual and everlasting/ The philosopher Exenophou witnesseth in a book of his called Economus that the great Cyrus' king of pierce/ the day that he died said to his children the words that folowyn/ My right dear children said the king/ thank ye not but that I evir am in some place/ & also but that I be some thing being aftir that I shall be departed from your feliship/ for when I was with you/ ye might not see my soul by which I am undedly/ but ye shall perceive weal enough/ that in my body was my soul conjoined by the seven works which I exercised in my life/ for my body was by the mean of my soul/ I had free will/ and not will for to do or not to do/ all possible things/ I had right deeming of things true and false/ I had feeling of the qualities of the things/ I respired by breathing resceyving in and out by the conduyties of my body/ I knew and discerned the things by their proper causes/ I had mind and remembrance of things before passed/ after these seven works the soul is named by seven names/ That is to wit/ Soul/ Corage/ Reason ffeeling/ Thought/ Mind/ & Spirit/ You aught thenne to believe/ that after my departing/ the soul of me is such as it is now/ though ye see that my body be brought to naught/ Yet by cause the whorships the dignities and the good works of noble & famous men should not be extinc and not remembered/ Honour should be showed & done unto them which passyn out of this world/ after their death/ But their souls should do so much/ that we should have of their goodness laud and praising memoyre & mind longer than the time of their life Know ye said also the king Cirus that nevir man could make me to consent nor to grant that the souls should live whiles they be within the deadly bodies/ nor that they should die aftir that they be dissevered and departed from the bodies/ And also say I/ that nevir man could make me to grant nor to consent/ but the soul be wise and nobly endowed after that it is dissevered from the body foolish and foul/ But I consent and grant that the soul beginneth to be wise aftir that it is dissevered and clean and hold of all the meddling of the body/ which is meddled and commixted of four elements/ which arn emongys' themsilf contrary/ And sith the naturelle body of the man/ which is the most noble of the things cometh again to naught by the death/ It is clear and notoire in what place all the other things gone/ for the things of this world gone again to that/ from whence they came/ The soul of man showeth not nor appeareth not/ nor it may not be seen/ Neithir when it is conjoined with the body nor when it is dissevered from it/ You see all so said king Cirus/ that there is nothing so like the death as is the sleep/ And certain it is that the souls of them which slepyn shown and declare the divinity and godliness of the soul/ for many men sleeping/ perceiven & known by their sleep/ things for to come/ So that the men be delivered & franchised/ of earthly thoughts whereby men aught to understand what shall be our souls when they be clean relessed of the bonds of earthly bodies for the souls without comparison shall use more plainly of their divinity and godliness after that they be out of the prison and of the bonds of the body Wherefore if these things be true/ that is to wit/ that my soul is undedly and immortal as I have said/ I will ye my right dear children that ye worship me in god/ But if it so be that my soul should die with my body to gedir nevirthles/ we which bear reverence to the goddys'/ which defendyn and govern all the beauty and fairness that is in the feliship of the body and of the soul/ I will that all regiously and withoutyn breaking ye keep the mind of me specially/ by we'll saying and by weal doing as I have done whiles I lived This great Cirus king of pierce said all these words to his right dear children at the hour that he died But and it please you Scipion and Lelius See we what be our opinions in the manner of the inmortalite and undedlynes of man's soul/ And know ye Scipion that there is no man that maketh me to consent nor to accord that thy ffadre Paulus with thy two Grauntsirs Polus and Scipion thafrican/ or the ffadre of the uncle of the said affrycan or many other worthy and noble men romans/ which it nodith not to name nor to tell/ would have enforced them/ for to do the great deeds of virtues & of worthynesses for to have of it the mind name & fame amongs the men/ that after them shall come/ But they had advised and known in their courage that though that by succession of line shall come after them should have in their courage such virtues and good deeds that after their death the remembrance of it should endure/ Thenkist thou than Scipion that I had undirtaken and sustained so great labours both by night and by day all the time of my life/ aswele as for the government of our city of rome/ as of mine own proper household/ and also in acts and deeds of arms/ if I had thought that by like semblable terms I should end with the life of my body The glory/ the laud and praising & the name of the renomee & fame that I may have deserved & conquered by my labours afore said/ I speak thus Scipion with the to th'intent that I have a singular joy & deserve laud after the manner of old men/ which in telling and giving enformacnon of their good deeds/ glorify them and praisen/ And by that they yeven courage as an evident example to young men for to do like semblable good deeds/ if I ought then oon time end my life/ & the mind of my worshippfull acts and deeds of renomee/ and if it so were that my soul should die with my body/ it had be bettir to me/ that I had lived ydylly and in rest than to labour/ and without battle making/ But that I had seen and thought certainly in my courage that though which by succession of lineage should come after me/ would have in their courage my labours and my good deeds put in remembrance/ And that after my death/ the glory and renomee of it should abide to the men which be for to come and the reward to be given by the sovereigns of divine governance to the undedly goddys'/ But yet ye Scipion and Lelyus may say to me/ how mankind rising and lifting up to get glory/ evir lokith before him for to deserve remembrance unto them which after him shall come/ Therefore I answer you that it is said to th'intent that when the soul shall light & depart from this present life/ it may finally live by everlasting life in eternal joy & glory/ And but it were so that the souls should live by perdurable glory and joy everlasting after this present life/ the courage of every right good man would not enforce them so greatly to get the joy that should endure but for a season/ I ask you Scipion and Lelius what ye think of these two divers things/ That is to wit/ every man like wise and virtuous dieth in right patient courage and gladness and every man that is of folyssh and vicious disposition/ dieth in courage right unpatient and dreadful/ Thank ye so/ but the courage of the holy man and good/ which considereth and perceiveth more/ and more far/ seethe right we'll/ and knoweth that the soul goeth in to a better place/ and where it shall be better than it was in this present life/ and therefore the wise good man dieth in right good patient courage/ and glad to depart/ But the foolish & delicious man/ which for his ignorance and by the weight of his vices hath the light and clearness feeble and inclined/ so that he may not see nor know that his soul goeth in no better place/ nor for to be better than it was in this present life/ And forsooth by cause that I am an old man and nigh my death/ and also I thank that my soul is inmortelle/ I am right ioyfulle/ for to desire/ which I have for to see your ffadirs there deceased/ with whom I have be conversant haunted and also I specially loved them for their great virtues whiles they here in this present world were living And I have not desire to see only the men passed out of this life/ which I know by sight and by conversation/ But namely I have desire for to see after my death them/ of whom I have herd speak/ & them of whom I have red by histories & them of whom I have written amongs them whom I understand that they be made inmortelle by their precedent merities/ fforsoth there is no man that lightly should hold me to the love of this worldly life/ sith that I am in the weigh for to go with them which be made inmortalle/ And also there is no man that lightly should make me turn again from the weigh by the which men passyn out of this present life/ How be it that some fonned and foolish old men desiren it again/ I would that men would drive them and return them again in to young age as men retournen a ball from oon mark to another/ ¶ And if some god would give me puissance that I which am an old man/ might return again in to childhood/ and that I should bray and cry in my swathing cloth and in my cradelle like a child/ I would it not/ but I would even refuse it/ ¶ If ye demand me what/ and how great profit and avail is/ to be in this life I answer you/ that their is more labour than profit But for to say the trowthe/ this life containeth both that one and that other/ That is to wit/ profit and labour/ And nevertheless this present life containeth another fulfilling or measure/ And old men have their full certainty of this life/ for the men of the other five ages/ have term and measure of certain number of yeeris/ for childhood containeth seven years And so of the other four following/ ¶ fforsoth it liketh me not to weep or sorrow in any wise/ by cause that my life is not longer/ And certain it is/ that many men as fools have wepid and mourned/ for this same cause/ ¶ And also I repent me not of that/ that I have lived till the time of old age/ for I have so perfectly lived/ that I trow not that I have be in the world for nought/ nor in vain/ I depart me from this present life/ as a walking weyfaring man or as a voyagieng pilgrim departith from some lodgyngplace or an hostellrye/ for to come to his own dwelling house/ ¶ But I depart me not from this life as the lord departeth from his own house/ for this passable life is nought else but as a lodging place or an hostellrye/ But the life to come is the stablement and the proper house of mine undedly soul/ for nature mother of all things hath given to us men lodging for to dwell to gedyr/ But she hath not given to us no house evir to inhabit/ ¶ Thenke ye Scipion and Lelyus how noble be that divine counceille and that noble assamble wherein only shall be the souls of deed men/ To the which Counceille I Caton shall go assoon as I shall depart from this troublous life and from this filth/ fforsoth I shall go to the divine counceille/ not only of the men of whom I have before spoken/ but namely at the departing from this life/ I shall go with the young Caton my son/ which was so good a man that his bettir was nevir borne of modyr/ nor more excellent in pity nor in religion/ ¶ I have brent and buried the body of my son Caton how be it that other wise should had be after course of nature That is to wit/ that my body old & ancient ought to have be brent and buried by my son/ ¶ The soul of my son Caton left me not/ but his soul which looked & beheeld that I should come to him is turned and with drawn in certain placies of heaven in the which it is advised as I hope that I should come to/ after mine old age/ ¶ And true it is Scipion and Lelyus that it hath seemed you that I did bear and suffer with good and strong courage the death of young Caton my son/ ¶ But forsooth I did not bear it nor suffer it not by so strong/ nor by so patient a courage/ But I had thereof sorrow and trouble/ But I comforted me thenking in my Courage that betwixt us two/ should not be so long space of places after this present life/ ¶ You Scipion and Lelius say at the beginning of this book/ that ye were wont to wonder and marvel how mine old age might be to me soft easy and sweet in these two things/ which seemyn sharp and byttir for to suffer/ That is to wit/ mine old age and the hasty death of my good son Caton/ ¶ And I have told you that mine old age is to me both sweet and light/ And it is not only much charging/ but it is joyous and glad to me/ by cause that I thank and dame for certain that the soul nevir dieth/ ¶ But if it be in error and out of truth after the doctrine and school of epicures/ by cause that I believe that the souls be undedly and Inmortelle perdurable and everlasting/ I answer you that this error pleaseth me/ and I consent me in it right gladly/ and as long time as I live I will not that any philosopher/ nor any other/ of what condition that evir he be/ take away fro me this error/ wherein I delight me/ for if after this present life I be deed/ aswele in soul as in body as that some young and small philosophers of which men name Epycures that affermyn/ Certain it is/ that I shall feel nothing/ And also I am not afeared that such philosophers so dead/ mockyn me nor of this mine opinion/ after which I verily believe that the souls be undedly/ ¶ But ye may demand me/ what we old men aught to do/ eythir to desire to live longer/ or to desire the death/ and to be content to have lived till old age/ ¶ I answer you/ that though the souls were not undedly/ yet every man aught to desire that he die in his time/ That is to wit/ in old age/ for the nature of man hath in it certain term for to live/ as have the other things of the world/ which all dyen/ or fallyn or fayllen aftir they have acconplisshed and fulfilled their course of age/ ¶ Now it is true that after the five first ages/ old age is the accomplisshing and the fullfyling of the life of men/ ¶ We also ought not desire to live oiur old age/ as I show it you by this example/ The poet/ which rehearseth in the Scene in some ffable/ ought to be ware that he make not weary/ and that he noye not his hearers by over long rehearsing the ffable/ ¶ So that men ought not desire to live ovir old age/ Seeing principally that in that age or nevir/ he is full weerye for to live/ I have had in my thought for to tell you of old age/ as ye have herd here/ To the which I desire that ye may come/ to th'intent that by experynce of death/ ye may prove though things which ye have herd of me/ which be by me wretyn in this my book called old age: ¶ Explicit·: Thus endeth the book of Tulle of old age translated out of latin in to frenshe by laurence de primo facto at the commandment of the noble prince Lowies Duc of Bourbon/ and imprinted by me simple person William Caxton in to Englysshe at the pleasure solace and reverence of men growing in to old age the xii day of August the year of our lord. M. CCCC.lxxxj: Here followeth the said Tullius de Amicicia translated in to our maternal Englissh tongue by the noble famous Earl/ The earl of wurcestre son & heyer to the lord typtoft/ which in his time flowered in virtue/ & cunning/ to whom I knew none like among the lords of the temporalite in science & moral virtue/ I beseech almighty god to have mercy on his soul/ & pray all them that shall here or read this lityl treaties much virtuous of friendship in like wise of your charity to remember his soul among your prayers/ And by cause this work was made by the prince of Eloquence Tulluis intitled de Amycicia after that he had achevid his book de senectute/ as heretofore ye may more plainly see at large/ thenne me seemeth it requisite & necessary that I set in following th● said book/ this book de Amicicia/ which by god's grace shall plainly follow Cicero de Amicicia qUintus Mucius Augur Sevola/ This was his name/ which was wont to tell many things merely/ And by mind of Celius/ Lelyus his father in law/ And he was not afeard to call him a wise man in all his sayings/ To the which Sevola I was put by my father/ And after that I had taken the clothing due to the estate of man/ while I might or that it was leeful to come so to do/ I nevir departed fro that good old man's side/ of whom I learned many things disputed ripely/ And many things said compendiously/ And behovely such I bore away/ doing my pain by means of his wisdom to find myself the better taught/ And after his decease/ I was with another Sevola a bishop. the which I dare well say the most excellent man in wisdom & justice. But no force of that at this time/ I will return to the first Sevola. when he liked to tell us of many things sitting in his chair. as he was wont to do at home. as I am well remembered while I was there & few of my servants with him/ Hit fortuned him to fall in such speech. as well nigh in every man's mouth in this wise saying. Attice ye remember well as I trow. & much the rather that ye were conversant with Publius Supplicius when he was one of the Trybunys of the people. how he fill at variance/ and at deadly hate with him Quintus pompeius that time Consul/ And sith he had lived with him in great nyghnes of love. How great marvel and complaint was had of the people. ye yourself known well/ And when Sevola had fallen thus in this language/ he declared thus the words which Lelyus had used unto him of friendship/ & his son in law Faunyus the son of Marcus within few days after the death of Scipio Affrycan. The sentences of the which disputation/ I bore surely in my remembrance. And have disposed the same in this book. as me seemeth/ and therewith introduced the same persons in speaking to guiders/ jest if I made my book othirwise/ I should use to oft/ quoth I/ And quoth he/ And therefore much the rather I died it/ that it should seem/ as if the same persons had the same language/ And Attice sith ye have oft entreated me to write somewhat of friendship/ It seemeth me/ that it setteth me right well to do so/ As well for it was a thing due & necessary to the knowledge of all people/ as to the great familyarite & friendship between us twain/ Therefore I have obeyed not ungladly th'intent/ that by th'accomplishment of your desire. I should mow do profit to many one. but in like wise as I died in my book which I wrote unto you of age entitled Cato Maior. where I induced the old Cato disputing of age. for so moche/ as he was seemed to me the most apt person in that behalf I mean to speak of age/ Also sith he was of so many years above all other. like wise sith I wndirstande by our faders the memorable familyarite used between Gayus Lelyus & Publius Scipio Amore apt person. I could not remember to dyssyde better the matter of friendship/ than the said Lelius/ namely sith my master Sevola remembered unto me/ how Lelyus hath resonned with him in the same matter/ And I can not remember me/ how my work should mow seem of greater weight & authority. than if I 'cause the words which I shall use to come from their breasts/ which been known of greatest authority and worship. Therefore when I read my owen works I am disposed sometime. that I dame Cato speaketh & not I But as that time I brought in an aged man to speak with another of age. so in this book I most friendly to the my friend write of friendship. That time spoke Cato whose older then could not be found/ ne in his days his wiser. Now Lelius both wise & expert. so he is reputed/ & excellent in the sovereign fame of friendship speaketh of amytee or friendship. & of one I pray you to take heed a little while to the execution of this desire/ and me imagining alway that the same Lelyus speak Thus endeth the prologue cUeus ffaunyus and Quintus Mucius/ came to their father in law/ after the death of Scipio Affrycan/ by whom the matter was ministered/ and Lelius made their answer/ The disputation was all of friendship/ the which if it please you to read/ ye shall better apperceive/ Faunyus/ Is this true Lelius/ or no/ that there was nevir a better ne a more worshipful man/ than was Scipio Affrycan/ yet ye may trow for certain/ that all folks have their eyen cast upon you/ And they hold & believe verily that ye are to be set alone/ & first in the laud of wisdom/ Marcus Cato was in like wise/ we know well that Lelyus Attilius was called wise/ for that he was well learned in law civil/ And Cato had his fame/ for that he had use and experience of many things/ for diverse things as well in the senate as in open place/ were showed by him prudently/ proved steadfastly excuted/ and quickly answered/ And therefore in his age he was called Cato the wise/ But as to you ye have the name of wisdom/ not only/ for that ye have it by a manner of nature and use/ but also by study and doctrine/ not as the common people/ But as the well undirstonding men are wont to call a wise man/ which say ye have not your fellow in all grece/ for though so be/ they that answer subtilely/ vary in their opinions from other folks/ which put seven to be called wise men/ we have understand one in Athenes/ And that he was so showed and judged by the answer of Apollo/ But they through such wisdom to be in you that ye suppose/ how ye have nothing but such as is your plenare power/ And therewith every fortune hap or change be subject to vertu/ which causeth Sevola here present/ And me to pray you/ that we may understand/ how ye take the death of Scipio Affrycan/ and much the rather/ sith at our assemblee/ this other day in the garden of Decius Brutus/ so were we wont to entrecomyne of diverse matters concerning our we'll public/ ye were not present/ where ye ne failed in times passed with all diligence there taccomplissh your dutee/ Sevola/ Some men demand me and many of my fellows/ ffaunyus in like wise as it is said afore/ the cause I mean of your absence from that place/ And I have answered as I have thought/ laying the cause unto the sorrow/ which ye have late taken/ saying that how be it your wisdom took moderately the death of so worshipful a man and so especail friend/ yet your humanity might not suffer you to be free of diseace and sorrow And that ye were not present in our company/ at that day/ I said it was rather long on your diseace/ than sorrow/ Lelyus/ fforsothe Sevola/ even as it was ye said/ I wot right well for any thing/ that should have touched myself if I had been of power/ I should not have been thence ne have fawted in my dutee/ And namely in that/ that I have not be used to fault in/ ne I can suppose that a little thing should mow happen to any man well disposed advised or steadfast/ that he should cease at any time of the doing of his duty/ And as to you ffaunyus/ which lay so great thing of worship to me/ and so much that myself know not thereof ne desire the same/ ye do that as my friend/ but as me seemeth/ ye dame not a right of Cato/ for either there was never wise man/ And that I believe well/ or else if there were any/ he was one/ as in setting all other things aside in that/ that he suffered so evenly the death of his son I can remember Paulus and I have seen Gayus/ but beware that ye not compare either of these/ with Cato the man of greatest authority and most set by/ ne yet prefer him our Cato whom Apollo judged to be wisest/ for Socrates was praised for his saying/ And Cato for his deeds/ And as for me sith I must speak with you both/ undirstande me in this wise/ if I shall nay myself to be moved with the death of Scipio/ whether I shall mow do so truly/ I report me to all wise men/ for I know myself well/ that I shall so saying make a lefing/ no doubt of I am moved for the lack of such a friend/ for his semblable as I trow in friendship was nevir/ And I dare well say/ there was nevir none such But me needeth no medicines/ I will comfort myself/ And principally with this comfort/ that I lak that error/ that causeth other to be of the vexed when their friends decease/ I trow there might no thing come to Scipio of evil/ And if there died I had my part therein Who so evir he be that in the diseace of his friend sorroweth he showeth himself the very lover of his friend/ Who is he/ that may say nay/ but that he is right well departed from this world/ on less that he be such one/ that setteth little or nothing by inmortalite/ And what is that he had not/ that was lee full to any man to wish/ did not he surmount the great hope of all the Cyteseyns/ which they had of him the time of his childhood/ when that he came to thestate of man/ by his incredible virtue/ he never showed to be made Consul/ and twice enjoyed he that estate/ the first time afore or he was ripe of years/ The second time/ when he was of age convenient/ And yet almost to late for our we'll public/ for he everted two great cities to Rome/ the most capitayl enemies/ and with one battle depressed not only the field made against him/ but many other fields and battles Immynent/ and likely if the victory had not thenne fallen on his side/ What shall I say of his goodly manners/ of his pity/ which he used to his mother/ liberality to his sisters/ bounty to his friends/ and justice to all folks sith they be not unknown to you/ And how well-beloved he was in our city/ the complaint made about his hairs beareth sufficient witness what helpeth thenne the adding to/ of few years unto Scipio for sooth age though it be not grievous/ as I am remembered Cato said the year afore he died in communication had between him Scipio & me/ yet it hath taken away the greenness & lustiness which Scipio had at that time/ nevertheless he was such in life/ fortune/ & glory/ that there might nothing there unto be added/ The hastiness of his dying took away the feeling of his death from him/ how be died it is hard to say/ what men dame/ ye see well/ nevertheless this I may well say/ among all the days which were of greatest worship and gladness to Scipio/ That day next afore the day of his death/ when he departed out of the senate/ he was conduited and accompanied home with the faders conscript/ The people of rome with their strangers under their obeisance and amytee/ and with the latyns was to him the day of greatest worship And thenne fro that high degree of estate/ it seemed him suddenly to be called up moche rather to the gods above than to the goddess beneatheth/ Ne I can not hold with them which have begun lately the opinion/ to hold that the souls die with their bodies/ and that death maketh so an end of all atones/ for the authority of folks of old time is thereto contrary/ with which I hold greatly/ and to our elders/ which have acquitted them so religiously/ which have died in their times/ And that they ne would have done/ if they had trowed so/ it had not appertained in any wise to them/ or the authority of them which have been in our city/ and some time have with their wholesome precepts and laws yeven sufficient doctrine to great Grece that time flowering/ and now wasted and destroyed/ or his authority that was called the wisest by Apollo/ which said not now this/ Now that/ as he died in many other things/ but alway abode farm in this saying/ that the souls of men been divine/ And when they depart from the bodies/ if they have been good and just in their living/ their way unto heaven is open and right speedy to all such/ And so it was seemed unto the same Scipio/ for right a few days afore that he died/ when Philus and Manylius were present and yourself Sevola and divers other three days to gydre he disputed of our estate public/ and the conclusion was of the inmortalite of the soul/ the which he said and learned of Scipio African by vision of his sleep/ Thenne if it so be that the soul of every excellently good man/ shall depart lightly in the lightest wise in his dying/ as for the keeping & bonds of the body/ to whom should/ we dame that/ Aliter/ Ascence was granted unto him namely of the gods than unto Scipio/ Wherefore I dare not complain his fortune/ lest than I be thought rathir to him envious than friendly/ if othirwise peradventure I were afeard/ jest the death of the body & the soul were all one/ & so as there is nothing of good in death/ so in like wise there is nothing of evil in the same/ for when the feeling is gone from a man/ he were as good/ he had nevir be born/ yet we are glad that evir Scipio was born/ and so shall this city been as long as it shall endure/ Therefore as I said above/ he is weal deled with all/ & I more brusly dealt with all than right would/ for sith I entered in to this life afore him/ I should by reason have died afore him/ nevertheless I use so joyously the remembrance of our friendship/ that me seemed I lived prosperously/ for that I have had and laid my life with Scipio/ with whom my charge of things concerning our estate public and private were even departed/ and with whom in were & peace was alway one/ And in that wherein rested the greatest force of friendship/ our wills/ studies/ and feelings were all one/ Therefore the untrue fame of this wisdom/ which ffaunyus hath remembered me/ to have delighted me/ not so greatly as doth this/ I trust that the remembrance of the friendship between me and Scipio shall ever endure/ And so much the more joyous to me it is/ that in all worlds passed/ uneath three or four couple of such friends be named/ among which/ I trust that the frendlyhod of Scipio with Lelyus shallbe known/ to all them which shall come after us/ ffaunyus/ Lelyus it must be as ye say/ but sigh ye have made mention of frendlihode/ and that we been at good leisure/ ye shall do to me a thing/ and so I trow to Sevola wonder agreeable/ namely if ye shall please as ye were wont to done in all other things of you demanded/ to dispute in this matter of friendship what ye feel/ what ye repute and what precepts ye will give to the same/ Sevola/ Hit shall be to me right agreeable/ that ye so dispute/ nevertheless ffaunyus took out of my mouth the thing that I would have said/ wherefore not only to ffaunius/ but to me. ye shall do a thing of great pleasure. Lelyus. Hyt shall not grieve me so to do/ if I were assured of myself/ for no doubt of the matter is right notable. And as ffaunyus saith we be at good leisure. But what manner man am I or what is my habylite. The customme of learned men is this. and the greeks have the same. to have a matter purposed unto them. And they reck nevir though it come suddenly. upon the which they will dispute. but that is a great work. and such as needeth not a lityl exercise. wherefore touching such things as may be disputed of amytee/ I will advise you to desire it of them/ which take upon them such things But thus forsothly I may exhort you that ye prefer amity/ to fore all other human things/ fforsothe there is no thing so convenient/ and verily apt to men either in prosperity or adversity/ But this I dame first/ ffrendship may not be in other/ than in good folks/ And yet I will not go so near the quick/ as to say that it may not be/ but in good folks/ as peradventure some will so hold/ the which enserching the matter curiously/ and peradventure truly/ but for our weal public easily they deny any man to be good if he be not wise/ well be it so/ but then they make such an interpretation of wisdom/ that as yet no mortal man could attain the like thereof/ But let us take heed thereof rather of the things that been in the commyne use and life of man than of such things/ as been imagined or desired to be for I shall nevir call Gayus ffabrycius Marcus curius or Titus cornucanus/ which our forffadres held wise/ if I should follow that rule/ wherefore let they them which give such interpretation of wisdom take the name of wisdom to themself/ The which name is right envious and dark/ or let them grant/ that the said persons were good/ And that forsooth they ne shall but deny/ that name of goodness to be granted to any/ but to wise men/ And let us be more plain and blonte Thenne such as say/ that they dame themself and their life so/ that their faith/ holiness of manners/ ffelysship and liberality may be showed/ And that there is in them no covetise of worship/ lust/ or undue hardiness/ but gre/ te steadfastness like wise as was in them whom I have named above. let vs Iuge these good men. as they were holden so to be called. the which gete as forsothly as men may the best nature to their guide in all their living. Me seemeth that I should so use to be so born. That there should be a manner of felisship among all persons And much the rather. that every man hath an inclination unto the same/ So that one cyteseyn draw rather to an other/ than one stranger to another/ And though that been of kin/ rather than though that been far of. for nature herself hath brought forth friendship in this excellent kindred. but from friendship nevir for to take away benevolence/ for th●̄ne take away the name of friendship And so it is not in nyghnesse's of blood. And how great the force of friendship is. by this it may best be undirstanden. for among the infenyte company of mankind. which nature hath gotten to herself. it is a thing so narrowly brought to gydre/ and drawn so strait. that all manner of love resteth between twain. or between right few. ffrendship fforsothe is nothing elliss but the knitting to gydre of that thing that is goodly. and of that thing that is human with sovereign benevolence and charity. And I wot never. on less than it were wisdom. what bettir thing might be granted unto man by the god's immortal/ nevertheless some say/ that richesse is bettir than it. And some heal/ And some power. and some worship. and some pleasance. But the last is a beestely opinion. And the things before/ been full slyper/ and uncertain/ and not only put in our dispositions/ but in folehardynesse of fortune/ They forsooth which put the highest weal in virtue. put her right weal and notably/ and as they should do/ but the self virtue bringeth forth friendship & continueth/ for ffrendship may be in no wise without virtue/ But now let us make an interpretation of virtue according to the common speaking and living/ ne let us amesure it after the magnificence of words/ as though we were greatly learned ourself/ but let us call them good men/ which been holden good/ as Paulos/ Catones/ Gayos/ Scipiones and Philos/ The common life is content with them/ and let us forget them/ that can by no manner be found in any place among such men as I rehearsed before/ ffrendship hath so many oportunytees/ that I may uneath rehearse them/ And first of all/ who is he/ that may be leefully in this life/ as Enneus saith/ that restith not/ in the good joint or good will of some friend/ And what may be more pleasant/ than to have such a friend/ that ye may speak thereby such fruit in things prosperous/ if ye ne had some one to enjoy of your prosperity as greatly as yourself/ & how hard were it/ to suffer things adverse without one/ which would be sorrier/ for your adversity than yourself/ fforsoth other things/ which been greatly desired been right behofful every thing with other/ As richesses for use/ plenty for reverence/ worship for laud or fame/ pleasance for gladness/ And heal for lack of pain/ and for the use of the gifts of the body/ But friendship containeth many things/ whither so ever ye turn you it is ready/ it is put out in no place/ for it is nevir slow. it is nevir grievous/ Therefore as they say/ we use not fire or water in more places/ than we use friendship/ Ne I speak not now of the vulgar & mean opinion of friendship. which peradventure should both delight & profit/ But of that friendship which is very & parfyght/ like to theirs/ which have been but few in number deserved/ so to be called/ no doubt of. ffrendship embelisshyth prosperity/ relieveth adversity/ And is partner to both/ But by side the manifold great commodity/ is that friendship hath in himself in this/ it doth excel marvelously above that. that it doth in any other/ That is to say/ that it giveth good hope to our life/ which we are to live/ and suffereth not our minds neither to be enfeebled ne overthrown/ Also forsooth who so evir seethe his friend/ seethe a manner likeness of himself/ Therefore when they been absent/ they been nigh to gydre/ And when they been needy/ they abound in goods/ And when they been feeble/ they been of great force/ And that which is hardest to believe/ when they be deed they live/ So great is the desire. so great is the worship. so great is the remembrance of friendship. Sith that their death is thought so blessed. and their life is thought so worshipful. And take away from nature the joined good will of things. and neither house ne city. ne tilth of land shall remain. And if this be to little to understand the force of friendship and accord by. it may be apperceived by his contrary. that is to say by variance and debate. for where may be found an household so stable. or a city so farm. that may not be overthrown by mean of hate & discord/ by the which it may be soon judged/ how good a thing friendship is/ They say that a man named Agrigentinus/ well learned in the dities of grece/ by manner of prophecy had this language/ what so evir it be in the nature of things/ or in all the world/ which hath a naturel moving/ desireth his like/ & fleeth his contrary/ And every natural man understandeth and praiseth friendship/ And dispraiseth & rebuketh enemytee/ In so much that when any man/ hath taken th'office of a friend upon him/ in adressyng of himself to apparel/ or in taking part of jeobardye with his friend/ who is he/ that praiseth not his dead in the highest wise/ what cry and noise caused the tragedy played in the house of mine host and my friend Marcus potumus when Thoas there present sought Orestes/ and ensearched so narrowly/ that he came to the place/ where he found twain of the which he knew that he was one. Pylades his fellow there/ which took upon him thenne the name of Orestes of full will & purpoos to die for him/ And the said Pylades Orestes fellow thenne constantly saying yet am I he/ which ye have sought and not Pylades/ how glad the people were when they saw this played and feigned ye know well And how moche more glad trow we/ they would have been. if they had seen it done in very deed/ there nature showed verily her force/ when though men which might not do it themself/ they judged excellently well done in another/ Hither to me seemeth I might say that/ which I felt of friendship/ if there be any things to be said further. as I trow there been many. then ask ye of them/ which take upon them to dispute like matters Faunyus. We had liver hyere it of you/ though I have demanded/ and heard it of other not again my will· But we look all after another manner thread of your spinning/ Sevola ffaunyus. ye would much the rather say so. if ye had be present a little afore the death of Scipio. when my father Lelyus and he disputed of our estate publycque/ when he was so great/ and so strong a protector of right wisnesse/ again the studied reasons of Philus/ Faunyus. Hit was easy for him/ which was most just himself/ to defend the part of justice. Sevola What say ye. and why not as lightly friendship. by the which he hath gotten/ in showing of himself steadfast and faithful/ therein sovereign glory/ Lelyus fforsothe ye are about tenforce me/ but it is but little to be taken heed of/ by what mean ye constrain me/ but no doubt. and ye enforce me/ hard it is/ and not with equity. to withsay your pleasirs/ which been my sons in law/ And namely in that thing. which is good. fful oft when I have remembered myself of friendship. I have been accustomed. to think whether/ that friendship should be desired/ in time of feebleness and need/ so that one sholnde receive/ or give to another/ of benefayttes to be yeven or taken/ that thing that he might not attain to by himself/ and whethyr this was very due or proper to friendship/ but me seemeth there was another cause better/ fairer/ & more natural/ And that is love of whom amytee hath his name/ for of Amor cometh Amicicia And that love is the pryncypal/ and the chief thing in joining of good will. for profit is oft had of them whom we worship and observe by the colours of friendship according to the seasons/ but in very friendship/ there is nothing feigned or dissimuled/ And what somevir is in friendship/ it hath his beginning rather of nature/ than of need or indigence· And that it cometh rather of applying of man's will. to the feeling that he hath to love. than of the thought he hath. what profit should grow thereby. for what is it in itself. it may be soon espied in beasts. which loveth them that they bring forth for a certain time/ And be as well beloved again. so that the feeling of friendship is soon apperceived in such beasts. But moche more evidently in man/ ffyrst by that charity and love parfyght/ which is between the children/ and father and mother/ which may not be dysseverid without great and detestable offence/ Secondly if there be a like feeling in other persons of love/ as thus. if we may get any man according to our manner and nature/ of whom we may see the light of prowess & virtue/ for no doubt of/ there is nothing more amiable than virtue/ for it happeth oft/ that we love them. whom we died never see/ for their virtue & probyte/ Who is he/ that useth not the remembrance of Cueus Fabrycius & Marcus Curius with a manner of charity & benevolence/ & yet we nevir saw them/ and their again/ who is he/ that hateth not Tarqnynus Superbus. Publius Cassius/ & Spurius Melius. We have fowghte with two princes in italy for the sovereignty/ and they were Pirrus and Hanybal And as touching the first/ we own him no great evil will/ for the probyte and prowess which we felt in him/ and the second this city shall nevir but hate him for his cruelness/ Thenne if there be so great force in probite that we love in them. which we nevir saw/ and moche more in our enemy/ What marvel is it/ though the courages of men been/ greatly moved/ when it seemeth them that they may see virtue and prowess in them/ with whom they may be famulyer/ Though love be confirmed by benefits taken/ and love undirstanden/ and oft famylyaryte. The which things joined with the first motion of courage and love/ causeth a man marvelous encreas of fervent benevolence/ Therefore and who some ever trow that it proceedeth of feebleness or impotency. or that the said feebleness should be the moyen to attain. to that which they desire in friendship/ soothly they leave the beginning of friendship. to humble/ to bore/ and to unworshipfull/ sith that they will/ that it should spring of wretchidnesse and indigence/ And if that were true/ who so ever were least of reputation and havour. were most apt to friendship. And that is all other wise/ for als so much more/ as a man is most assured in the most safeguard of virtue and wisdom. so that he hath no need of any other outward help/ but thinketh that in himself is/ all that he hath need of/ so much the more is he excellent in friendships to be attained. what need had Scipio Affrycan to me/ fforsothe none. Ne I of him/ but I by a manner of admiration of his virtues loved him/ And he having some good opinion peradventure loved me/ And our custom and famylyaryte· increased our benevolence/ And though right great & moche profit enfiewed to either of us/ by the same. yet it was not the cause. that made us first to love/ for we be liberal and glad to do good. Not for that we look after a reward of duty. for then our benefayte were grounded upon vsure/ But we be naturally ready to thadministration of freedom So and in like wise/ we be induced to believe/ that friendship should not be used for the hope of reward/ But for the fruit. that groweth of the same/ and that is love. nevertheless I am in all wyses of diverse opinion from the folks. which after their beestely sensuality/ put the beginning of friendship in fleshly lust/ And what marvel is. though they which so do/ may see nothing which is high/ worthy to be magnified or divine/ sith that they set their minds & thoughts. upon a thing so simple and vile. Therefore let us set a side all such from our communication/ And let us undirstande/ that the feeling of love/ and thentireness of good will cometh of nature/ with the sygnefyeng of prowess from either party/ the which signification of love/ who some ever they be that desire it. they apply themself as nigh as they can/ to such as they have begun to love. that they may enjoy their custommes and manners. so that they may be even & equal in manner of loving/ & more ready to merit well of their friend/ than to ask again/ the thing that they have merited well in/ such worshipful strife should be alway between them/ that is to say Who so mow do most for other/ so great profits shall grow of their friendship/ And this beginning of friendship/ which proceedeth of nature shall be more weighty and verray/ than that which proceedeth of need/ for if so be that profit should be the cause of knitting of friendship/ When so evir that profit faileth. friendship is loosed/ but for as much/ as nature may not be changed the frendlyhodes which grow of nature/ be most farm/ and longest enduring/ ye see now als far as I can show/ the beginning/ and the first Origenal of amytee/ Please it you any other thing/ Faunyus Go forth Lelyus as ye have begun we pray you/ for I may take upon me to answer lawfully for him/ that is younger than I/ Sevola Brother ye do not amiss/ therefore let us here our father in law/ Lelyus Right worshipful sons/ here now the things. which were oft dyssyded. between me and Scipio of friendship. nevertheless he said full oft/ that there was nothing more hard to be believed/ than that friendship might endure between twain/ unto their last life days/ for he said/ it happeth right oft. that some one thing is expedient to one. that is not expedient to that other/ Also in thestate public/ they vary in thayr opinions/ There with he said the manners of men been oft changed/ Some changed them in their adversity/ Some in their prosperity. Some in their grievous years. And that is in their old age/ And he took his example of his first flowering ages/ Saying that some children love in the highest wife/ till they come to the age of seventeen/ and then change/ And if they happen to continued to the years of force and iustynesse/ either for the love of women/ or for covetise of good/ they shall fall at strife and debate. And that is for that they both/ may not have one thing/ and if they pass that time/ of continuance of friendship/ till they been of riper years. it happeth oft the same friendship to febbe and fail/ if they fall in strife for worship. A greater sore can not be in friendship/ than the covetise of good/ which vex men greatly/ But the most hurt of friendship is/ when they which been moche worshipful. strive for worship and glory/ of the which strife. most deadly enmity hath happened oft between them/ which have been most friendly/ Also we have seen of great debates for the more part/ when some thing have been desired. and asked unreasonably of friends. as that one will pray the other to be a minister of his lust/ or an helper of his wrong/ the which thing/ when he refuseth to do/ though he do so according to worship/ yet is he blamed of unkindness. And the breach of friendship by such as would not serve to their intents/ And then they say. that there is nothing. that their friend would desire of them. but that they would do it gladly for their sakes/ So by this old manner of quarrelling/ ffamylyaryte hath not only be set a side/ But also perpetual hate. hath grown of the same/ So Scipio said it seemed him/ how frendlyhode is subgete to so many fawtes and parels/ that it is not only th'office of a wysman/ but of a gracious man to i'll it/ for so moche then/ bete us see first. if it shall so please you. how love should proceed in friendship. how suppose ye though Coriobanus had friends/ should they have warred with him against their owen country & city/ And what Besilinus which desired to be a king among us/ or Melius we have seen Tiberius Gracchus weighing our estate public/ fforsaken of Quyntinus Tubero & such other his friends. And Cueus Blaxius a Cuman born And your host Sevola. when he came to me that same time present Lemates & Rupilius that same time being consuls/ praying me that I would spare him making his cause/ for that he set so moche by Gracchus. that what so ever he had commanded him to do. him thought/ it was leeful to him to do the same/ Thenne I asked him if he had commanded the to have brought fire to have brent the capytoyle with/ wouldest thou have done so. he said. But & he had commanded me so/ I would have obeyed his commandment/ how think ye was not this a cursed answer/ And forsooth he died/ as he said/ for he not only obeyed to the foolish presumption of Tyberyus Gracchus/ but therewith helped it forth as far/ as was to him possible/ so he made not himself the servant of his woodenness/ but over that/ the guide & the conductor of the same/ therefore his madness was fresh inquired of/ & he therefore sore afeard fled in to asia to our enemies. and suffered for the same grievous & just pains/ Therefore I say it is none excuse of sin. when a man saith he died it/ by cause of his friend/ for sith that virtue is the verray knot of friendship it is hard for friendship to abide. when men depart fro virtue. for if that we think resonabl to grant unto our faders all that they would have of us. or to desire of theyin. all that we would have of them let us be of so parfyght wisdom/ that in our desires ne theyres. be any thing of vice/ But for so much as we speak of such friends as we see/ or of such as we remembre· that been here in this common life among us. it is best we take our exsamples of them. and in especial of them/ which drawn next unto wisdom We have seen Publius Emilius right counersaunt and familiar with Lucinius/ And as we have undirstande by our faders they were twice called both atones to estate and dignity/ first they were made both Consoris and countrollers of manners/ Also it is wreton how Marcus' curius and Titus cornucacius were greatly joined to these foresaid in friendship and good will/ And between these twain/ that I last spoke of/ was great love/ And it is not to be deemed/ that any of these/ desired of his friend that. which should be contrary to his faith/ to his promise or to his estate public/ what needeth to speak of such things of these folks/ which were so good and holy/ for if any man had desired any such thing of them/ he would not have obtained it/ for it is like offence to desire such a thing/ to asseeth the same desire/ what though Cueyus Carbo and Cueyus Cato. were of the the bend of Gracchus and Cueyus Frater/ yet now he is his greatest enemy. Therefore let this now in friendship be confirmed/ That we desire/ nothynges of his inhonest And though other folks desire such things of us/ that we agreed not there unto. It is a foul excuse. and in no wise to be received/ ne in that/ that touched our estate public/ ne yet in smaller offences/ when one saith/ that for my friends sake I died amiss/ But we be brought to that plight Faunyus and Sevola/ that we have great need to forse● right well/ what shall need to our estate public/ for the good custommes of our oolders been greatly set a side/ out of the place and way/ that they were in/ Titus Gracchus pained himself to be a king and regne upon us/ and if I shall say more truly/ he reigned. though it were but few months/ The people of Rome had not herd ne said a like thing. And Gracchus friends and kinsmen after his death/ followed his stappes/ I may not tell you without teries/ what they died against Publius Scipio we endured Carbo/ of the which we spoke right now/ for the new & fresh pain/ that Titus Gracchus suffered what we should look after/ for the office of tribune. that Cueyus Gracchus occupieth. me list not to divine/ But I see well. the thing creepeth/ the which when it hath once be begined it falleth to ready destrucōon/ See ye not in your minds. the spot which is in the table before that it is made first caused of the law. which Gabynus made. And within two year by the law that Gassius made/ me seemeth that I see the people disseverid from the Cene. And the greatest thing langing to our estate public. excuted after the will of multitude/ that will have them. And there be more that shall learn/ how such things should be practised/ Thenne how they should be letted/ but to what intent say I thus. but for this cause. that I wot well there is no man/ that will attempt so great works. but he be sure of many fellows to assist him. Therefore thoos which been good/ should be advertised/ that if they fallen unwytyngly of ignorance in such manner of felawships/ that they should trow themself so bounden to such friends/ that if they trespass against our estate public/ that they ne should depart from them/ for pain is alway due to them that offenden/ And it is noless due to them that been their fellows and partners in the same Crime/ than unto them that were their leders/ and setters on/ Who was clearer and more mighty in grece than Themystocles/ when he was Emperor/ he delivered all grece of servitude/ by the battle which he had against them of pierce/ afterward for envy/ when he was put in exile/ He suffered not the wrong of his unkind counntree. the which/ he should in all wise have suffered/ but died in like wise there/ as Coriolanus died here with us not twenty year a go/ that could not find one of his citizens/ that would help him in the war against his owen country/ and therefore either of 'em slough wilfully himself/ wherefore such conspiracy of them that be naughty/ is not to be covered and closed by thexcuse of friendship/ but moche rather to be avenged of that No man should trow that it is suffered or granted/ that no friend should help another/ by colour of friendship/ which would were unto his owen country/ for there be but few men that known/ when a thing is begun/ what th'end and thissue of the same shall be/ But as for me I take no less care to think/ what our estate public shall be after my death/ than I do think what it is at this day/ Thenne late this first law of friendship be stablished. that we desire nothing of our friends. but that is worshipful. ne do nothing for their sakes/ but such as is according to worship/ And if we know any such thing let us tarry/ till we be prayed. but let our mind and study be set all upon it/ setting all carrying a side. let us be glad to give 'em true counsel freely for the authority of friends in that. which they advise well/ helpeth greatly in friendship/ And sometime that we should advertise them not openly/ but therewith sharply if the case require it/ And they should obey such counseils diligently/ for I trow diverse things right marvelous have been thought good/ to such men as among the greeks/ that have been called right wise/ but there is nothing/ that they ne find some fault in by their wills/ Some of them would/ that a man should eschew over great plenty of ffrendes/ lest he alone should be driven of necessity to take care for many/ it is enough/ and to moche sometime they say/ to take heed to that. which belongeth to a man himself/ And to peyneful to be medelous in other men's matters/ and most behoefull to have a slack rain upon friendship. That when one will. he may restrain it/ or let it loose at his pleasure. And they say/ the best thing that may be to live welefully/ is to be void of care/ And that may not a man be. that travaileth and vexith his mind for many. And some I here say. speak more uncurtaysly/ the which I have somewhat said sharply to fore/ They say that friendship should not be sought/ for the getting of love/ and good will/ but as every man is weykest and of least power/ so should he seek greatest frendshippis. or the friendship of greatest men. And by this mean as I trow/ that Sely women should rather desire the help of friendship than men/ And also they that were needy/ rather than they/ that were/ rich/ & they that were wretched/ than they that were weleful/ O lord what this is a noble wisdom/ fforsothe they are about to take the son out of the firmament/ that would take friendship/ fro the life of man/ Sith we have nothing granted unto us of god in this life bettir or more joyous/ What is this quyetenes of spirit/ that they speaken of. At the first sight it is blaundysshing/ but in very deed in many times and many places/ it is utterly to be set a side. Ne it is not according/ that there should be any worshipful thing or deed that ye could take upon you/ or when ye had it/ to set it a side without care & labour of the mind/ for if we will flee care/ we must flee virtue/ for virtue must need have some care to set aside things contrary to him/ as bounty to set a side malice/ attemperance lust/ and force sluggisshnes/ And that is the cause/ that we see that they that be rightwise. been moest sorry for the things/ which be done unrihtwisly/ And they that been strong for things done unlustely. And they that been attemperat for things done vicyously/ And therefore it is very proper to him. that hath a well disposed courage/ to be glad when he seethe things well done/ And to be sorry for the contrary. Then thus/ if a wiseman may be sorry. the which must be needs true/ or less than we will trow/ that there is no courtesy in any wise man's breast/ what is the cause that we should set a side friendship so that we should suffer no pain ne disease therefore. if that we take fro man the moving of his thoughts/ we shall not only take away the difference that is between him and a be'st. but therewith the difference that is between him and a stock or a stone/ or any like thing. Ne they should not be herd that say/ that virtue is hard and as it were made of iron/ for as it is in many other things/ and in especial in friendship/ it is both tender and treatable/ So that for the weal of a man's friend one enjoyeth/ & for his adversity he sorroweth/ Therefore this pain that is to be taken for our fiends/ sufficeth not to dissever friendship for the life of man/ no more than virtues. for that they can not be had without labour and pain. should be by all men refused/ And sithen virtue sometime maketh friendship to keep her within herself as I said afore/ if there be any token of virtue the which may appear/ to the which the courage may apply And in himself. as soon as evir he attaineth unto it/ it must needs be that love thereof spring and grow/ what may be more fowl. than the delight in many vain things/ as in honour. and glory. in building/ in clothing/ and in the array of the body/ and not to delight in courage enriched with virtue. which may love. and may be reclaimed to live virtuously/ There is nothing more pleasant/ than the reward for good will. or the nyghnes of studies/ and seruysablenes/ And if we add this to that. which may right well be added. that is to say/ that there is nothing that draweth any thing unto it/ ne that holdeth it faster/ than lyklynes draweth friendship. It shall be granted forsooth as for troth/ that they which been good/ love good folks/ and join them unto them/ as if they knit unto them in kindred and nature/ fforsothe there is nothing more desirous of his like and semblable. or more cacching than is nature Therefore Faunyus and Sevola. I trow verily. that this is certain/ that among them that been good/ there is a manner of necessary benevolence. the which is a very naturel we'll of friendship/ but this same bounty belongeth also to the multitude of the people/ for virtue is neither uncurtoyse ne rewardlees/ ne proud/ which is wont alway. in the best wise to counsel and to defend all manner of paple/ And that/ vert● should not do/ if she estranged herself fro the love of the community/ Also me semeth· that they which will form friendship/ after the shape of profit/ they been about to take a way the most amiable knot of friendship/ for the profit that is gotten by a man's friend. is not so delectable unto him. as the love of his friend/ for then that. which cometh of his friend is joyous unto him. when he knoweth that it cometh of love/ And as greatly me thinketh discording with reason/ that friendship should only be used for profit. as that they which abound in all richesse and power/ and in especial in virtue/ in which is greatest sickerness/ And they I say which have lest need of any man's help. should be most liberal/ and gladdest to do good deeds/ And als far as I know/ there lacked nothing among friends/ for after that the love of friendship grew between me & Scipio/ though he had had no need of my counsel or my help. either ouward or at home/ yet the frendshippis should not have been the lass/ for this I say you/ that friendship followeth not profit. but profit followeth friendship/ but though men been not to hard which follow in delights/ when that they will speak of friendship. of the which/ they have neither use ne knowledge/ for who is that. that neither coveteth ne loveth any other man. ne is beloved of any other man/ though he had abundance of all other things/ and were set in most folsom plenty/ how should he live in this life that I spoke of. is there such life in tyrants/ in whom is no faith ne love/ ne there may be in them the stableness of benevolence. or any trust/ for they have every thing suspect. and been full of thought and care/ There is nothing ne no place in them for frendhsip nevertheless they be worshipped for the time and dissymyled with all/ for who should love him/ that is dread of all men/ and dreadeth all men himself/ And if it fortune as it happeth oft. that they fall from their estate. then it is well undirstande. how great need they have of friendship. As it is remembered that Tarquynus said. wehan he was in his exile/ that he undirstode not/ whom he might trust. ne whom he might mistrust/ And therefore he might think all men like. Though the pride of this Tarquynus and his inportunyte caused him/ that he had no friend/ ne men of his manners might have no friends/ for richesses and power of them that be greatly mighty/ exclude trusty friendships/ for fortune herself is not only blind/ which draweth to her such as be her servants and climb up to estate with loathness and contumacy of all people. And there is no thing more intolerable. than a infortunate fool/ and that may soon be seen/ by them that have been passing rich that when they have be set/ in high estate. power and dignity. their conditions have been clean changed/ And they have forsaken their old friends/ and taken them to new/ What may be a more fonnysh thing than when men have great plenty of richesses/ to purvey such things as they do/ that is to say money/ horses/ stately households/ rich clothing/ precious plate/ and forget to purvey them of friends/ which is best & the fairest ornament/ that any man may have in this life. for when they pourueye. of the said things that I spoke of before They wot not/ for whose use they pourueye. ne for whose sake they take that labour upon them. for all such things fall for the more party in to their hands that be most mighty/ But the possessions of friendship abide certain and stable to every man/ And though the goods of fortune abide with a man during his life/ without friendship his life may neither be fruitful ne merry. And this sufficeth as hitherto: rEason would now that we put th'ends and bounds of friendship. like as they were the terms and bounds of love. of the which I have understand three opinions/ And of them I approve nevir one/ One is that we should love our friend als affectuously as ourself/ Another that our benevolence against our friends. may answer evenly to the benevolence/ which they bear against us/ The third. that who somever/ one maketh moche of himself/ so moche he should be made of. by his friends. And I can not agreed/ with none. of these three opinions/ ne the first of them is true. for there be many things which we will. not do for ourself/ that we do for our friends/ That is to say pray him lowly that is beneath us/ or to speak sharply or to blame him greatly/ the which things be not honest in our owen causes/ & been most honest in the causes of our friends/ Theridamas be also many things/ in which well disposed persons take away moche of their owen profits. And suffer to be taken away. for that their friends should use them to their playfyre/ rather than themself/ That other opinion is. which diffyneth friendship by parilite of duete and playser. And forsooth that is to scant. to call his friend so wickedly to a count/ that the reason of that/ which is to taken/ and that which is to yeven be even. but very friendship as it seemeth me/ it is rather and more plentyvouse/ for that taketh not so strait heed/ that there be given no more than taken/ Ne that feareth not to greatly/ jest that any thing exceed/ and fall beside/ or that year be yeven to a friend/ no more than is needful and even/ The third term or end that they set is worst of all/ And that is how much a man maketh of himself. so much he should be made of·s by his friend/ for oft it happeth/ that some persons/ have not so noble & so high courage as some have/ ne that have not so farm hope of thincrease of fortune· as some have/ therefore it sitteth not a friend to be such one/ against an other man as he is against himself. But rather to pain himself/ and to do so/ that he may lift up the low courage of his friend. and may bring him better hope and more quick remembrance. But we must limit an other end to friendship/ But first I shall tell you. what Scipio was wont most to reprove/ he said. there might in no wise be thought more full of enmity than the wis of him. which said that a man should love in such wise/ as· if it happeth him sometime to hate in the same place/ ne he could not believe that Bias should say so. which was so wise hold & one of the seven wise/ how be it that men trowed so/ but that rather/ it should be the saying of somother Impure and ambitious person/ or of such one/ that would have called all thing to his power/ for in what wise should one be friend unto him/ whom he hath in a wait/ And troweth alway he should be his enemy/ ffurthermore it should be necessary to such a man/ to covet and desire/ to take his friend oft with defawtes/ that he may have greater cause to chide him/ And beside that· it must needs follow/ that they should oft take displesauntly/ and sorrow and envy/ when their friend doth well And is in his we'll/ Therefore that precept Who so ever gave it/ was good to set friendship a side. he should have rather have commanded that we should have put to our dilygences/ to have gotten many friends lest we should happen. to love some one/ Whom we should hate soon after. And Scipio thought that if we were not all therm oft happy unto friends/ We should rather suffer it patiently. than think upon the time/ When we should be their enemies/ Therefore I trow we should use/ and take this for the limits and bounds of friendship/ that when the manners of our friends been good. that we should commune then with them. all our counseills things and pleasirs without any exception. that if it shall hap by any fortune. that their pleasirs. which been not all the most/ leeful/ And in them the peril of worship and fame dependeth/ It is then for a friend/ to keep himself absent/ if that he see that his great shame should follow thereof/ for though the error of a man may be pardonned in that/ that he doth for his friend/ yet a man's own fame should nevir be forgotten. The benevolence of people must needs be trowed a great help/ for the speed of promotion of things/ And yet to get the same benevolence/ by mean of flattery and assentation. is right fowl and shameful/ virtue of which is but a few/ is not to be set a side/ But now I turn again to Scipio. whose speech in substance was all of friendship/ for he complained greatly. that men were moche more diligent/ in all manner of things than in choosing of friends. for every man could tell/ How many sheep. and how many gheet he had/ But how many friends they had. they could not tell/ And to get to them great plenty of bestaylle/ they took great labour and pain. but in getting of friends. they showed them/ slow and negligent And before that they should buy their beasts/ they had certain marks/ to know whether they were good or no/ But in choosing of friends/ they can not take such marks to know/ which be to trust and choose. and which not/ Nevertheless let us say/ that they which be stable farm and constant been to be chosen for friends/ Of which manner of people/ there is great scarcete/ And certain it is right hard for any man. on less he be expert. to discern well in such chesynge/ for a man must take experience/ in the self time of friendship. and that is passing hard/ for friendship suffereth no such essay/ it belongeth therefore a wiseman to suffer the force of benevolence/ such as he should use/ as he suffereth his ship to sail/ And assay the manors of his friends in manner as he that essayeth his ship in a tempest. Somme been soon espied in little abundance/ how light they be/ And some that will not be moved in little things been known in greater/ It may happen some men to be founden. that will dame it a fowl thing to set more by money/ than by friendship/ But where shall we find them. which will not set more by worship/ governance/ soverayntes/ power/ and abundance of goods. than by friendship/ So that if this thing foresaid were set on that one side. of a man/ And friendship in that other side/ that would not cheese rather worships/ governances/ etc. than such friendship/ for sooth nature is to weack to flee the desire of power and worship/ and though men sometime foryete friendship to attain to a greater authority/ they trow themself in that byhalue to find a good excuse. while that they may say/ that they foryete not friendship. but for a great and a worthy cause/ Therefore no doubt of. it is passing hard to find very friendship/ in them which been conversant in high courts/ or in thastate public/ for where may we find him. that will rather put his friend to worship than himself/ and to set aside all such things. how grievous and how hard it is seemed to many to entre friendship with them which be in adversity/ Ennyus said truly. when he said/ a certain friend is known in uncertain seasons/ But there been two things which prove in many men lightness/ and unsurenesse. & that is when they despise their friend for prosperity/ or forsake him in adversity/ Therefore who so evir can in either of though two things show himself witty stable & constant in friendship. we may judge him of that kindred of men. which is most seldom found/ I had almost said that he is comen of god's/ ffeyth is fundament or sickerness of the stableness & constance that we seeken in friendship/ for there is nothing stable. that is feythles/ It is thenne convenient to cheese a friend such as is not double. & thenne take prosperity & adversity in common with him that chooseth him. & can consent with him in living. & that can be moved to like thyngiss as he is moved for a crooked & a variant wit may nevir be faithful/ ne he which is moved to do such things/ as his friend is moved to do/ or hath a like disposition in nature. may either be siker or stable/ And we may add to this/ that a friend/ should not delight in complaints to be brought unto him. or give credence to such as be brought unto him/ Alle the which things apperceive to that constance that I spoke of right now/ And so it is true that I said in the beginning How friendship may not be. but bytweyne such as been good. It sitteth a good man/ whom we may call a wise man to keep two things in friendship/ the first thing is that there is nothing feigned ne dissymiled. for it sitteth rather a worshipful person rather to show his displaysaunce & hate openly/ than to hide it with a sleight look/ The second is that a man should not only set a side such complaints as be brought to him of his friend but therewith set a side all such suspicion as he might have of his friend. by the which he should mow trow. that friendship were hurt or defoiled Also there had need to be/ between friends a manner of sweetness of speech and manners/ the which thing maketh friendship not a little the more savoury/ for sorrow and severity been in all wyses to be eschewed in friendship. Sorrow hath grevosnesse joined with him/ And friendship should be the more remiss/ more free. and swetter/ and more ready to all benignity and facilyte of manners/ but now in this place there is a little hard question/ Whether that new friends/ And such as be worthy the name of friendship/ be/ to be proffered a man's old friends. As we are not wont rather to cheese colts/ than horses of seven year for our road/ but there should no man doubt in this for there is not such fulsomeness in friendship. as there is in other things/ for friendship fareth as wine/ which may be kept many years/ for the more foylles/ that the wine is of. the more pleasant it is in drinking/ And sooth it is that is said. how men may eat many busshelliss of salt. or they perfit or accomplish their dutee of friendship. The novelties of friendship should not be forsaken/ if that they be such/ as a man may hope well of. no more then new herbs/ which deceive not men of such fruit as they shall bring forth/ But thantiquity of friendship should be kept alway in his own place. for the force of antiquity and custom is alway greatest/ if no thing let it/ as I made mention right now of the horse/ for there is no man. but had liefer ride upon an horse that is broken. And knoweth his hand on the bridle/ than upon that/ which is not broken. or on whose back he came nevir before/ So customme hath great strength not only in beasts. But also in things which have no feeling/ for we delight us in holy places/ And such as been set in woods/ in which we have long dwelled/ but the chief thing/ that is in friendship/ When he that is in superiority liketh to make himself equal with his friends. offtime/ There been certain excellences such as Scipio had in our company/ And yet he put Philus and Rutilyus/ And Mummyus ever afore him/ And diverse other of his friends. which were of lower estate. And he worshipped Quintus his oldest brother. Which was nothing like him/ As his better by reason of his age/ And he coveted to have all his friends in greater reverence and in more ample estate than himself· In which thing/ every man follow Scipion so/ if they have gotten the pre-eminence of virtue/ of nature/ or fortune/ they should depart it with their friends/ And comyne with them/ that been next to them/ As if they be born of low kin/ or if they have weak friends/ they should either by mean of counsel/ or by mean of liberality increase their havours/ as it is told in the fables/ how certain men were received in to seruyse· their birth and kin unknown. And at last it was founden. and they known for the sons of gods and kings/ And yet keep & now their favour and good will to such shepherds as yet live. and had their father's deed many years passed/ the which thing is moche rather to be do/ against such as have faders known and certain. The greatest fruit of natural virtue/ and all excellence is then taken/ When it is given and departed to them that be next in friendship and good will/ And they that been sovereigns/ in the nyghnesse's of friendship and join good will. should make themself equal with them. that been lower than they/ so as they that be beneatheth theym· have no cause to sorrow/ that they be overcomen by their friends/ in wisdom/ fortune/ or estate/ Of the which for the more part/ many complain upon such things or obreyde their friends therewith/ And so much the rather/ they think their friends so much more byholden to them/ that they may tell how studiously. how friendly and laboryously they have done for them/ In good truth it is an hateful manner of men/ which list oft to obreyde their friends of such things as they do for them/ for he that receiveth such benefits should remember. and not he that gaf them. Therefore they that are the sovereigns/ own to submit themself in frendsyip/ and in manner exalt them/ which been lower than themself/ But there been some that maken friendship right grievous. when they trow that men set little by them. And that happeth not commonly. but in such as trow themself that they should be little set by. And they should be eased of that opinion. not only in words but in deed/ we should yield unto every friend/ first als much as he might sustain & receive/ whom we love and will help/ for we may not do unto our friends by our means over much ample worships. As Scipio which might by his means make Publius Rutilius Consul/ but he might not make his brother Lucius so/ And what if we might do so to any other/ yet it is to be seen/ whether he may well take it upon him/ The judgement of friendship should alway be had/ when the wits of thages of men been in greatest force. and most hole and siker. for it is not speedful/ that if any children in the thendrenesse of their years have like courage and disposition/ to pleyeng at tenyce or hunting/ that they have them in most nigh of courage/ and chief of favour which been of semblable desires and studies/ or by that reason nourices and Scolemaistres by reason of old service must ask benevolence right largely/ And they should not be forgotten/ But there is manner in the cherishing of them without comformyte of manners/ for friendship may not be stable. for the diversity of manners causeth the diversity of loves/ for as similitude joined friendships/ so dissimylytude disseverith them/ And it is for none other cause/ that good men may nevir be friends with such as be naughty/ But for that/ that there is als great a distance/ or difference between their manners and studies Also it may be a good precept in the law of friendship/ that no man by a manner of his intemperate benevolence let the great weal. that should grow to his friends/ for if I shall turn again to fables/ Neptholonius might nevir have won Troy/ if he would have heard licomedes/ in whose house he was nourished/ which laboured with shedding of many tears to have letted his purposes. for oft-times great things happen casually to make men depart fro their friends. And many cheese for to depart rather than they should be letted of their purposes/ without hiering of their friends/ lest if they heard them. they could not say nay to their desires. And such a man who so evir he be/ is of over freall/ and over soft a nature/ And for that cause he is not very just in friendship/ But it is to be considered in every thing/ what we ask of our friend/ And what we will suffer to be asked of ourself & assethed/ There is also a certain calamity or obscurity full oft-times necessary in departing of frendshippis/ But now our speech is & shall fall from the famylyarytees of wise men to commune frendlyhedes/ The default of friends break out and show as well to them which be joined to them in friendship/ as to other folks in the disclaundre thereof/ and redoundeth not only unto them. which have the same vices/ But also to them which be their friends. And such frendshippis should be eased little and lytyle by slackness of custom and familyaryte/ And as I have herd Cato say/ they should rather be unripped/ than rent asondre/ on less than such wrong. as may not be suffered dissever the said friendship. so that it should be thought neither reasonable ne worshipful· ne that it might be other wise/ but that the said estraunging and disionction must forthwith be made/ But take me now as I said a lytyle before/ that I speak not now of the friendships of wise men. but of the common friendships/ if there happen to be a manner of change/ in manners and studies/ as it happeth oft. for such debate as falleth in the parts of our estate public it is to be taken heed of. These friendships only be not laid a part/ but that great enemytees be taken in hand & begun. And yet there is nothing forsooth more fowl than to make were with him/ with whom we have lived alway before familiarly/ You know well/ how Scipio departed from the friendship of Quintus Pompeus for my sake/ And how he was estranged from his fellow named Methellus/ for such debate as was in our estate public/ And he died in both things wittyly/ And by no sharp authority or offention of his courage propre/ But herfore I say/ we should take great heed. that there fall no debates among our friends/ And if there happen any such things/ we should labour that friendship should rather be softly quenched than oppressed/ we should in all wise beware. lest great friendships torn themself in to great enemytees/ of the which/ debates/ cursed words and strives enfiewe. nevertheless if they be tolerable/ they must be suffered/ And we should give this worship to old friendship. that he be thought rather in the blame that doth the wrong/ than he that suffereth it/ There is one provision & one mean to beware of all such vices. and incommodytees. And that is that we be not to hasty in the setting of our love/ ne that we love such/ as be not worthy to be loved/ They been worthy friendship in whom there be worshipful causes/ which should make us to love them. but they be seld founden/ And so be all things which be worshipful. And there is nothing more hard to find than that/ which is parfyt in his owen kind/ in every behalf. But for the more part/ men list to call nothing good in human things/ but such as is fruitful/ And so they love their frendes·s as they love their beasts for such as they suppose/ they shall have most fruit of. them they cherysshe most/ And therefore they lack the most naturel and fairest friendship/ which is not to be desired/ but by hit self/ and for hit self/ This is the very force of friendship/ and the quality/ and the quantity of the same every man loveth himself/ and looketh after no reward for his love/ for every man for his owen sake is dear enough to himself/ And unless that the said and the same dearness and love may be used in friendship a verray friend shall nevir be found/ for he is as though it were another than the same/ And if that appeareth in beasts and fowls breeding in the woods. or in the waters tame or wild. that first they love themself/ for that is a thing. that is innate unto every that hath life secondly that they seek and desire such beasts as they would couple themself with. and be of the same kind/ And that they do with great desire. and with a manner of likeness of the love of men. how moche more it is caused by nature in a man. that he should love himself/ and get him another/ whose will he should meddle with his/ that of though twain he should make well nigh one/ But many men full cursedly/ I will not say unshamefastly/ refuse to have such a friend/ for they can not be such one themself. And they desire of their friends such things/ as they would not depart with themself/ at their friends desire/ It is reasonable that a man first make himself a good man. and then seek another like himself/ And in such twain that stableness of friendship that we treat of before may be confirmed/ when men joined to gydre in benevolence can get the sovereignty of such lusts/ as other men be servants unto/ and set their joy in equity and justice/ Thenne that one shall have of that other/ but that/ which is righteous and worshipful/ ne they shall not only either of them worship other. but therewith they shall love to guiders with a manner of shamefastness/ for who so evir taketh away shamefastness from friendship/ taketh away the greatest ornament that friendship hath/ Therefore there is great and malicious error in them/ which trow surely that friendship giveth freedom & liberty to all lust And sin sith friendship is ordained by nature to be the helper of virtue/ and not the fellow to vice/ for solitary virtue may not itself attain to such things as been highest. but joined and felawshipped with other. it might attain. the which felauship if it be/ have been/ or shall be between any men/ that felauship is to be holden & reputed best/ and most blessed to bring them to the highest we'll of nature/ In this I say is the felauship/ in which all things been/ which men could suppose should be desired And that is worship/ glory/ and these of spirit and joyousnesse/ And where these things be/ the life is blessed/ And without them it ne may be blessed. then sith that it is best and most chief/ if we will attain there unto/ We must give ourself to virtue/ without the which we may neither come by friendship ne no thing/ that should be of us desired/ for virtue set a side/ who some ever troweth that he hath friends. he shall thenne know first how he is deceived/ when he is constrained to assay adverse fortune/ Therefore we may say. when ye have proved. then love/ And not when ye have loved. then to prove But sith we be punished for our negligence in many things/ yet we be chief punished for the negligence of the worshipping and loving of our friends in our advices taking/ we use a contrary order/ for though we be entriked by one mean/ or by another/ either by long famylyaryte/ or with thadministration of our dutees/ yet we break suddenly/ in the mids of our frendshippis/ some time for little offence. And so great a negligence in that thing/ that is most necessary/ is greatly to be dispraised/ Friendship forsooth is the thing to be set alone in thastate of man. and thutility of commodity. whereof all men been of one oppinnyon/ though the same virtue be despised of many which call it. but a thing set to sale and ostentation There be many that despise richesses And they been such as hold them content with little. And delight them in pour food and pour array/ And some despise worship. by the desire of which/ many men been set/ a fire/ And such men trow as despise it/ that their is nothing more wavering ne more unstable than the same/ And so it happeth in other things many men set no pries by that/ that other men make most of/ But all men accord in thoppinyon of friendship/ for they that yeven themself to thastate public/ or they that delight them in the knowledge and doctrine of many things. And they that been busily occupied about their own erandes/ And if I shall join them to the remnant/ they that yeven themself all to lusts and delights/ trow and feel that there is no life without friendship/ namely if they will live in any part liberally and joyously/ Friendship creepeth I wot not how in to the lives of all men/ And it suffereth none age be partelees of him/ but if so be that any be of sharp or cruel intent and nature. that he flee and hateth the meeting & fellowship of men/ so as one died at Athenes a namelees man almost. safe that he height Thymo/ yet he might not suffer/ but that he must have one to disclose unto. the horribylyte of his sharp life. And this might be best proved/ if it might happen/ that god wolnde take us from the conversation of men. and set us somewhere in wilderness/ And there give us abundance and plente/ of all thing that nature could desire. And therewith take from us the sight and use of all men. who could be found so hard that could endure that life/ or fro whom that being alone should not take the fruit of all pleasance/ Therefore it is full true that Tarentinus Archita was wont to say/ the which our olders were wont to tell us/ as they heard tell of their olders. if any man had ascended in to heaven. and beholden the nature of the world And the beauty of the stars. that which he had seen of marvel. should be in no wise pleasant to him/ if he had none/ to whom he might disclose that he had seen/ the which thing else/ that is to say. if he had a friend to whom he might disclose it/ that should be to him the thing of most sovereign plesaunce· So nature loveth nothing that is solytary· for it leaneth alway to some one thing that it will rest upon/ And where can it more surely rest/ than in that thing. which is most friendly to it/ But when nature declareth by so many signs/ what she would have/ what she seeketh/ and what she desireth/ we wax deef/ I wot not how/ for we will not here/ when she advertiseth us. The use of friendship is diverse & manifold and so there be many causes of suspicion and displeasance the which to eschew/ to ease/ and to bear/ is a wise man's part/ But there is one manner of displeasance/ that should be patiently born/ And that is when one friend for the profit & faith which should be retained in friendship suffereth a maugre. for friends should oft be warned & blamed reasonably/ And such warnings and blamynges should be taken benyvolently & friendly. But I wot not how it is true/ that Terence saith in his comedy named Andria/ following of pleasure getteth friends/ And truth hate. Truth is grievous/ for of it cometh hate/ which is the poison of friendship/ but following of pleasure. is moche more grievous. which suffereth sin unblamed/ and maketh a man's friend run hedlynges in to mischief/ But the greatest fault that may be in a man/ is to despise truth/ and to be by following of playsire wilfully led in to deceyte· Therefore diligence and reason is to be had in this byhalue. first that our advertisement to our friend be not sour/ And next that/ blaming be without chiding/ And let us use benignity in following of pleasure/ That word I use gladly/ sith Terence used the same/ But before all thing/ let us flee assentation in friendship/ which is the promoter of vice/ the which not only a friend. but every good man should eschew it/ It is not all one to live with a tyrant and to live with a friend/ but close his eeres/ when it is spoken/ his heal is to be dispraised/ Of the saying of Cato is well known. how sharp enemies/ merit moche more of some men/ than such as semen their sweet friends/ for the first say for the more part truth/ And that other nevir· And that is a fowl thing that they which be admonished by their friends/ take not such displeasance/ as they should take/ but take such displeasance as they should lack/ for it grieveth them not/ that they have sinned· but it grieveth them greatly to be blamed for it/ And it should be all other wise/ for they should sorrow for their offence/ and be glad to to corrected/ It is verray proper to friendship/ to warn and to be warned/ & he that is the warner should warn benignly/ curtaysly/ and not sharply/ And he that is warned/ should take it patiently & not obstinately/ Thus we should hold/ that there is not a greater sore in friendship. than adulation. flattery/ & assentacion· loo how many names this vice hath. it sitteth to such men/ as been light & deceivable/ to say all thing according to playsyr·s and nothing to truth/ sith the dyssymyling in all thing is vicious. for it taketh away and corrupteth the judgement of truth/ yet in especial it is vicious/ for that it is so contrary to very friendship/ for it setteth a side truth/ without the which. friendship may be of no value. for sith the force of friendship resteth in that/ that one will should be made of many wills/ how may it be so made/ if one will be not in one man. ne yet the same alway/ but vigilant. manyfolde· and movable/ what thing may be so flexible or so ready to bow/ as the will of him that is ready to change/ not only by the feeling and the will of another man·s but also at his cheer & countenance/ Some men will deny this. well I deny it/ he saith so/ I say the same/ but what saith he. I have mastered so myself/ that I will assent in all things/ as the same Terence saith/ but I speak this in the person of Enato/ but to intend to this manner of friendship. it becometh best such as be light/ Theridamas be many like Enato/ when they be in place of fortune & fame above other/ but their assentation is to grievous/ namely when authority is joined to vanity/ but a flattering friend/ may as well be known & understanden from a true friend/ if a man put to due diligence/ as all things which be coloured & dyssymiled may be known fro such as be pure & very in that counsel that rested of least wise men/ one may soon put difference between him that is a flatterer/ & a light cytezeyn/ & him that is constant sad & witty/ with what flattery entered Cueyus papirius in to the eeres of our counsel/ when he brought in the law to renovell the tribunes of the people/ but we advertised the contrary/ of myself I will not speak/ but of Scipio with a good will/ O almighty god how great wit/ & how great majesty was in his oration/ that men should rather take him for a prince/ than for a fellow of the people of rome/ but ye were present/ & his oration is in your hands/ so that law/ that should have be made for the favour of the people/ by the suffrages of the same people was put a back/ but now to torn again/ where I was ye be well remembered/ But Quintiws maximus brother to Scipio/ & Lucius Manilius being consuls. how greatly pleasant was seemed in the law made by Cueius lucinius Croesus entitled de Sacerdocijs to the people/ wherein the reformation of the collegis was brought to the benefayte of the people/ And he ordained first to have to do in his cause with the people in the open place/ and yet the religion of the gods immortal myself defending it. overcame lightly his vendible oration/ & that was done by me whiles I was praetor/ so that cause was rather defended for the justness of it/ than by any high authority. Then if so be that in that place. Where that our tragedies been played/ Where that countrefete and coloured things have great place. that it which is next the truth is most praised. if it be showed & represented as it should be/ what trow ye then should be done in friendship. which is all apperceived by truth/ by the which friendship/ unless than ye show your breast open & bore to you agayn· there may nothing be siker & sure between you/ Ne ye may not love verily/ ne be loved verily again/ & if ye understand not verily/ how this is true take ye heed. for though assentation of flattery be in itself cursed/ yet it hurteth no man/ unless than he wilfully receive it. & delighteth him in it. & so it is that he that flaterith himself. is most readiest to hyere flattery/ & hath greatest playsyr in himself/ but virtue loveth alway herself best/ & how amiable she is/ But I speak not now of virtue itself/ but of thopinion that is had of virtue for many there be/ that set not so much by virtue itself. as that they may be seemed virtuous/ & flattery pleaseth such men greatly/ And when feigned words been applied to their playsyrs/ they trow that such feigned speeches been sufficient witness of their preysynge/ Therefore between them is no friendship/ when that one will not here truth. and that other is ready to believe the merry flattery of the smiling feestes in our comodyes'/ which will not do half well/ unless then that there were glorious knygthes. when one asked. if his sovereign could him great thank/ he answereth. ye passing great thank where it should suffice to answer/ thank/ so the flatterer evir increaseth that thing/ that he would have increased for whose pleasure he sayeth it/ therefore though this sweet vanity be of great force to bede & draw to such folks as have pleasure in it/ nevertheless they which be more witty and more constant/ should be advertised/ that they have themself in a wait/ that they ne be taken by such wily assentation/ There is no man. but he seethe openly a flatterer on less than he be a fool/ or wytlees/ but let us beware: jest he be subtle & by far set means set upon us/ And then he is not passing easy to be known/ for sometime he will traversse a man's will/ and finally assent & make▪ as though he died strive. And yet he flattereth/ And atte last he will give up his cause/ and suffer himself to be overthrow/ to that intent. that he which is mocked/ may seem himself more valiant/ but what may be fouler/ than to be mocked/ Therefore we aught to be the better ware/ that it happen not unto us. There was one said/ I would ye had seen me this day before all my friends/ And before all such as love me/ men of great worship & age And how plenteously I live among them/ but it fareth by this man. as it is said in the fables/ The most fonnysshe persons represent such aged men/ as lack for sight/ & been hasty of credence/ but I wot not by what mean/ our speech is fallen from the friendships of such men as been parfyght. that is to say wise/ I speak of that wisdom/ that men may attain to light friendships/ Therefore let us turn again. to the first friendship we speak of & conclude therein. I say Eneius Faunyus/ & Quintus Mucius. it is the chief virtue which getteth friendships/ & concerueth them/ for in virtue is the convenience of things/ the stableness & constance. & when she exalteth & showeth her owen light/ and when she seethe & knoweth the same in another/ she draweth it stoundmele unto her. and taketh so the same/ that is in another/ Whereof love and friendship of such knyttynges of good willis is set on fire/ for both Amor and Amicicia been deryvyed of Amando/ And what is to love/ any else/ but for to love such as have none indigence. no seeking of profit. though it flourysshe & flower/ it causeth the to love him of such friendship. Also it is caused thaugh ye easily follow it/ that we young men have loved these men which were right aged/ Lucius Paulus/ Marcus Cato Cueius Gallus. Publius Nassica. Titus Graccus father in law to our Scipio/ but friendship showeth most bright. when it is amongs them/ which been of equal years/ as between me & Scipio/ Lucius Fucius Publius Rutilius and Spurius Mumius Some while we aged men rest in the benevolence of them/ which been toward the world. as it fareth by me/ which delight in the familiarity of Quintus Tubero. which is as who saith young/ And Publius Rutilius/ for it is according to the reason of our nature and life/ that one age succeed another/ but we should naturelly most desire that we might come alway. at the heels of them/ that we were let out with to rove first/ but sith the things of men been freal & falling/ we should pain us/ to get some such/ as we might love truly/ And of whom we might be also truly beloved men/ for when love and benevolence been taken away from our life/ all gladness and comfort goth with the same/ for Scipio though he were suddenly take away fro me/ as to me ward he liveth. and evir shall live/ for I loved the virtue of that man/ which can not be extinct. ne I have not only that virtue. alway in my sight. which I have found alway ready at my hand/ but therewith the same is left notable and clear to them that shall come after me/ for there shall nevir man take upon him so great things/ but that he shall mow trow/ that the remembrance and Image of Scipio/ aught to be called to his mind/ Therefore of all things/ which fortune or nature hath granted me/ I/ have nothing that I may compare with the friendship of Scipio/ for in that friendship I fond the comfort of our estate public/ and in the same I fond alway counsel ready for such things as bilonged to myself And in that same I fond rest/ full of all delectation And I nevir offended him in so little a thing as could be imagined als far as I could feel/ Ne I heard nevir thing of him/ that I would not have herd. We dwelled in one house. Our manner of living was all one/ In time of were we were to gydres/ In talking of our disports and pilgrimages doing we nevir dissevered/ And what shall I say of our studies/ the which we used to know or to learn alway somewhat. and in the which/ when we were fro the sight of the people. we spent all our void times/ And if the remembrance & high memory had died with him/ I might in no wise bear the absence of him. to whom I was most nigh knit/ & he of me best beloved/ but these things be not deed/ but rather nourished & increased by the thought & remembrance that I have of him. & though all though things were take away fro me/ yet mine age doth me great comfort/ I may not now long live in this desire. all short things/ though they be great/ they should be tolerable/ these things I have had which I might say unto you of friendship. Now I exhort you/ that ye so set virtue/ without the which/ friendship may not be/ that except the same ye deem that nothing may be better than friendship. Thus endeth this book named Tullius de Amicicia/ which treateth of friendship uttered and declared by a noble senator of Rome named Lelyus unto his two sons in law also noble men of rome named Faunyus & Sevola. In which they desired him to inform them of the friendship/ that was between the said Lelius and the noble prince Scipio African. wherein he hath answered & told to them the noble virtues that been in friendship And without virtue very friendship may not be. as he proveth by many exsamples and notable conclusions as here to fore is much plainly expressed & said all a long/ which work was translated by the virtuous and noble lord and Earl/ th'earl of worcester. on whose soul I bechese almighty god to have mercy/ And all ye that shall read or here this said work of your charity I beseech you to pray for him. And by cause this said book de Amicicia is full necessary and requisite to be had and known. I have put it in emprynte/ to th'intent/ that very Amity and friendship may be had as it aught to be in every estate and degree/ And virtue without which friendship may not be had· may be increased▪ and vices eschewid· then when I had imprinted the book of old age/ which the said Tullyus made/ me seemed it according that this said book of friendship should follow/ by cause/ there can not be annexed to old age a bettir thing/ than good and very friendship. which two said books here to fore wreton been of great wisdom and authority/ And full necessary bohoeffull and requysite unto every age estate and degree/ And that they profit in increasing of virtue/ I beseech the blessed trinity to give and grant unto all them that shall read & here these books/ And so to flee & eschew vices & sins/ that by the merits of virtuous honest/ and good works/ we may attain after this short/ transitory life the eternal blessed life in heaven/ where is joy and glory without end. Amen. Here followeth the Argument of the declamation/ which laboureth to show. wherein honour should rest: when th'empire of Rome moste flowered/ And was in the age of his force and strength. The fame of one named Fulgeus/ was right far spread to his great worship. for he was right eurous to richesses/ honour/ and friendship/ Also greatly rich as well of the grace and good will of all the Cyteseyns of Rome/ as of other gifts of fortune/ And he had by his wife named Claudea a daughter of surmounting beauty called and named Lucrece/ which was th'only hope of his comfort and sustentation in the years of his age/ far beside her marvelous beauty. wherein she excelled all the virgins of Rome in the days/ There was in her so great attemperance of life/ with so worshipful conduit of manners/ so great force of wisdom/ with so plenteous understanding of lectrure/ that it showed her to lack nothing/ that could be willed or washed any worshipful creature to have of honour or virtue/ Nevertheless among many that heartily loved her. there were twain in especial. which daily more & more/ burned in the love of fair Lucresse· And between them was little difference in seemliness of persone· or age. But their manners and fortune were greatly different. The one of them and the first was named Publyus Cornelius/ of the worshipful house and stock called Cornelij/ And he habounded greatly in the goods of fortune· for though he was noble of birth Yet thereto he was greatly stuffed of Richesse. well furnished of friends/ his household plenteously garnished of servants/ and all apparaylmenties in those days used/ And his great study rested in hunting. hawking singing/ & disport/ That other & the second which hight Gayus Flamyneus was born of a lower stock. And he had moderate Richesses/ reasonable plenty of that/ as appertained to an household/ or th'appareling of the same/ how be it/ he had much better & more worshipful fortune/ And that not withstanding/ he showed himself nevir the more slack in that he should do/ Paining himself alway to flower in virtue and good manners/ but his great study was with his diligence and se●●yse. to help his friend and country/ when either of them had need of his help. In time of were he showed himself manly & corageous/ And in time of peace right busy and laborious in his books/ so that in time of were/ he was furnished of counsell/ And he counseled nothing but such as himself full like a man would take his part in/ he excelled greatly in attemperance of living. prudence/ and eloquence/ above that. it was credible/ or could be supposed in any of his years/ And of the said noble virtues/ he was greatly praised of all the people of Rome/ Hit fortuned these two young men. to meet of adventure at the house of this Fulgeus/ father unto fair Lucrece/ their intents and causes of coming like as it was proved by their overture/ was that either of them desired in as goodly language as he could/ the good will and parfyght favour of Fulgeus. touching his daughter Lucrece/ so as she might own her favour to him in especial before any other/ Thus either of them desired Lucrece/ and her father understanding their playsyrs went for to have speech with his daughter/ to th'intent to give them answer. And when he had declared to fair Lucrece the honourable desires of these two lusty young Romans/ And considered well that his daughter was in the flower of her years/ he gave to her his fadrely advys·s that she should intend to marriage/ & set her heart upon one of these twain. that is to say Publius Cornelius or Gayus Flamyneus/ And Lucrece first with a shamefast countenance. when she heard her father's declaration and advise/ excused her full humbly and womanly showing herself to be all other wise set/ But her father charged her so straitly/ that her excuse in that byhalue. might take no place/ Ne other mean was none. but that she must cheese one of these twain. that is to wit/ either Publius or Gayus/ Andrea thenne delyberaon taken with herself/ this was her final answer/ Thanswer of Lucrece unto her father. right worshipful father of me your humble daughter best beloved and most dread. I dare in no wise disobey your commandment yeven unto me/ on your blessing/ I pray you cheese for me/ and to your son in law/ the more noble of both. upon the which her answer/ there grew great controversy between these two young Romaynes·s and great heart brenning/ which of them twain should have be counted for more noble/ And for as much as like things had not be seen before/ And that th'answer of Lucrece was openly published/ the matter was brought by fore the Senate/ where either of them had such language for his part by way of Oration as ensieweth/ The Oration of Publius Cornelius Scipio. sith it is so that my lady. Lucrece hath willed and desired to have the more noble of us twain. You ffaders conscript/ which of you is he. that understandeth openly/ how Publius Cornelius Scipio born and descended. of the noble and worshipful blood and house of the Cornelyes. must by all reason and right. have and enjoy the glory of this most goodly choice. who is he well advised that doubted that/ to be noblesse/ which we take of the stock/ of our worthy olders/ sith they left that/ unto their heirs and successours·s as the richest part of their inheritance/ for when they have attained the fame of worshipful deeds/ by them parfyghted. and deserved laud of knightly discipline. ripe manners/ great virtue/ and high glory/ and have merited a name bright and immortal/ with high and greatest worships. that they have attained to the places and offices of greatest authority in our city/ And so called the very noblesse & worship by the remembrance of the which/ all their issue is nobled/ if it so be that we bring our children in to this world as part of our blood/ members. bones/ & bowels. how should they be otherwise called than the parts of our body/ the which granted/ it must follow necessarily that their heirs/ parts of their body/ be partners of their glory/ And such part of glory as they receive/ they leave unto their childed/ as to the parties of their body/ And so to be continued to the last of that kindred. sooth it is/ that the likeness of the faders/ be for the more part showed in the children. by th'ordinance and establysshement of nature/ And sometime they be verily like. that nothing in beauty and personages can be found different. And so that during the life of the son/ the father may not be forgotten/ Item many faders and children been so like in manners/ that their wits & manner of living be well nigh conformable/ the children be so nourished and brought up in their faders houses/ the which their familiar custommes. and daily conversation of speech/ and dealing together. must needs draw them to comformyte of manners/ sith it draweth them which be foreynes full oft unto the same/ By the which reasons/ it showeth evidently/ that custom and nature. have full great force and strength in children/ and inpressing in them full hugely his force/ So that for the more part if the father and mother be vicious/ they leave alway a spot unto all their progeny/ And if they be virtuous. they leave to them a bright fame. such as without their demerits. may not be taken from them. I could remember unto you many if ye will not think me to long/ which have had worshipful faders/ & therefore without any other cause/ have been called forthwith noble who is that well understandeth the worship of Furius Cammillus/ that would not judge his children noble & honourable/ sith he delivered the city in most extreme peril/ out of the hands of our enemies/ And so he alone repaired and preserved the weal of our thing public/ who is he also in like wise/ that will not think the children of Fabius Cato and Emilius worthy fame and noblesse/ sith by the virtue of their said faders. the city was set in so great worship and surety/ And they therefore received so often their tryumphies/ who is he that will not trow/ that our weal public/ is greatly beholden to the children of them/ which so often put themself wilfully/ their life/ their goods/ and all that they had in greatest jeopardy and peril for the same/ for if their faders well and worshipfully acquitted themself in that byhalue. And caused our city to flower in so great worship and glory/ fforsothe me seemeth/ it were over unkind if it would not have them in perpetual and worshipful remembrance/ And therefore in so much as our olders would not been hold but kind. they ordained and established by their statutes and laws public/ that who somevir they were. that chastised their enemies distressed great folks/ or subdued contrees to their obeisance/ should receive. at their return/ that glory. that was unto an Emperor with worshipful Tryumphis openly yeven. by the which they should be exalted in worship like unto a g●●de immortal/ graven images also representing their likeness should be set in the places/ where thasssembly of the people oftenest/ & most amply was had. Also their names to their perpetual laud were written in the stone works enbowed/ called the Arches tryumphal. t'appear clearly to all their heirs and successors. The which Arches tryumphal/ Romans visited and worshipped certain days of the year by them limited and ordained/ wherefore it should seem/ if such and so great worship was due unto the graven images/ the same and greater is due unto their children and progeny. for though graven images were but a counterfeited representation of their persons and victories/ And in their childed nature hath lyeffully imprinted and showed verily the same/ and/ so ordained/ that they may do great & good service/ to the weal public where as the deed stones may full little ease or profit/ And their children calling unto their mind the noble deeds of their progenitors. may be so set unto the following of them/ that they should mow do many things full weleful/ and commodious for our estate public. And set a side many things noyesaunt & perilous for the same/ And therefore full oft/ for the reward of their faders merits/ our citizens have given to them diverse offices of great authority and worship Also more over/ there is no wise man/ that understandeth himself near his days and time of death. giveth charge so greatly of any thing earthly. as of that/ that he shall mow leave his children to live worshipfully after their disceas/ Ne in their age they can not understand. any thing more pleasant or joyous unto them. than if there children by their virtues be called to estate and worship we see also that the chief of their thought. and pleasure is upon their children/ And some think they can not age ne wax old/ while their children been a live/ ne that they be unforsaken by humanity. all the while/ their children enjoyen it/ which premyses prove. that the love of the faders/ among all the desires of mortal men/ can not be thought to rest so greatly in any one thing. as in their children. & if it so be that the principal thought of the faders both first and last. resteth in the children. & in them/ and for them they have their pleasance/ and care/ The sequel is upon this city that they must think chief/ it be kept and holden to the children of them I mean of the faders/ which have so merited thank and laud. for that they have done for the same city/ And furthirmore worship and make moche of them/ at the reverence of their faders/ and to use and excercise that kindness in them. wherein they fawted in power to recompense the merits to their said faders whiles they lived/ Therefore me seemeth/ this is the highest part of noblesse. to come of their ancestors. of whom they may recount and rehearse the noble deeds/ many times worshipfully achieved and parfyghted truly & without colour/ And for their benefaytes·s their issue may duly desire. And by title of inheritance challenge the offices of estate & worship in this city or any other place/ And remember themself. how they be very parties of the bodies which have been so worshipful. ●eryng the likeness/ image/ and print aftir them/ Who is he that would not judge them noble/ namely when all men been of the same opinion/ Pard the comyne people. call them only noble. which been descended of noble Auncestry. fferthermore sooth it is·s that the abundance of richesse embelyssheth greatly noblesse/ by the which richesse. the servants/ and all other convenyentes. for the well beseeing of the house/ been had more goodly and pleasant/ And such things also as outward possessions/ And foreign causes been better sustained and served. Friendship also and attendance of neighbours/ is by that mean purchased/ And who is he that can think/ that he should mow well help his friends in time of their need/ which may not of himself relieve his own necessity. Wherefore me seemeth the chief and highest part of noblesse/ must rest in liberality. And as I said he paineth himself vainly to excercise liberality to other folks/ which hath not whereof to use it to himself. It is necessary thenne/ that he that will be liberal/ abound in goods of fortune. thenne his noblesse shall show/ bright by mean of liberality/ And the lusty brightness of many noble persons is darked & seace when they lack that/ whereof they should be liberal· How many noble & chosen men have there been/ that when they have be brought to the point of poverty/ have been holden & taken for vile/ And of none estimation. how many high & noble men have died unknown for lack of good/ whose virtue might not conduit them to the favour of princes for that they lacked that. which was necessary for sustentation of their living. Thenne abundance of good is a great and asoverayn help/ to the show/ and setting out of the works of noblesse/ by the which the courage may be enforced with great hardiness. And the virtue of noblesse may more clearly appear. And if it so be that noblesse resteth in blood and richesse/ as it must needs. which of you is it faders conscript/ that doubteth my blood And my havoyrs/ remembered/ but that I should mow well challenge to be one of the most noble of this city/ for who is he that hath fought more manly. for our estate public/ than mine ancestors/ Or where may be found among us/ that hath put himself in greater jeopardy for the same than they/ Or by greater force and virtue hath set a side fro this city peril and disshonoure likely to have fall to the same/ where can ye remember that any have subdued to your obeisance so much of this world as mine ancestors have done/ for one of them when he had chastised the proud courages of the kings of asia and diverse other nations. deserved the name of Asie· to be joined to his name for a perpetual memory of his victory/ Another of them in the time when italy laboured in the sufferance of the cruel force of our enemies. which neither spared to brenne/ slay/ and waste all the contrees enuyronne/ I mean after the great battle of Gueius delivered the city all occupied with weeping/ wailing. and woe. despeyred of relief. by the puissance of Hanybal thenne our enemy/ considered with his daily victories/ enchaced the said Hanybal from our bonds of Italy/ in to his own country. where he put him to perpetual rebuke/ And subdued the estately city of Cartage. which had alway us in hate/ to our obessaunce/ by the which victory/ he merited the name of Affryca to be knit with his name/ And for so moche as the third Scipio in the time of the rebels of Cartage. when he had made the wallys & buildings even with the ground/ The said name of Affryca. he and his successors enjoyed as a surname where in they were enheryted/ I pass over to speak of other. by whose virtue and glory this city was sovereignly praised and dread. for if I would rehearse you/ the worshipful deeds and acts of every of mine ancestors/ I should peradventure occupy you to long/ And I should not understand myself/ when I should make an end. And I may much more gladly and leeffully/ in this byhalue put myself to silence. sith that their famous deeds be to their infinite laud notayrely known of you all/ for where is the place in this city that is void/ of the tryumphal writing of mine ancestors/ or where is that temple/ that is not enourned with the rich espoylle of their victories/ what sacred places can we see here/ In which the pyctour or graving of their images is not/ And they be such/ & as great remembrances of their noblesse/ as is leeful for any mortal man to will or desire/ which premisses prove evidently/ in how great noblesse of blood I am enheryted/ for I bear in me the very image of them/ for who so ever knew them/ & now seethe me/ may not fail to call them unto his mind/ I am he that represented their blood their members/ and their shape in this body which I bear about/ Of them I came/ In their houses I was nourished/ and with them I dwelled till I attained the years of my force/ And so I am descended of the strene of their noblesse/ that in no wise it may be taken fro me/ and if this city be debtor unto them/ for their benefits. I must needs claim/ as their heir/ part of the same debt/ And me seemeth I may challenge of you worshipful faders of right. such offices of worship as shall fall in your yefte. for I trow there were nevir none more worshipful endowed with noble courage than mine ancestors/ which unto me left as great plenty of noblesse and richesse/ as can of any person be willed or desired/ for my father left unto me fair and stately places/ well and plenteously fornysshed of all manner things/ which should be long unto them/ so that when they be arrayed and hanged with such stuff as he left me/ there is full little difference. between the palaces of kings/ and my buildings/ I have then without the subarbes. places of disport as lustily and pleasantly builded· as can be devised/ beside that I have in champayne· ffertyle fields. rich posseessions and fair villages/ which be able to receive. not only a great household. but a great host/ And furnish them abundantly of all manner of victual/ What household I keep and how it is beseen· all the people of this city know well enough/ fforsothe I have so great plenty of the yefts of fortune. And of my worshipful progenitors. that I dare say/ So that no man there with be displeased/ that there be few in this city in birth and richesse/ which excel me. Thenne let Gayus Flammyneus put himself to silence/ And namely in this strife of noblesse/ or in the desire of fair Lucrece/ sith in birth and richesse he may challenge no part of noblesse/ Namely sith it is to us all unknown/ from whence he came. And whether he have any little piece of earth to build upon a Coat or lodge. And therefore of very right I ask this fair lady/ which is to be married/ that hath chosen me/ sith I am more noble than Flammineus. And therefore I have best deserved to be perpetual servant to her most beautyvoꝰ grace/ during my life/ And ye my lady Lucrece have right great cause to be right glad/ and thank our gods heartily/ which have endowed you with so great wisdom and grace. for ye could not have chosen a more faithful. ne more obeissant servant ne one that loveth you more heartily. ne one with whom ye should pass your years more prosperously. for I shall bring you to my lodging where ye shall see estately buildings of hall and chambers convenient for a king. Next ye shall see the chamber of pleasance with rich and pleasant beds and hangings. Also the rich pieces of clotheses of gold and silk for your arayement/ And ye shall cheese as much as shall please you of them/ ye shall not be vexed with common labours/ ye shall lead your life with pleasant idleness/ And ye shall not need to break your sleep to think how ye shall get you money to live at your liberty. As it shall best please you. And ye shall not need to think on any thing/ but how ye shall be merry in singing dancing/ hunting/ hawking/ and such other disports of pleasance/ And ye shall have such gentle women/ to be partners of your playsyrs as ye will cheese/ and other maidens which shall be ready to obey your commandments/ There shall no day pass you/ that ye ne shall have some disport of pleasance. And I shall enforce me to make you pass the nights merrily/ And Flammineus might evil promise you these things. sith he is of such poverty. that he lacketh all these himself. And with him forsooth ye should lead over wretched and careful life/ for in stead of estately and pleasant beds and hangings/ ye shall find in his house such as they use upon land./ And in stead of pleasant idleness ye shall find over peyneful business. In stead of rest/ labour/ And in stead of sleep. watch/ And there should no day pass you far/ without labour and occupation/ who is he· therefore that supposeth/ but that fair Lucrece would have me to her servant/ when she chooseth the more noble of us twain/ fforsothe Madam ye uneath speak more openly/ In this your wisest/ and most discrete choice. unless that ye had named me by my name/ full womanly & covertly ye expressed your desire/ & where your shamefast womanhed would not say/ I desire Cornely/ ye said/ I desire the more noble of them twain/ It were over great a folly to dame otherwise/ for who is he that would believe/ that ye would forsake playsant rest/ & cheese painful business/ therefore ye faders conscript according unto your estates & dignities/ give ye a righteous sentence in this matter/ Thus endeth the Oration of Cornelius Scipio And here followeth the oration of Gayus Flammineus wOrshipful ffaders conscript/ sith I am enforced to speak for my part of nobleness/ me seemeth I have a very great grace to have you to my judges. which be most noble/ & endowed with most assured courage/ There can nowher be found any. which have so parfyght use of noblesse as ye And it is the thing to my sovereign comfort and joy/ when I remember you so full of equity & right having so parfyght knowledge of things with a customed use of virtue. Then I shall not mow suffer of you any wrong/ or say any thing not known to you/ or remember any vertu/ the which ye yourself use not/ In this controversy fforsothe faders conscript/ it is to give more sad and quick audyence· than in any other private strives/ for this is a judgement that shall concern only two cyteseyns. or one particular person. but it is a thing that toucheth all folk/ & shall ever be had in remembrance. And shall be named thorough all the world. theterne law of the sacred Senate of Rome/ You may see this day otherwise than it hath been afore time seen/ how all the pepole of Rome been present/ And lie in await upon your judgement. And ye may behold the sight and look of your citizens and foreynes cast and fixed upon you/ And to them it is not only comfortable to understand/ which of us twain shall have fair Lucrece/ but which of us should be judged for more noble/ therefore I exhort your great wisdom to advert the weight of this matter/ for how be it/ justice is to be tendered and kept/ in every matter/ yet it is most to be take heed of/ and how to be used in high and great matters. And faders conscript. I beseech you to pardon me for your great humanity and noblesse/ though I speak more sharply in this matter/ than I have been a customed afore this/ to be mine own herawde/ ne to say evil of any other person without great cause/ sith I know well/ the first proceedeth of an Inmoderate courage/ & the second of an impatient heart/ natheless I am enforced to the first that is to say myself/ sith I must needs defend mine own nobles/ & to the second/ I am compelled/ by the surquydous boost and wanton language of Cornely/ which hath spoken lately before you/ little worship of me. tempting his softness with his sharp wordes·s And yet he gaf me by that/ great help & succour in my cause/ both to rebuke and to repress his lack of shamefastness/ ffaders conscript ye have understanden the pleasure of noble Lucrece/ touching the choice of us twain. And how Cornelius hath be bold to describe noblesse/ And set it in blood and richesse/ And so to prove that he is more noble than I & furthermore told of the worshipful deeds of his ancestors/ And how great richesse and havoyrs his father had left to him/ Soothe it is/ that the substance of his speech resteth in this/ but he could nothing remember of himself. that he had do any thing worthy or dign of rehearsal or remembraunce· And therefore he uttered nothing of his own life and manners/ And forsooth I trow/ that noblesse resteth not in the glory of an other man. or in the flytting goods of fortune/ but in a man's owen virtue and glory/ for what is noblesse other than a certain excellence in virtue and manhood which proveth one man worthy. to be preferred another. for semblably as man excelleth all other beasts/ and not for his force/ but for his reason/ so by the virtue that one man hath/ which another hath not/ he excellyth him/ for when a man hath be exercised in the crafts of greatest noblesse/ that is to say/ in justice/ pity/ constance/ Magnanymyte/ attemperance. and prudence deserving a fame of excellence in them. And hath quite him well to the gods immortal. to his father and mother. to his friends/ kin and his country/ And hath be nourished and brought up in the doctrine of lectrure/ thenne me seemeth forsooth/ he should be called/ and reputed more noble worshipful & more famous· than another as Corneli himself said a little before. when he spoke of his own manners/ And on that other side/ he that is corrupt with cursed crafts. And betaketh himself to cruelness/ rechelenesse/ Cowardyse/ distemperance/ and injustice/ and giveth no force of religion/ ne of the good will of his friends or not to use pity to his father and mother in time of their need/ fforsoth me seemeth/ he should be judged of all men a wretch/ unnoble/ shameful. and worthy to be set a side fro all good company. It is not abundance of richesse. ne the nobleness of birth that may give or take away noblesse fro any person. for the courage of man is the very resting place of noblesse/ the which dame nature th'empress of all things here beneatheth/ hath ordained and established to have chief pre-eminence in the life of man. and hath enfude it evenly in all men mortal/ fro the first day of their birth/ And she nevir joined it to the inheritance of possessions/ for she will be at her liberty & fredam by th'advise of virtue/ to give it. to whom she liketh best/ And like wise as a glass or a mirror well made/ showeth the figure set by fore it/ if it be fair/ fairer/ & if it be fowl/ fouler/ so the courage which is pure & free/ is disposed to take noblesse or Innoblesse indifferently. And there should no man accuse the largesse of nature in this most best. and excellent gift of freedom. for she giveth to every man a like courage/ and taketh none heed of their kin powerer or richer/ for there is no man so needy. so vile/ ne so little set by/ but when he is brought in to this world. he is endowed with as good courage/ as the son of an Emperor or king. and as apt to virtue and manhood/ and peradventure in this cause I shall not need to give many examples. what shall I say of them. that have been born of simple and low kin/ which have grown to great worship. Of whom there cometh so great plenty to my mind/ that this day is to short for me to rehearse the less part of them. nevertheless I shall rehearse a few/ beginning at Tullius Ostilius. which was born in a full simple cotage· And had father and mother so pour and wretched that full few there were that knew their names/ And the said Tullius was an herd and kept beasts. and grew so in wisdom and virtue. that at last/ he occupied the greatest authority and dignity in this city/ And how he enlarged the same city. and subdued the veyenties. & the fydenaties our greatest enemies/ And brought them to our obeisance. It is open to you all/ Also Servius Tullius born of a bond stock atteygned the highest governance of this city/ And byhaved himself so nobly therein/ that he made the sabynes·s your subgettes/ and thrice he received his triumph/ fferthermore he joined to this city three hills/ Also Marcus porcius Cato was born in such another Coat/ a full lytil house like as was Tullius hostilius. And he was in this city of so great dignity and authority. that he passed all other in his days. he was right noble and necessary to our comynte/ he was in his time a worthy knight/ and a very good clerk. & he was had in great reverence of the citizens/ that by his wisdom he increased the number of the Senators/ And embelysshed the majesty of the Senate with his presence/ Every man knoweth also how Marius was born in the wild field. for his father & mother were so pour/ & so abject a stock/ that they had no house of their own. & yet in right great virtue & excellent manhood he flowered/ all ye know well/ how he was first in the battle against jugurtha underneath his master Methelius. which was that time questour of Rome whom the said Marius succeeded in his office of Consul And he byhaved him so well in the said battle. that he put to flight the said jugurtha/ And Bokkus' king of Maurytanus which came that time with great multitude of people to succour and enforce jugurtha. And when he had put him to flight/ he won many castles and fortresses. And at last took the said jugurtha/ and brought him afore his char to rome/ And there received his triumph. with right great glory. after that when the people which were called Symbryanes' had won the field of the Romans. which made all the city to tremble and quake for fear/ in like wise as they died in time of Hanybal/ Then Marius was chosen to be the Capetayn of the field made again the said Symbryanes'/ where he had the victory And delivered the city fro fear and peril/ And therefore he received his second triumph/ Socrates also which was the very mirror of the wisdom of man/ whose doctrine hath enlumyned all the scoles of philosophers/ which was also the wisest and cunnyngest of all mortal men/ as great Apollo beareth witness/ He had to his Mother a midwife/ And to his father a Marbyler/ Eurypydes also which excelled in his time all other/ in writing of Tragedies/ And Demostene the most eloquent Orator of the greeks were born of right power and simple stock/ And who is he that would or dare call them unnoble/ It must needs be granted that/ either there is no noblesse among mortal men/ else if there be any it resteth in such persons. as wisdom. force. manhood. forsyght/ and very virtue make them to flower above all other/ And give to them fame like to gods immortal/ And Cornely thou knowest well thyself/ how unlike thou art unto mine ancestors. in every thing concerning worship and exercises of manhood. which proveth well the contrary of that/ which thou hast said. that noblesse is not knit to blood. but to very vertu. that is joined to the courage/ for they tofore remembered should nevir else be called noble. which have been of simple and low birth/ And many that have comen of worshipful auncestries that deserved. by their demerits/ not only to loose their name of noblesse/ but over that/ to be called shameful and abominable creatures/ And some I shall rehearse of thy kin/ And first I will begin at the son of Scipio Affrycan. which darked and defaced the vigorous and virtuous fame of his father/ And that not a little with his cowardice and folly/ for when he was distressed and take with great shame by the king of Anchioche. And kneeled before him. he weeping like a child. held up his hands/ And besought the said king to grant him his life. The said Scipio also/ when that he not by his merits/ but by the labour of Cisero▪ which was his father's scribe had gotten th'office named among us Pretore. His friends and kinsmen were so glad thereof/ that they said/ they heard nothing of long time before/ whereof they were more heavy/ And they understanding his cowardice and folly. for fere lest he should have blemished the worship public of this city/ or the worthy fame of his Inmedyat progenitors▪ ordained so among them/ that he was nevir suffered to sit in his place annexed to his office/ ne to give any judgement in any cause/ Also Publius of the same stock when he was named Consul/ And sent forth against jugurtha that had slain Hatherbal and yempsal the sons of king Mysipha/ which were evir friendly. and welewyllers/ to the Romans/ And therefore the said Publius was commanded to take vengeance of their deeds/ he led his host so recklessly/ that our people were nevir more wretchedly and perylously conduited. And at last he was corrupt with good which he received of jugurtha/ And therefore he made with him an over shameful peace. which was after refused. and utterly despised of the Senate. And himself therefore discharged of his office/ to his greatest rebuke & shame. where may any thing more unworshipful/ I should say more shameful be told or rehearsed of any man/ And what shall I say of the most graceless young man named Lucius Fabius Maximus son of Allobrogus. his father's worship halpe him not. when he was known of so vicious and wretched life/ But Quintus Pompeus that time praetor of this city. bannysshed him perpetuelly out of rome What shall I say furthermore of the nephew of Quintus Ortencius/ the which was a man in this city of great authority/ And atte last by evil company was led so/ that he foorced not openly to go to the stews/ and in sight of all men. to have a do with common women How supposest thyself Corneli. should we dame them that we have rehearsed/ noble/ when their life so moche wretched and full of folly. quenchid the brightness of their noblesse/ what if they would preach of the noble deeds and acts of their ancestors/ Or what if they would show graven or painted images of them/ in tharchs tryumphal or sacred places. trowest thou thyself/ while they were so vicious/ that any wiseman would for all that they could show/ or remember/ either praise them or set by them/ Thenne it should seem better for their own pleasyre & worship to keep silence/ than to speak any thing of their progenitors/ for there is no man/ but he would think 'em the more to blame. that when they had so worshipful an example set before their eyen/ they forsook shamefully and wretchedly to follow it. & me seemeth though their faders had done nevir so moche for the weal public of this city. it should in no wise be debtors to their children. which been of reverse conditions/ for like wise as their faders died embelysshe all this city/ So they spotten and defowlen the same. Their faders set our city in honour and surete· And they every day put it in peril and nonsurete. Their faders by their virtue and force delivered our city that when it stood in great jeobardye and peril. And when it was in greatest rest & peace/ they have set it in great trouble and disordynaunce And what should such men mow claim by their merit or desert in our city/ when it had be good for the same never to have seen them/ & to their faders/ nevir to have begotten them/ namely when their said faders. preferred our weal public their lives/ It is not then to doubt/ that if their faders were on live/ and certainly advertised of their vices/ they would judge them according to their demerits to great torments/ death/ or prepetuel exile/ for many like young men of semblable manners. have been by their forfaders condemned by judgement/ as brutus. for when he had understand/ that his sons conspired again our weal public/ he made them first to be beat with rods/ & afterward to be beheaded/ Also Cassius made his son/ which rebelled against th'empire of Rome to be taken/ And forthwith sent him sore scourged to the Senate/ there by judgement to receive his death/ Like wise Maulyus' torquatus one of the most noble citizens that we have had/ when his son was empleted of debt. took upon him thexaminaction of the matter/ And when he understood his son truly accused/ he gave his sentetence in this wise/ Sith it is so. that my son hath rob this city/ of so much money/ And blotted greatly the fame of me/ and all his kinsmen. by the breaking of his faith and promise/ I judge him unworthy to entre his faders house/ or to receive any benefayte of our estate public/ or to come in the company of any worshipful Cytezeyn/ which proveth sufficiently that they/ which been not like their faders in virtue. should not be like to them in any reward given by our estate public/ for like wise. as in a dark glass or mirror a figure doth unneath appear/ so in the children that be vicious. The virtue of the father may unneath be seen/ Therefore Cornely thou hast a full vain supposing/ when thou trowest that the glory and noblesse of the faders must be left to the children/ as a thing of inheritance/ And all this booste that thou makest of thy kin. it soundeth moche rather to their laud and worship than thine/ And though children have blood/ and all thappertenauntes pertaining to the body of their faders/ yet the very noblesse/ which resteth in the spirit and courage/ may not be had without a man's owen labour and desert/ And where as thou sayest that lettred persons call them properly gentlemen which been descended of noble kin. fforsothe I hold well with that/ so they be like in such virtues/ as have caused their forfaders to be called noble/ And as for thyself/ if thou challenge it by that title/ amend thy manners/ or give over thy cause/ But I trow better that persons well lettered will rather note them/ which been themself cowards. and have more manly forfaders with degeneration/ than nobleness/ Sith that they be so different in manners fro their kin/ It is daily thing of experience. that ma●y a worshipful man hath full unworshipful children. And many a wise man hath had fonnyssh Chylderen/ And many a virtuous man. children vicious/ And there thou leyest the vulgar opinion for thine author. I hold it full easy to dysaprove/ sith it is so changeable and full of errors/ And it is very certain/ that the said opinion acordeth full ceil with wisdom. But now let us descend to that poverty/ that they which be noble or gentlemen have diverse times fallen in/ where was there oughwhere a pourer. than Marchus Agrippa which was passingly excellent/ and necessary to our thing public/ which was in that case/ that when that every man was taxed at a certain/ there was nothing found of his patrimony/ which might relieve or augment our common treasure/ was not our commonte fain for as much as Ualerina Publicola that had quit him so notably often and many times for our estate public/ dying in such poverty/ that he left not where with he might be enteered. but to bury him on their owen cost and charge. And how the people of this city called Lucius Cyncinates fro the tilth and sowing of his land to the highest Empire/ It is easy to remember/ how the said Lucius proved himself of such virtue and courage/ Thenne when the Palestynes had biseged this city/ he broke not only the siege/ And chased them to the flood named Alba. but over that/ he wan and subdued echt great cities/ which were the chief helpers and courageours of them in their wars/ And all this victory he achieved & parfyted in twenty days/ And how glorious was the poverty of Actilius Seramus/ whom when the Senate had called from his plough to th'office of consul/ he acquitted him with so great vigour/ that he distressed their enemies & set them in surety. but yet that not withstanding. the dignity of th'office which bore the pleasures of this city/ ne the richesse or worship which he gate in our werres/ could not let him/ but that he would return to his first labour/ & them which were so worshipful in martial discipline/ & so virtuous in living/ shall we call unnoble or wretched/ Is there any man so destitute of reason/ that will call them/ but most noble/ which have conserved our we'll public alway in noblesse. me seemeth this example sufficient to prove/ that noblesse may be joined with poverty/ And poverty with noblesse/ Ne let no man trow. but that a pour man. which hath worshipful manners and virtuous deeds should mow well be called noble and namely these which I have rehearsed. that acquitted them so manly and assuredly/ for their estate public/ friends/ and kin/ when they had greatest need of comfort & succour/ Were not these folks liberal/ and worthy to be praised in the highest degree of liberality/ when they left all their owen pleasure/ and profits/ to do their service for the comyne weal/ I trow it was a greater liberality to give to their city the freedom. which was taken fro it/ and delivered their kinsmen and friends from all peril. wrong/ and jeobardye/ than if they had departed all their hole patrimony to their ●●te. kinsmen/ & friends/ And who so evir paineth him/ be it in things public or private/ to be called liberal/ so much the more he is proved every day more liberal. when he useth his diligence and devoir to promote his city kin/ or friends/ Thenne Cornely the liberality of a worshipful pour man/ may be right great & such/ that poverty may not dispoylle the virtue of noblesse/ Honest poverty may take away no part of virtue. Was it not the fairest gift and richest liberality of nature to give every man power & ability to be virtuous/ And therefore she hath set it. in the inward places of the spirit/ and not in the foolhardynesse of fortune/ And there is no hap so hardy and so cumbrous/ that may take virtue from him/ which is well willed to keep it/ ne there is no hap so marvelous or pleasant/ that may bring worship to him/ that is a reckless man or a coward/ fforsothe it is. if fortune had sovereignty above virtue/ within a while there should be no virtue/ or any merit of virtue/ for the choice of things to be worshipfully parfyted/ should much rather rest in fortune/ than in the dispositions of our free wills/ And therefore Cornely cease of that opinion/ That is to say to trow that virtue/ liberality. and noblesse/ should have their first/ course. or beginning in thabundance of richesse. for then it should follow/ that how worshipful a person were/ when so evir he failed richesse. his name of worship should cease/ And the contrary is true/ for that/ which is very worship or noblesse/ is neither subject to fortune or hap. And though men which I have rehearsed. afore their poverty attended/ should nevir have ascended so high in honour/ ne have merited such fame of worship as they died. And therefore ye faders conscript. if worshipful progenitors have had children worshipful. And if pour progenitors have had worshipful children. And if marvelous and great virtue have rested in such as have be right pour. The sequel is to your wisdom's manifest. which is this/ that noblesse resteth neither in richesse ne in blood/ but in a free and a noble courage/ which is neither servant to vice ne uncleanness/ but is exercised in cunning and virtue. And he that is endued with such a courage/ deserveth best to be called noble/ worshipful/ & excellent/ therefore in this contravercy of noblesse having/ between me and my fellow/ me seemeth he should best deserve the palm of victory/ that may prove himself most virtuous & worshipful/ ffaders conscript I have liefer in that byhalue to have one other to speak for me. than to speak myself/ least I speak any thing swooning unto my own laud/ and be boosted with the vice of boost/ nevertheless it is to me inly joyous when I behold your most right wise courages and most benign humanytees. for I wot well/ I shall mow say nothing in praising of myself untruly/ but that ye will understand it well enough. And this/ that I shall say of myself truly shall not mow hurt me in your conceits/ I trust ye know the life/ and the manners of us both well enough/ how be it I shall remember your wisdom's and/ acustommed benygnytees/ what my life hath been/ sith my first years/ fforsothe when I was right young I was set to school/ And when I waxed more ripe of years. I took great pleasure to spend my time/ in the study of philosophy/ And me seemeth I could not have spend it bettir ne more worshipfully/ and to my masters I had them that understood both greek and latin/ & certain years I abode in athens to here the greeks/ the princes of eloquence and philosophy/ And how greatly I profited there/ I report me to the judgement of them. which be parfyght in that tongue/ yet I may say thus moche of myself. that there was no day which passed me idle/ ne no night without study and learning of somewhat/ The which high desire to have knowledge of cunning was granted to me/ I dame of nature/ for me seemed my mind was never appeased but when it had knowledge of some thing/ that I knew not afore. And of the very truth of things/ I had plenty of masters and teachers/ and many lerners with me. And among the wisdom of so many/ there might no man be left an ydeotte/ I was so used in my youth to the doctrine of virtue/ that there is left no place in my courage of vicious desires/ for in good faith vices be to me as noyous/ displeasant. and grievous as they may be. And virtues as pleasant. joyous/ and acceptable as they may be/ Butler after that when I remembered me. how every man which hath virtue or cunning is bound to serve therewith the estate public. I gave my sylf holy & fully/ to the weal public of this city/ And when I had do so/ I nevir stynted to think upon the weal and thincrease of the same. dreading therefore no peril or labour/ I nevir spared myself in that. which should 'cause it to flower in worship and surety. for few years passed/ when our sees were occupied and encumbered with pirates. And Gayus Flammineus Publius a man of great worship/ had take upon him the charge of your navy and ships/ And had delivered to my governance ten ships of forstage/ for to fight again one of the rovers called Horantes/ It fortuned me to meet with him. and to board the same ship in which he was himself/ And how be it/ he resisted manly and with great force trusting upon the multitude of his ships and people/ I overcame him & brought him & all his navy to my capytayne· Also in the battle again Metridates I was a knight/ & in the service of the same Emperor/ And how oft I had for my guerdons/ the round crown accustomed to be yeven to that knight which advanced himself/ most ferforthly and manly in the battle/ I report me to mine Emperor and fellowship/ And where is that worship that may be gotten in th'office or dignity of Consul/ by the merits of knightly discipline. that I have not had/ And I trust to our gods that I have acquitted me in the years of my force and lustiness. that in mine age I shall not be reckoned among them/ which have do nothing for our weal public/ how well that I am be friended. ye my best beloved friends/ which be here now present/ can bear sufficient witness. And whether I have be ready in every place/ to assethe your lyefful desires/ as well in things public/ as/ things private. for I trow I was never strange to do for you/ that lay in my power/ And of what faith/ pity. and love/ I have been to you/ ye all know well. great grace and fortune I have received of our gods to have so great benevolence and frendelyhed of all folks. for there is no man in this city/ ne in all the world hath cause to hate me. if he be not an enemy to our common weal/ nevertheless the some of all my labours hath rested in this/ to be a curious searcher for our weal public/ merry at home/ laborious outward. busy to attain science/ piteous of them/ which had necessity/ namely to my father. mother/ & kin. well-beloved of my neighbours/ true to my friends/ obeysaunt & devout in things religious. by the which means I have judged myself to attain best noblesse/ And I have trowed by these virtues to polysshe my courage. and to make it more worshipful/ Cornely thenne thine/ what be thy conditions/ or what is thy dispositions. where didst thou any thing in thy days/ that thou canst rehearse/ where by thou wouldest claim or challenge worship or noblesse/ where evyr received our city any benefete by the. or any thing of laud. where by it might understand that thou were born in this world/ for thou livest among us here/ more like a deed man than a quick/ where is there evir any man that hath be helped or relieved by the/ where hast thou used the noblesse and liberality. that thou spekyst of/ peradventure thou hast be prodigal unto wanton & unshamefast creatures/ And there by thou hast wasted thy house. thine apparel/ and all thy goods/ Thou trowest thyself/ thou art passing worshipful· when thou hast all thy loves about the/ japing. Raging/ and wrestling with them in thy dronkenhede/ And then to preach of the noble deeds of thine olders/ I will not say nay/ but confess that thine ancestors have be of sovereign authority and worship in this city. And thou unwyseman to thy great shame/ when thou remember'st thine own sloth and simpleness/ there may nothing be more detestable or unthrifty than this is/ for where thou hadst thine ancestors shining in worship like bright phoebus. showing to the. by their clearness the straight high way to the same/ to lead so dark and so blind a life as thou dost. for they gave to the a full worshipful example in many and diverse wyses. how thou shouldest mow deserve the great laud and thank of thestate pulyque/ And by their brightness they showed to the/ the very path to noblesse/ As if they should say this way we have hold. and it is easy enough unto the for to follow us/ And thou hast forsaken the bright path which leadeth to worship/ and hast wilfully drowned thyself in the dark pit of foryetefulnesse/ Trowest thou to flower in our city by the merits. when thyself hast so defouled the same with thy vices. And trowest thou to attain worship by their benefayttes when thou dost nothing well to our city/ Supposest thou with thy sleep/ rest. idleness/ wine/ mangerye/ lusts/ and unshamefastness. to get that worshipful fame/ which they gate by their laborious watches. contynencies/ hunger/ thirst/ heat/ cold/ and so many diverse haps/ Thou dost err full hugely/ for it must needs be/ if thou wilt have such title of fame as they had/ that thou make thyself such/ in conditions and manners as they were/ virtue is not a thing of inheritance/ And therefore essay whether thou mayst find such reason and wisdom as they used/ for in their bequest thou shalt not find that they bequeathed to the their virtue/ Thou sayest that there was nothing to them in their last days/ more pleasant/ than to understand. the to have received worship and reverence of th'estates of this city/ And forsooth I trow/ if they might come fro the places. in which they been/ there should be nothing more grievous more displaysaunt· and loother to their glorious spirits. than to understand/ that our city hath so long suffered patiently thine errors and vices unpunished/ And I dare say/ if they were a live/ they would be the first/ that should punish the/ either with death or with exile. O good god art not thou ashamed to say that thou were nourished and brought up with them/ when thyself dost live so fowl and shamefully/ that thou seemest rather to have be nourished and drawn in the open houses of misgoverned women/ And thou affermest that thou dost represent their images and likeness. And yet knowest well enough/ that thy cowardice exceedeth their worship. And I would wite of the how an image may well be seen in a mirror that is all for rusted. And thou dost suppowraylle thy noblesse with thy stately buildings/ fair places/ rich villages/ and pleasant fields/ And desprysest my mean suffisance in building. livelihood. and honest poverty/ but thou understandest full little/ how greatly that richesse/ that thou hast. is to thy shame· And that/ which I have is to my worship/ for me seemeth it is greater worship in little livelihood to live worshipfully/ than in so great abundance to live prodygally/ inordenatly. and shamefully/ Peradventure I have had as much worship of knightly laud in this city. as I could desire or covet/ And I live so after my livelihood. that I trust to continued my life/ without lack of that. which shall suffice me. and for the cause I desire no more/ than that sufficeth/ I hold me well content with that I have/ And it is enough to me to have that I desire. And to covet that/ which is reasonable. who so evir coveteth more/ exceedeth the bounds of reason/ what could we desire more/ while we live here. than to live worshipfully/ Not doubt thereof who somevir heepeth up richesse/ trusting thereby to satisfy all his desires/ is but vainly occupied/ for virtue & measure aught to suffice in every thing/ And noble courage can ascend to worship with lityl help of richesse. but a wretched courage can nevir ascend to worship. though it be helped with nevir so great plenty of richesse/ let no man fere to use virtue when he lacketh good/ It is no pain to him that is well willed to do some thing well/ And he that is not noble. may accuse none but himself/ we complain oft causelees upon fortune/ And therefore Corneli stint of thy booste of richesse. which showeth moche rather thy cowardice than manhood/ And cease to despise my mean suffisance of goods. And cease to set noblesse in the goods of fortune/ which be but lent to us/ And yet they been flitting and unstable/ Noblesse should be knit to virtue. & virtue with noblesse/ and ye may lady Lucrece/ which excel all other of this age in wisdom and beauty/ know well. what very noblesse is/ And by your great wisdom/ ye have attained to the same. & I wot well the vulgar plays. the wanton array of women/ the rich ouches set with precious stones the clotheses of gold/ the daily dawnsing & singing/ be not the things that please you most/ for ye know/ all these things been but subjects and servants to vicious and dishonest things/ for ye have given your life to philosophy liberal studies/ continence/ labour shamefastnessee/ watches/ and virtuous business. And in thief/ ye excel all other of your years in this eyte. And these been the things that I love you in especial fore/ & for the which I shall pain me to please you & serve you & there be nothynges which may better be coupled/ than such as been like in the noble desires of virtue and good will/ and like manners and disposition of living And there is nothing more grievous and discacording to love/ than when one desireth virtue. & another desireth vice/ Therefore while I have some convenience/ with your manner of living in virtue. And Cornelius in all wise difference/ It must needs show/ that ye love not him/ but love me. for what pleasure should ye have to live with him. when ye are disposed to the virtuous business of study. And he is the greatest enemy that science hath. And when ye would feign attend thereto/ he in his drunkenness. with his stumbling yoxing and prating should let you, ye would be glad/ to see your house flower in shamefastness and honest. he would be glad on that other side/ to see it servant to fleshly lust and riot/ You would be glad to speak with sad and cunning persones·s And demand them of the merueyllous causes of thynges·s of the moving of the planets. And the discipline of manners/ And he among his company of women abject would booste of riot uncleanness and folly/ And how may there be rest or accord/ between though courages/ which be so greatly different/ But my lady Lucrece. if it please you/ I shall bring you to my power lodging where ye shall find quiet rest/ And how be it. that if it be not so superfluously be seen as Cornelius is. yet I trust ye shall find it bettir furnished of virtue/ manner/ and such pleasyrs. as your most womanly courage delighteth in/ And first I shall show you my lyberary well stuffed with fair books of Greek and latin/ where unto in every adversity/ is my chief resort for counsel and comfort/ And there shall we diverse times have communication of the cunning and doctrine of my lady and mistress philosophy/ And there I shall repeat to you the marvelous doctrine of the philosophers of Athenes/ which I have herd and enjoy me greteli when I remember it/ no business of familiar things shall again your will. depart you/ fro such pleasant idleness. for I trust to our gods. that my little field of the which I am embraided by Corneli shall suffice for our daily livelihood/ nevertheless one thing I have in advantage that he hath not/ for though my little field were take away fro me/ My cunning and lectrure/ by whithe I should mow attain to greater possessions than that. during my life/ can not be taken from me/ As touching to you madame/ It shall be in your free choice/ whether ye will be idle or study. And if it please you to study/ there shall be none so hardy to break your pleasant thoughts in that byhalue. ne there shall no chattering or jangling of unchaste women let your study or cause you to fere. of the stable love of your true servant. And the cause of our marriage/ shall with joyous love right soon be had/ to your pleasure/ I trust to our gods no doubt of/ Thorder of matrimony is as it were a divine religion for the conservation of mankind. to the which if it shall please you tentende/ in such wise as I have said. I trust ye shall think yourself evir here after during your life more and more fortunate/ for what may be more blessed in this temporal life for you/ than to pass your age in tranquyll joyousnesse/ virtue. and noble fame. And what is more virtuous/ than to occupy your mind in good & virtuous thoughts/ and what more joyous than to take him for your perpetual servant/ that sovereignly delighteth in that/ which ye chiefly desire/ Therefore ye faders conscript/ in whose great wisdom's resteth the judgement and conclusion of this contravercye. weigh ye in your breasts what I have said. and publysshe ye rypely and soon your sentence touching this contention/ We strive for noblesse/ and which of us two should be reputed more noble/ And in that byhalue our life. our fortune our study and manners/ how be it. they were well known to your noble advertences/ yet now they be in brief remembered/ nevertheless thissue of this contravercye is this This day honest striveth with unshamefastness/ continence with lust/ Magnanymyte with Cowardyse/ lectrure with Inscience. and virtue with negligence/ And whether of these parties is the better/ I leave it to your doom and sentence: Thus endeth thoration of Gayus Flammyneus As touching the sentence dyffynytyf given by the Senate after these two noble knights had purposed and showed their Orations I find none as yet pronounced ne given/ of which mine author maketh any mention of in his book/ Thenne I would demand of them that shall read or here this book. which of these twain that is to say Cornelius Scipio and Gayus Flammyneus was most noble· And in which of them both. after the content of their orations that noblesse resteth And to him judge ye this noble and virtuous lady Lucrece to be married/ And here I make an end of this matter for this time/ praying and requiring all them that in this said work shall have any pleasure/ that ye will remember him that translated it in to our maternal and Englyssh tongue/ And not only this said work but the book of Tullius de Amicicia here tofore imprinted whith treateth so well of friendship & amity/ I m●ne the right virtuous and noble Earl. th'earl of wurcestre/ which late piteously lost his life/ whose soul I recommend unto your special prayers. and also in his time made many other virtuous works/ which I have herd of/ O good blessed lord god. what great loss was it of that noble virtuous and well disposed lord/ when I remember and advertise his life/ his science. and his virtue/ me thinketh god not displeased. over great a loss of such a man/ considering his estate and cunning. And also thexercise of the same. with the great labours in going on pilgrimage unto Iherusalem visyting there the holy places. that our blessed lord Ihesu Criste hallowed with his blessed presence· And shedding there his precious blood for our redempcion·s And from thence ascended unto his father in heaven. And what worship had he at Rome in the presence of our holy father the pope. And so in all other places unto his death/ At which death every man that was there. might learn to die and take his death patiently/ wherein I hope and doubt not/ but that god received his soul in to his everlasting bliss for as I am informed he right advisedly ordained all his things as well for his last will of worldly goods as for his soul health. & patiently and holily without grudching in charity tofore that he departed out of this world/ which is gladsome and joyous to here/ Thenne I here recommend his soul unto your prayers/ and also that we at our departing may depart in such wise/ that it may please our lord god to receive us in to his everlasting bliss. Amen: Explicit Per Caxton