A true copy of a Discourse written by a Gentleman, employed in the late Voyage of Spain and Portugal:  
Sent to his particular friend, and by him published, for the better satisfaction of all such, as having been seduced by particular report, have entered into conceits tending to the discredit of the enterprise, and Actors of the same.  
AT LONDON Printed for Thomas Woodcock dwelling in Paul's Churchyard, at the sign of the black bear. 1589   

To the Reader.  
SOme holding opinion, that it is only proper to men of learning (whose art may grace their doings) to write of matter worthy to be committed to the view of future Ages, may judge the publication of such Discourses as are contained in this Pamphlet, to be an adventure too great for a professed soldier to undertake: but I, more respecting the absolute truth of the matter, than the fair show that might be set thereon; and preferring the high reputation of the Actors in this journey before the request of my particular friend, have presumed to present unto you a report of the late Voyage into Spain and Portugal, sent unto me almost 4. months sithence from a Gentleman my very near friend employed in the same; who, as it appeareth in his observations, hath advisedly seen into every action thereof: and because I have often conferred with many that were in the same journey, very near upon every particular of his relation, and find as much confirmed as I have received, I presume to deliver it unto you for true & exact. Howbeit, forasmuch as it came unto my hands with his earnest request to reserve it to myself, I had almost consented thereunto; had not the desire I have to reconcile the contrartetie of opinions that be held of that action, & to make it known what honour the cause hath laid upon our whole Nation, moved me to publish the same: whereof sith there may grow a greater benefit in public, (for that many shall partake thereof) than the pleasure can be to him in smothering the labours he hath bestowed in setting down the Discourse, I doubt not but he esteeming a common good before his private fancy, will pardon me herein. In the behalf of whom, I beseech you to whose view and reading the same is offered, not so curiously to look upon the form, as upon the matter; which I present unto you as he sent it, naked and unpolished. And you that were companions with him of the journey, if any of you may think yourselves not fully satisfied in the report of your deservings, let me entreat you to excuse him, in that he endeavouring to write thereof briefly for my particular understanding, did only take notice of them who commanded the services in chief, as being of greatest mark, and lay the blame upon me, who can by no means avoid it: saving that from the fault I have committed, (if it be a fault) I hope there may some good proceed. It hath satisfied me in many things, whereof I being ignorant, was led into an erroneous conceit of the matter and of the persons: and I hope it shall both confirm others who may remain doubtful of either; and reform them that having been seduced, are become sectaries against the same. I will therefore commend the man and matter to your friendly censure, forbearing to notify his name, lest I might increase mine offence against him; & be nameless myself for other good considerations: which I leave friendly Reader to thy best construction.   

THE true copy of a letter sent from a Gentleman, who was in all the services that were in the late journey of Spain and Portugal, to a friend of his.  
ALthough the desire of advancing my reputation, caused me to withstand the many persuasions you used, to hold me at home, and the pursuit of honourable actions drew me (contrary to your expectation) to neglect that advise, which in love I know you gave me: yet in respect of the many assurances you have yielded me of your kindest friendship, I can not suspect that you will either love or esteem me the less, at this my return: and therefore will not omit any occasion which may make me appear thankful, or discharge any part of that duty I own you; which now is none other, than to offer you a true discourse how these wars of Spain and Portugal have passed since our going out of England the xviii. of April, till our return which was the first of July. Wherein I will (under your favourable pardon) for your further satisfaction, as well make relation of those reasons which confirmed me in my purpose of going abroad, as of these accidents which have happened during our abode there; thereby hoping to persuade you, that no light fancy did draw me from the fruition of your dearest friendship, but an earnest desire by following the wars, to make myself more worthy of the same.  
Having therefore determinately purposed to put on this habit of a soldier, I grew doubtful whether to employ my time in the wars of the low countries, which are in auxiliary manner maintained by her majesty; or to follow the fortune of this voyage, which was an adventure of her and many honourable personages, in revenge of unsupportable wrongs offered unto the estate of our country by the Castilian King: in arguing whereof, I find that by how much the Challenger is reputed before the defendant, by so much is this journey to be preferred before those defensive wars. For had the Duke of Parma his turn been to defend, as it was his good fortune to invade, from whence could have proceeded that glorious honour which these late wars have laid upon him, or what could have been said more of him, than of a Respondent (though never so valiant) in a private duel? Even, that he hath done no more than by his honour he was tied unto. For the gain of one town or any small defeat giveth more renown to the Assailant, than the defence of a country, or the withstanding of twenty encounters can yield any man who is bound by his place to guard the same: whereof as well the particulars of our age, especially in the Spaniard, as the reports of former histories may assure us, which have still laid the fame of all wars upon the Inuador. And do not ours in these days live obscured in Flanders, either not having where withal to manage any war, or not putting on arms, but to defend themselves when the enemy shall procure them? Whereas in this short time of our adventure, we have won a town by escalade, battered and assaulted another, overthrown a mighty Prince's power in the field, landed our army in three several places of his Kingdom, marched seven days in the heart of his country, lain three nights in the suburbs of his principal city, beaten his forces into the gates thereof, and possessed two of his frontier Forts, as shall in discourse thereof more particularly appear: whereby I conclude, that going with an Inuadour, and in such an action as every day giveth new experience, I have much to vaunt of, that my fortune did rather carry me thither, than into the wars of Flanders. Notwithstanding the vehement persuasions you used with me to the contrary, the ground whereof sithence you received them from others, you must give me leave to acquaint you with the error you were lead into by them, who labouring to bring the world into an opinion, that it stood more with the safety of our Estate to bend all our forces against the Prince of Parma, than to follow this action, by looking into the true effects of this journey, will judicially convince themselves of mistaking the matter. For, may the Conquest of these countries against the Prince of Parma, be thought more easy for us alone now, than the defence of them was xi. Years ago, with the men and money of the Queen of Egland? the power of the Monsieur of France? the assistance of the principal States of Germany? and the nobility of their own country? Can not an army of more than 20000. horse and almost 30000. foot, beat Don John de Austria out of the country, who was possessed of a very few frontier towns? And shall it now be laid upon her majesties shoulders to remove so mighty an enemy, who hath left us but 3. whole parts of 17. unconquered? It is not a journey of a few months, nor an auxiliary war of few years that can damnify the King of Spain in those places, where we shall meet at every 8. or 10. mile's end with a town, which will cost more the winning, than will yearly pay 4. or 5000. men's wages, where all the country is quartered by rivers, which have no passage unfortefied: and where most of the best soldiers of Christendom that be on our adverse party be in pension. But our army which hath not cost her majesty much above the third part of one years expenses in the low Countries, hath already spoiled a great part of the provision he had made at the groin of all sorts, for a new voyage into England; burnt 3. of his ships, whereof one was the second in the last years expedition, taken from him above 150. pieces of good artillery, cut off more than 60. hulks, and 20. French ships well manned, fit & ready to serve him for men of war against us, laden for his store with corn, victuals, masts, cables, and other merchandizes; slain and taken the principal men of war he had in Galitia; made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman, Conde de Fuentes, general of his Forces in Portugal, shamefully run at Penicha; laid along of his best commanders in Lisbon: and by these few adventures discovered how easily her majesty may without any great adventure in short time pull the Tyrant of the World upon his knees, as well by the disquieting his usurpation of Portugal as without difficulty in keeping the commodity of his Indies from him, by sending an army so accomplished, as may not be subject to those extremities which we have endured: except he draw for those defences, his forces out of the low countries and disfurnish his garrisons of Naples and Milan, which with safety of those places he may not do. And yet by this mean shall rather be enforced thereunto, than by any force that can be used there against him: wherefore I directly conclude, that this proceeding is the most safe and necessary way to be held against him; and therefore more importing, than the war in the low Countries.  
Yet hath the journey (I know) been much misliked by some, who either thinking too worthily of the Spaniards valour, too indifferently of his purposes against us, or too unworthily of them that undertook this journey against him, did think it a thing dangerous to encounter the Spaniard at his own home, a thing needless to proceed by invasion against him, a thing of too great moment for two subjects of their quality to undertake. And therefore did not so advance the beginnings as though they hoped for any good success thereof.  
The chances of wars be things most uncertain: for what people soever undertake them, they are indeed but as chastisements appointed by God for the one side or the other. For which purpose it hath pleased him to give some victories to the Spaniards of late years against some whom he had in purpose to ruin. But if we consider what wars they be that have made their name so terrible, we shall find them to have been none other, than against the barbarous moors, the naked Indians, and the unarmed Netherlanders: whose yielding rather to the name than act of the Spaniards, hath put them into such a conceit of their mightiness, as they have considerately undertaken the conquest of our monarchy, consisting of a people united and always held sufficiently warlike: against whom, what success their invincible army had the last year, as our very children can witness, so I doubt not but this voyage hath sufficiently made known, what they are even upon their own dunghill: which had it been set out in such sort as it was agreed upon by their first demand, it might have made our Nation the most glorious people of the world. For hath not the want of 8. of the 12. pieces of artillery which was promised unto the adventure, lost her majesty the possession of the groin, and many other places, as hereafter shall appear; whose defensible rampires were greater than our battery (such as it was) cold force: and therefore were left unattempted.  
It was also resolved to have sent 600. English horse of the low Countries, whereof we had not one, notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transportation hither: and that may the army assembled at Puente de Burgos thank God of, as well as the forces of Portugal: who foreranne us six days together: Did we not want seven of the thirteen old Companies, we should have had from thence: four of the ten dutch Companies: & six of their men of war for the sea, from the Hollanders: which I may justly say we wanted, in that we might have had so many good soldiers, so many good ships, and so many able bodies more than we had?  
Did there not, upon the first thinking of the journey divers gallant Courtiers put in their names for adventurers to the sum of 1000 li. who seeing it went forward in good earnest, advised themselves better, and laid the want of so much money upon the journey?  
Was there not moreover a round sum of the adventure spent in levying, furnishing, and maintaining three months 1500. men for the service of Berghen: with which companies the Mutinies of Ostend, was suppressed: a service of no small moment?  
What misery the detracting of the time of our setting out, which should have been the first of February, did lay upon us, too many can witness: and what extremity the want of that months victuals which we did eat, during the month we lay at Plymouth for a wind, might have driven us unto, no man can doubt of, that knoweth what men do live by, had not God given us in the end a more prosperous wind and shorter passage into Galitia, then hath been often seen; where our own force and fortune revictualled us largely: of which cross winds that held us two days after our going out, the generals being weary, thrust to Sea in the same, wisely choosing rather to attend the change thereof there; than by being in harborough to lose any part of the better when it should come by having their men on shore: in which two days 25. of our companies shipped in part of the fleet, were scattered from us, either not being able or willing to double Vshant.  
These burdens laid upon our generals before their going out, they have patiently endured, and I think they have thereby much enlarged their honour: for having done thus much with the want of our artillery, 600. horse, 3000. foot, 20000 li. of their adventure, and one months victuals of their proportion, what may be conjectured they would have done with their full compliment?  
For the loss of our men at Sea, since we can lay it on none but the will of GOD, what can be said more, than that it is his pleasure, to turn all those impediments to the honour of them, against whom they were intended: and he will still show himself the God of hosts in doing great things by them, whom many have sought to obscure: who if they had let the action fall at the height thereof in respect of those defects, which were such especially for the service at land, as would have made a mighty subject stoop under them; I do not see, how any man could justly have laid any reproach upon him who commanded the same: but rather have lamented the iniquity of this time, wherein men whom foreign Countries have for their conduct in service worthily esteemed of, should not only in their own country not be seconded in their honourable endeavours, but mightily hindered, even to the impairing of their own estates, which most willingly they have adventured for the good of their Countries: whose worth I will not value by my report, lest I should seem guilty of flattery, (which my soul abhorreth,) and yet come short in the true measure of their praise. Only for your instruction, against them who had almost seduced you from the true opinion you ought to hold of such men, you shall understand that general Norris from his book was trained up in the wars of the admiral of France: and in very young years had charge of men under the Earl of Essex in Ireland: which with what commendations he then discharged, I leave to the report of them who observed those services. Upon the breach betwixt Don John and the States, he was made colonel general of all the English forces there present, or to come, which he continued two years: he was then made marshal of the field, under Conte Hohenlo: and after that, general of the army in Friesland: at his coming home in the time of Monsiers government in Flanders, he was made Lord precedent of Monster in Ireland: which he yet holdeth, from whence within one year he was sent for, and sent general of the English forces her majesty then lent to the low Countries: which he held till the Earl of Leicester's going over. And he was made marshal of the field in England, the enemy being upon our Coast, and when it was expected the crown of England should have been tried by battle. All which places of commandment which never any Englishman successively attained unto in foreign wars, and the high places her majesty hath thought him worthy of, may suffice to persuade you, that he was not altogether unlikely to discharge that which he undertook.  
What fame general Drake hath gotten by his journey about the world, by his adventures to the west Indies: and the scourges he hath laid upon the Spanish Nation, I leave to the Southern parts to speak of, and refer you to the book extant in our own language treating of the same; and beseech you, considering the weighty matters they have in all the course of their lives with wonderful reputation managed, that you will esteem them not well informed of their proceedings, that think them insufficient to pass through that which they undertook, especially having gone thus far in the view of the world, through so many encumbrances, and disappointed of those agreements which led them the rather to undertake the service. But it may be you will think me herein either too much opinionated of the voyage, or conceited of the Commanders, that labouring thus earnestly to advance the opinion of them both, have not so much as touched any part of the misorders, weakness and wants that have been amongst us, whereof, they that returned did plentifully report. True it is, I have conceived a great opinion of the journey, and do think honourably of the Commanders: for we find in greatest antiquities, that many Commanders have been received home with triumph for less merit, and that our own country hath honoured men heretofore with admiration, for adventures unequal to this: it might therefore in those days have seemed superfluous to extend any man's commendations by particular remembrances, for that then all men were ready to give every man his due. But I hold it most necessary in these days since every virtue findeth her direct opposite, and actions worthy of all memory, are in danger to be enviously obscured to denounce the praises of the action, and actors to the full, but yet no further than with sincerity of truth, and not without grieving at the injury of this time, wherein is enforced a necessity of Apologies for those men, & matters, which all former times were accustomed to entertain with the greatest applause that might be. But to answer the reports which have been given out in reproach of the actors & action by such as were in the same. Let no man think otherwise, but that they who fearing the casual accidents of war had any purpose of returning, did first advise of some occasion that should move them thereunto: and having found any what so ever did think it sufficiently just, in respect of the earnest desire they had to seek out matter that might colour their coming home.  
Of these there were some, who having noted the late Flemish wars, did find that many young men have gone over and safely returned Soldiers within few months, in having learned some words of Art, used in the wars, and thought after that good example to spend like time amongst us: which being expired they began to quarrel at the great mortality that was amongst us.  
The neglect of discipline in the army, for that men were suffered to be drunk with the plenty of Wines.  
The scarcity of surgeons.  
The want of Carriages for the hurt and sick: and the penury of victuals in the Campe.  
Thereupon divining that there would be no good done. And that therefore they could be content to lose their time, and adventure to return home again.  
These men have either conceived well of their own wits (who by observing the passages of the war: were become sufficient Soldiers in these few weeks) and did long to be at home, where their discourses might be wondered at, or missing of their portagues and Milrayes they dreamt on in Portugal, would rather return to their former manner of life, than attend the end of the journey. For seeing that one hazard brought on another: and that though one escaped the bullet this day it might light upon him to morrow, the next day, or any day; & that the war was not confined to any one place, but that every place brought forth new enemies, were glad to see some of the poor Soldiers fall sick, that they fearing to be infected by them might justly desire to go home.  

Answer in the first.  The sickness I confess was great, because any is too much. But hath it been greater than is ordinary amongst Englishmen at their first entrance into the wars, whether soever they go to want the fullness of their flesh pots? Have not ours decayed at all times in France, with eating young fruits and drinking new wines? Have they not abundantly perished in the low Counteries with cold, and rawness of the air, even in their Garrisons? Have there not more died in London in six months of the Plague, than double our army being at the strongest? And could the Spanish army the last year (who had all provisions that could be thought on for an army, and took the fittest season in the year for our Climate) avoid sickness amongst their Soldiers? May it then be thought that ours could escape there, where they found inordinate heat of weather, and hot wines to distemper them withal?  
But can it be, that we have lost so many as the common sort persuade themselves we have? It hath been proved by strict examinations of our musters, that we were never in our fullness before our going from Plymoth 11000. Soldiers, nor above 2500. Mariners. It is also evident that there returned above 6000. of all sorts, as appeareth by the several payments made to them since our coming home. And I have truly showed you that of these number very near 3000. forsook the army at the Sea, whereof some passed into France and the rest returned home. So as we never being 13000. in all, and having brought home above 6000. with us, you may see how the world hath been seduced, in believing that we have lost 16000 men by sickness.  
To them that have made question of the government of the wars (little knowing what appertaineth thereunto in that there were so many drunkards amongst us) I answer, 
Answer to the second.  that in their government of shires & parishes, yea in their very households, themselves can hardly bridle their vassals from that vice. For we see it a thing almost impossible, at any your fairs or public assemblies to find any quarter thereof sober, or in your towns any Alepoles unfrequented: And we observe that though any man having any disordered persons in their houses, do lock up their drink and set butlers upon it, that they will yet either by indirect means steal themselves drunk from their master's tables, or run abroad to seek it. If then at home in the eyes of your justices, Mayors, Preachers, and Masters, and where they pay for every pot they take, they cannot be kept from their liquor: do they think that those base disordered persons whom themselves sent unto us, as living at home without rule, who hearing of wine do long for it as a dainty that their purses could never reach to in England, & having it there without money even in their houses where they lie & hold their guard they can be kept from being drunk? and once drunk held in any order or tune, except we had for every drunkard an officer to attend him. But who be they that have run into these disorders? Even our newest men, our youngest men, and our idlest men, and for the most part, our slovenly priest men, whom the justices (who have always thought unworthily of any war) have sent out as the scum and dregs of their country. And those were they, who distempering themselves with these hot wines, have brought in that sickness, which hath infected honester men than themselves. But I hope (as in other places) the recovery of their diseases doth acquaint their bodies with the air of the Countries where they be; so the remainder of these which have either recovered, or passed without sickness will prove most fit for martial services.  
If we have wanted surgeons, 
Answers to the third.  may not this rather be laid upon the captains: who are to provide for their several Companies, than upon the generals, whose care hath been more general. And how may it be thought that every captain, upon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an adventure could provide themselves of all things expedient for a war, (which was always wont to be maintained by the purse of the Prince:) But admit every captain had his surgeon: yet were the want of curing never the less, for our English surgeons (for the most) part be unexperienced in hurts that come by shot; because England hath not known wars, but of late, from whose ignorance proceeded this discomfort, which I hope will warn those that hereafter go to the wars to make preparation of such as may better preserve men's lives by their skill. 
Answer to the fourth.   
From whence the want of carriages did proceed, you may conjecture in that we marched through a country, neither plentiful of such provisions, nor willing to part from any thing: yet this I can assure you that no man of worth was left either hurt or sick in any place unprovided for. And that the General commanded all the Mules & Asses, that were laden with any baggage, to be unburdened and taken to that use: and the Earl of Essex and he, for money hired men to carry men upon Pikes. And the Earl (whose true virtue and nobility, as it doth in all other his actions appear, so did it very much in this) threw his own stuff: I mean apparel and necessaries which he had there from his own carriages, and let them be left by the way, to put hurt and sick men upon them. Of whose most honourable deservings: I shall not need here to make any particular discourse, for that many of his actions do hereafter give me occasion to observe the same. 
Answer to the fifth.   
And the great complaint that these men make for the want of victuals: may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of the war; for if to feed upon good beeves, mutton and goats, be to want, they have endured great scarcity at land; whereunto they never wanted two days together, wine to mix with their water, nor bread to eat with their meat (in some quantity), except it were such as had vowed rather to starve, than to stir out of their places for food: of whom we had too many; who if their time had served for it, might have seen in many camps in the most plentiful Countries of the world for victuals, men daily die with want of bread and drink, in not having money to buy, nor the country yielding any good or healthful water in any place; whereas both Spain and Portugal, do in every place afford the best water that may be, and much more healthful than any wine for our drinking.  
And although some have most injuriously exclaimed against the small provisions of victuals for the Sea, rather grounding the same upon an evil that might have fallen, than any that did light upon us: yet know you this, that there is no man so forgetful, that will say they wanted before they came to the groin; that whosoever made not very large provisions for himself and his company at the groin, was very improvident, where was plentiful store of wine, beef, and fish, and no man of place prohibited to lay in the same into their ships; wherewith some did so furnish themselves, as they did not only in the journey supply the wants of such as were less provident than they, but in their return home made a round commodity of the remainder thereof. And that at Cascais there came in such store of provisions into the fleet out of England, as no man that would have used his diligence could have wanted his due proportion thereof: as might appear by the Remainder that was returned to Plymouth, and the plentiful sale thereof made out of the merchant's ships after their coming into the Thames.  
But lest I should seem unto you too studious in confuting idle opinions, or answering frivolous questions, I will address me to the true report of those actions that have passed there: wherein I protest, I will neither hide any thing that hath happened against us, nor attribute more to any man or matter, than the just occasions thereof leadeth unto: wherein it shall appear, that there hath been nothing left undone by the generals which was before our going out undertaken by them; but that there hath been much more done than was at the first required by Don Antonio, who should have reaped the fruit of our adventure.  
After 6. days sailing from the Coast of England, and the fift after we had the wind good, being the 20. of April in the evening, we landed in a Bay more than an English mile from the groin, in our long boats and Pinnyses without any impeachment: from whence we presently marched toward the town, within one half mile whereof we were encountered by the enemy, who being charged by ours, retired into their gates. For that night our army lay in the villages, houses and mills next adjoining, and very near round about the town, into the which the galleon named Saint John (which was the second of the last years fleet against England) one hulk, two smaller ships, and two galleys which were found in the road, did beat upon us and upon our Companies, as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning.  
General Norris having that morning before day viewed the town, found the same defended on the land side (for it standeth upon the neck of an island) with a wall upon a dry ditch: whereupon he resolved to try in two places what might be done against it by escalade, and in the mean time advised for the landing of some artillery to beat upon the ships & galleys, that they might not annoy us: which being put in execution, upon the planting of the first piece the galleys abandoned the Road, and betook them to Farroll, not far from thence: and the Armado being beaten with the artillery & musketers that was placed upon the next shore, left her playing upon us. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the Companies, etc. other provisions ready for the surprise of the Base town, which was effected in this sort.  
There were appointed to be landed 1200. men under the conduct of colonel Huntley, and captain Fenner the Vice-admiral, on that side next fronting us by water in long boats and pynnises, wherein were placed many pieces of artillery to beat upon the town in their approach: at the corner of the wall which defended the other waterside, were appointed Captain Richard Wingfeild Lieutenant colonel to general Norris, and captain Samson Lieutenant colonel to general Drake to enter at low water with 500 men if they found it passable, but if not, to be take them to the escalade, for they had also ladders with them: at the other corner of the wall which joined to that side, that was attempted by water, were appointed colonel umpton, and colonel Brett with 300. men to enter by escalade. All the Companies which should enter by boat being embarked before the low water: and having given the alarm, captain Wingfeild and captain Samson betook them to the escalade, for they had in commandment to charge all at one instant. The boats landed without any great difficulty: yet had they some men hurt in the landing. Colonel Bret & Col. umpton entered their quarter without encounter, not finding any defence made against them: for Captain Hinder being one of them that entered by water, at his first entry (with some of his own company whom he trusted well, betook himself to that part of the wall, which he cleared before that they offered to enter, & so still scoured the wall) till he came on the back of them who maintained the fight against captain Wingfeild & captain Samson; who were twice beaten from their ladders, and found very good resistance, till the Enemies perceiving ours entered in two places at their backs, were driven to abandon the same. The reason why that place was longer defended than the other, is (as Don ivan de Luna who commanded the same affirmeth) that the enemy that day had resolved in council how to make their defences, if they were approached: and therein concluded, that if we attempted it by water, that it was not to be held, and therefore upon the discovery of our boats, they of the high town should make a signal by fire from thence, that all the low town might make their retreat thither: but they, (whither troubled with the sudden terror we brought upon them, or forgetting their decree) omitted the fire, which made them guard that place till we were entered on every side.  
Then the town being entered in three several places with an huge cry, the inhabitants betook them to the high town: which they might with less peril do: for that ours being strangers there, knew not the way to cut them of. The rest that were not put to the sword in fury, fled to the rocks in the island, and hid themselves in chambers and sellers, which were every day found out in great numbers.  
Amongst those Don ivan de Luna a man of very good commandment, having hidden himself in a house, did the next morning yield himself.  
There was also taken that night a commissary of victuals called ivan de vera, who confessed that there were in the groin at our entry 500 Soldiers being in seven companies which returned very weak (as appeareth by the small numbers of them) from the journey of England, namely.  
Under Don ivan deluna.  
Don Diego Barran, a bastard son of the marquis of Santa Chroche; his company was that night in the galleon.  
Don Antonio de Herera then at Madrill.  
Don Pedro de Mauriques Brother to the Earl of Paxides.  
Don Jeronimo de Mourray of the order of Saint ivan, with some of the town were in the fort.  
Don Gomer de Caramasal then at Madril.  
Captain Mouson, Caucaso de Socas.  
Also there came in that day of our landing from Retanzas the companies of Don ivan de Mosalle, and Don Petro pour de leon.  
Also he saith that there was order given for baking of 300000. of biscuit, some in Bataneas, some in Rivadea, and the rest there.  
There was then in the town 2000 pipes of wine, and an 150. in the ships.  
That there was lately come unto the Marquis of Seralba 300000. ducats.  
That there was 1000 Jars of oil.  
A great quantity of beans, pease, wheat, and fish.  
That there was 3000. quintells of beef.  
And that not 20. days before there came in three barks laden with match and harquebufes.  
Some others also found favour to be taken prisoners, but the rest falling into the hands of the common Soldiers, had their throats cut: to the number of 500 as I conjecture first and last after we had entered the town; and in the entry thereof, there was found every cellar full of Wine, whereon our men by inordinate drinking, both grew themselves for the present senseless of the danger of the shot of the town, which hurt many of them being drunk, and took, the first ground of their sickness, for of such was our first and chiefest mortality. There was also abundant store of victuals, salt and all kind of provision for shipping and the war: which was confessed by the said commissary of victuals taken there to be the beginning of a Magasin of all sorts of provision for a new voyage into England: whereby you may conjecture what the spoil thereof hath advantaged us, and prejudiced the King of Spain.  
The next morning about eight of the clock, the enemy abandoned their ships. And having overcharged the artillery of the Gallion, left her on fire, which burned in terrible sort two days together, the fire and overcharging of the pieces being so great, as of 50. that were in her, there were not above 16. taken out whole, the rest with over charge of the powder being broken and molten, with heat of the fire, was taken out in broken pieces into diverse ships. The same day was the Eloister on the south side of the town entered by us, which joined very near to the wall of the town, out of the Chambers and other places whereof we beat into the same with our musketeers.  
The next day in the afternoon there came down some 2000 men gathered together out of the country, even to to the gates of the town, as resolutely (led by what spirit I know not) as though they would have entered the same: but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there, wherein were slain about eighteen of theirs, they took them to their heels in the same disorder they made their approach, and with greater speed than ours were able to follow; Notwithstanding, we followed after them more than a mile. The second day Col. Huntley was sent into the country with three or four hundred men, who brought home very great store of cows and sheep for our relief.  
The third day in the night the general had in purpose to take a long Munition house builded upon their wall, opening towards us, which would have given us great advantage against them; but they knowing the commodity thereof for us, burned it in the beginning of the evening: which put him to a new council, for he had likewise brought some artillery to that side of the town. During this time, there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the town; which had it not been by the care of the Generals heedily seen unto, and the fury thereof prevented, by pulling down many houses which were most in danger, as next unto them, had burnt all the provisions we found there, to our wonderful hindrance.  
The 4. day were planted under the guard of the cloister two demie Canons, and two culverins against the town, defended or gabbioned with a cross wall, through the which our battery lay; the first & second tire whereof shook all the wall down, so as the ordnance lay all open to the enemy, by reason whereof some of the canoneers were shot & some slain. The Lieutenant also of the ordnance Master Spencer was slain fast by Sir Edward Norris, Master thereof: whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed unto him, he never left that place, till he received direction from the general his brother to cease the battery which he presently did, leaving a guard upon the same for that day: and in the night following made so good defence for the place of the battery, as after there were very few or none annoyed therein. That day Captain Goodwin had in commandment from the general, that when the assault should be given to the town, he should make a proffer of an escalade on the other side, where he held his guard: but he (mistaking the signal that should have been given) attempted the same long before the assault, & was shot in the mouth. The same day the general having planted his ordinance ready to batter, caused the town to be summoned, in which summons, they of the town shot at our Drum: immediately after that there was one hanged over the wall, and a parley desired, wherein they gave us to understand, that the man hanged, was he that shot at the Drum before; wherein also they entreated to have fair wars, with promise of the same on their parts: the rest of the parley was spent in talking of Don ivan de Luna, and some other prisoners, and somewhat of the rendering of the town, but not much, for they listened not greatly thereunto.  
General Norris having by his skilful view of the town (which is almost all seated upon a rock) found one place thereof myneable, & did presently set workmen in hand withal: who after 3. days labour, (& the seventh after we were entered the base town) had bedded their powder, but indeed not far enough into the wall. Against which time the breach made by the cannon being thought assaultable, and Companies appointed as well to enter the same, as that which was expected should be blown up by the mine: namely, to that of the Cannon, captain Richard Wingfeild, and captain Philpot, who lead the generals foot company; with whom also captain York went, whose principal Commandment was over the horsemen. And to that of the mine, captain john Samson, and Captain Anthony Wingfeild Lieutenant colonel to the Master of the Ordinance, with certain selected out of divers Regiments. All these Companies being in arms, and the assault intended to be given in all places at an instant, fire was put to the train of the mine: but by reason the powder broke out backwards in a place where the cave was made too high, there could be nothing done in either place for that day. During this time, captain Hinder was sent with some chosen out of every company into the country for provisions, whereof he brought in good store, and returned without loss.  
The next day captain Anthony Samson was sent out with some 500 to fetch in provisions for the army, who was encountered by them of the country: but he put them to flight, & returned with good spoil. The same night the miners were set to work again, who by the second day after had wrought very well into the foundation of the wall. Against which time the Companies aforesaid being in readiness for both places (general Drake on the other side with 2. or 300. men in Pinnaces, making proffer to attempt a strong Fort upon an island before the town, where he left more than 30. men) fire was given to the train of the mine, which blew up half the Tower under which the powder was planted. The Assailants having in charge upon the effecting of the mine presently to give the assault, which they did accordingly; but too soon, for having entered the top of the breach, the other half of the Tower, which with the first force of the powder was only shaken and made lose, fell upon our men: under which were buried about 20. or 30. then being under that part of the Tower. This so amazed our men that stood in the breach, not knowing from whence that terror came, as they forsook their Commanders, and left them among the ruins of the mine. The two ensigns of general Drake and captain Anthony Wingfeild, were shot in the Breach, but their colours were rescued: the Generals by captain Sampsons' Lieutenant, and captain Wingfeilds by himself. Amongst them that the wall fell upon, was captain Sydnam pitifully lost: who having three or four great stones upon his lower parts, was held so fast, as neither himself could stir, nor any reasonable company recover him. Notwithstanding the next day being found to be alive, there was 10. or 12. lost in attempting to relieve him.  
The breach made by the Cannon, was wonderful well assaulted by them that had the charge thereof, who brought their men to the push of the pike at the top of the Breach. And being ready to enter, the lose earth (which was indeed but the rubbish of the outside of the wall) with the weight of them that were thereon slipped outwards from under their feet. Whereby did appear half the wall unbattered. For let no man think that Culuerine or Demie Cannon can sufficiently batter a defensible rampire: and of those pieces we had, the better of the Demi Canons at the second shot broke in her carriages, so as the battery was of less force, being but of three pieces.  
In our Retreat (which was from both breaches thorough a narrow lane) were many of our men hurt: and captain Dolphin, who served very well that day, was hurt in the very Breach. The failing of this attempt, in the opinion of all the beholders, & of such as were of best judgement, was the fall of the mine: which had doubtless succeeded, the rather, because the approach was unlooked for by the enemy in that place, and therefore not so much defence made there as in the other. Which made the general grow to a new resolution: For finding that two days battery had so little beaten their wall, and that he had no better preparation to batter withal: he knew in his experience, there was no good to be done that way: which I think he first put in proof, to try if by that terror he could get the upper town, having no other way to put it in hazard so speedily, and which in my conscience had obtained the town, had not the Defendants been in as great peril of their lives by the displeasure of their King in giving it up, as by the bullet or sword in defending the same. For that day before the assault, in the view of our army, they burned a cloister within the town, and many other houses adjoining to the Castle, to make it the more defensible: whereby it appeared how little opinion themselves had of holding it against us, had not God (who would not have us suddenly made proud) laid that misfortune upon us.  
Hereby it may appear, that the four Cannons, and other pieces of battery promised to the journey, and not performed, might have made her majesty mistress of the groin: for though the mine were infortunate, yet if the other breach had been such as the earth would have held our men thereon, I do not think but they had entered it thoroughly at the first assault given: which had been more than I have heard of in our age. And being as it was, is no more than the Prince of Parma hath in winning of all his towns endured, who never entered any place at the first assault, nor above three by assault.  
The next day, the general hearing by a prisoner that was brought in, that the Conde de Andrada had assembled an army of 8000. at Puente de Burgos, six miles from thence in the way to Petance, which was but the beginning of an army: in that there was a greater levy ready to come thither under the Conde de Altemira, either in purpose to relieve the groin, or to encamp themselves near the place of our embarking, there to hinder the same; for to that purpose had the marquis of Seralba written to them both the first night of our landing, as the commissary taken then confessed, or at the least of stop our further entrance into the country, (for during this time, there were many incursions made of three or four hundred at a time, who burnt, spoiled, and brought in victuals plentifully. The general, I say, hearing of this army, had in purpose the next day following to visit them, against whom he carried but nine Regiments: in the vanguard were the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Edward Norris, and colonel Sidney: in the battle, that of the general, of colonel Lane, and colonel Medkerk: and in the rearward, Sir Henry Norris, colonel Huntley, and colonel Brets Regiments; leaving the other five Regiments with general Drake, for the guard of the cloister and artillery. About ten of the clock the next day, being the sixth of May, half a mile from the camp, we discovering the enemy, Sir Edward Norris, who commanded the vanguard in chief, appointed his Lieutenant colonel, captain Anthony Wingfield to command the shot of the same, who divided them into three troops; the one he appointed to captain Middleton to be conducted in a way on the left hand: another to captain Erington to take the way on the right hand, and the body of them (which were Musketters) captain Wingfield took himself, keeping the direct way of the march. But the way taken by captain Middleton met a little before with the way held by captain Wingfield, so as he giving the first charge upon the enemy, was in the instant seconded by captain Wingfield, who beat them from place to place (they having very good places of defence, and cross walls which they might have held long) till they betook them to their bridge, which is over a creak coming out of the Sea, builded of stone upon Arches. On the foot of the further side whereof, lay the camp of the enemy very strongly entrenched, who with our shot beaten to the further end of the bridge, Sir Edward Norris marching in the point of the pikes, without stay passed to the bridge, accompanied with colonel Sidney, captain Hinder, captain Fulford, and divers others, who found the way clear over the same, but through an incredible volley of shot; for that the shot of their army flanked upon both sides of the bridge, the further end whereof was barricaded with barrels: but they who should have guarded the same, seeing the proud approach we made, forsook the defence of the Barricade, where Sir Edward entered, and charging the first defendant with his pike, with very earnestness in overthrusting, fell, and was grievously hurt at the sword in the head, but was most honourably rescued by the general his brother, accompanied with colonel Sidney, and some other gentlemen: captain Hinder also having his cask shot off, had five wounds in the head and face at the sword: and captain Fulford was shot into the left arm at the same counter: yet were they so throughlie seconded by the general, who thrust himself so near to give encouragement to the attempt, (which was of wonderful difficulty) as their bravest men that defended that place being overthrown, their whole army fell presently into rout, of whom our men had the chase three miles in four sundry ways, which they betook themselves unto. There was taken the standard with the King's arms, and borne before the general. How many, two thousand men (for of so many consisted our vanguard) might kill in pursuit of 4. sundry parties, so many you may imagine fell before us that day. And to make the number more great, our men having given over the execution, and returning to their stands, found many hidden in the Vineyards and hedges which they dispatched. Also colonel Medkerk was sent with his Regiment three miles further to a cloister, which he burned and spoiled, wherein he found five hundred more and put them to the sword. There were stair in this fight on our side only captain Cooper, and one private soldier: captain Barton was also hurt upon the bridge in the eye. But had you seen the strong Baracades they had made on either side of the bridge, and how strongly they lay encamped thereabouts, you would have thought it a rare resolution of ours to give so brave a charge upon an army so strongly lodged. After the fury of the execution, the general sent the vanguard one way, and the battle another, to burn and spoil; so as you might have seen the country more than three mile's compass on fire. There was found very good store of Munition and Victuals in the camp, some plate and rich apparel, which the better sort left behind, they were so hotly pursued. Our Sailors also landed in an island next adjoining our ships, where they burned and spoiled all they found. Thus we returned to the groin, bringing small comfort to the enemy within the same, who shot many times at us as we marched out, but not once in our coming back again.  
The next day was spent in shipping our artillery landed for the battery, and of the rest taken at the groin, which had it been such as might have given us any assurance of a better battery, or had there been no other purpose of our journey but that, I think the general would have spent some more time in the siege of the place.  
The two last nights, there were that undertook to fire the higher town in one place, where the houses were builded upon the wall by the water side: but they within suspecting as much, made so good defence against us, as they prevented the same. In our departure there was fire put into every house of the low town, in somuch as I may justly say, there was not one house left standing in the Base town, or the cloister.  
The next day, being the eight of May, we embarked our army without loss of a man, which (had we not beaten the enemy at Puente de Burgos) had been impossible to have done; for that without doubt they would have attempted something against us in our embarking: as appeared by the report of the commissary aforesaid, who confessed, that the first night of our landing, the marquis of Seralba writ to the Conde de Altemira, the Conde de Andrada, & to Terneis de Santisso, to bring all the forces against us that they could possibly raise, thinking no way so good to assure that place, as to bring an army thither, wherewithal they might either besiege us in their Base town, if we should get it, or to lie between us and our place of embarking, to fight with us upon the advantage; for they had above 15000. soldiers under their commandments.  
After we had put from thence, we had the wind so contrary, as we could not under nine days recover the Burlings: in which passage on the 13. day, the Earl of Essex, and with him Master Walter Devereux his brother (a Gentleman of wonderful great hope), Sir Roger Williams, colonel general of the foot men, Sir Philip Butler, who hath always been most inward with him, and Sir Edward Wingfield, came into the fleet. The Earl having put himself into the journey against the opinion of the world, and as it seemed to the hazard of his great fortune, though to the great advancement of his reputation, (for as the honourable carriage of himself towards all men, doth make him highly esteemed at home; so did his exceeding forwardness in all services, make him to be wondrred at amongst us) who, I say, put off in the same wind from Falmouth, that we left Plymouth in, where he lay, because he would avoid the importunity of messengers that were daily sent for his return, and some other causes more secret to himself, not knowing (as it seemed) what place the Generals purposed to land in, had been as far as Cales in Andalosia, and lay up and down about the South Cape, where he took some ships laden with corn, and brought them unto the fleet. Also in his return from thence to meet with our fleet, he fell with the islands of Bayon; and on that side of the river which Cannas standeth upon the, with Sir Roger Williams, & those Gentlemen that were with him went on shore, with some men out of the ship he was in, whom the enemy that held guard upon the Coast, would not abide, but fled up into the country. After his coming into the fleet (to the great rejoicing of us all) he demanded of the Generals, that after our army should come on shore, he might always have the leading of the vanegard, which they easily yielded unto: as being desirous to satisfy him in all things, but especially in matters so much tending to his honour as this did; so as from the time of our first landing in Portugal, he always marched in the point of the vanguard, accompanied with Sir Roger Williams (except when the necessity of the place he held) called him to other services.  
The 16. day we landed at Penicha in Portugal, under the shot of the Castle, and above the waist in water, more than a mile from the town, wherein many were in peril of drowning, by reason the wind was great, & the Sea went high, which overthrew one boat wherein 25. of captain Dolphins men perished. The enemy, being five companies of Spaniards under the commandment of that Conde de Fuentes, sallied out of the town against us, & in our landing made their approach close by the water side. But the Earl of Essex, with Sir Roger Williams & his brother, having landed sufficient number to make 2. troops, left one to hold the way by the water side, and led the other over the sandhills: which the Enemy seeing, drew theirs likewise further into the land; not, as we conjectured, to encounter us, but indeed to make their speedy passage away: notwithstanding they did it in such sort, as being charged by ours which were sent out by the colonel general under captain Jacson, they stood the same even to the push of the pike: in which charge & at the push, captain Robert Piew was slain. The enemy being fled further than we had reason to follow them, all our companies were drawn to the town: which being unfortified in any place, we found undefended by any man against us. And therefore the general caused the castle to be summoned that night: which being abandoned by him that commanded it, a Portugal, named Antonio de Aurid, being possessed thereof, desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was landed, whereupon he would deliver the same, which he honestly performed. There was taken out of the castle 100 shot & pikes, which Don Emanuel furnished his Portugeses withal, & 20. barrels of powder: so as possessing both the town & the castle, we rested there one day; wherein some friars & other poor men came unto their new King, promising in the name of their country next adjoining, that within two days he should have a good supply of horse & foot for his assistance. That day we remained there, the general's company of horses were unshipped.  
The Generals having there resolved that the army should march overland to Lisbon under the conduct of general Norris: & that general Drake should meet him in the river thereof which the fleet: that there should be one company of foot left in guard of the castle, & 6. of the ships: also that the sick and hurt should remain there with provisions for their cures. The General, to try the event of the matter by expedition, the next day began to march on this sort: his own regiment, & the regiments of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Henry Norris, Colonel Lane, & Colonel Medkerk, in the vanguard: general Drake, Colonel Devereux, S. Edward Norris, & Colonel Sidney in the battle: S. james Hales, Sir Edward Wingfield, colonel Umpton's, colonel Huntleis, & colonel Brets in the arrereward. By that time our army was thus marshaled, general Drake, who though he were to pass by sea, yet to make known the honourable desire he had of taking equal part of all fortunes which us, stood upon the ascent of an hill, by the which our Battalions must of necessity march, & with a pleasing kindness took his leave severally of the commanders of every regiment, wishing us all happy success in our journey over the land, with a constant promise that he would, if the injury of the wether did not hinder him, meet us in the river of Lisbon with our fleet. The want of carriages the first day was such, as they were enforced to carry their Munition upon men's backs, which was the next day remedied.  
In this march captain Crispe, the provost Martial, caused one who (contrary to the proclamation published at our arrival in Portugal) had broken up a house for pillage, to be hanged, with the cause of his death upon his breast, in the place where the act was committed: which good example providently given in the beginning of our march, caused the commandment to be more respectively regarded all the journey after, by them whom fear of punishment doth only hold within compass. The Camp lodged that night at Lorignia: The next day we had intelligence all the way that the enemy had made head of horse and foot against us at Toras Vedras, which we thought they would have held: But coming thither the second day of our march, not two hours before our vanguard came in, they left the town and Castle to the possession of Don Antonio.  
There began the greatest want we had of victuals, especially of bread, upon a commandment given from the general, that no man should spoil the country, or take any thing from any Portugal: which was more respectively observed, than I think would have been in our own country, amongst our own friends and kindred: but the country (contrary to promise) having neglected the provision of victuals for us, whereby we were driven for that time into a great scarcity. Which moved the colonel general to call all the Colonels together, and with them to advise for some better course for our people: who thought it best, first to advertise the king what necessity we were in, before we should of ourselves alter the first institution of abstinence: the colonel general having acquainted the General herewith, with his very good allowance thereof, went to the King; who after some expostulations used, took the more careful order for our men, and after that our army was more plentifully relieved.  
The third day we lodged our army in three sundry villages, the one Battalion lying in Enchara de los cavaliers, another in Enchara de los Obisbos, and the third in San Sebastian's.  
Captain York who commanded the general's horse company, in this march made trial of the valour of the horsemen of the enemy; who by one of his corporals charged with 8. horses through 40. of them, and himself through more than 200. with some 40. horse: who would abide him no longer than they could make way from him.  
The next day we marched to Loris, and had divers intelligences that the enemy would tarry us there: for the Cardinal had made public promise to them of Lisbon, that he would fight with us in that place, which he might have done advantageouslie; for we had a bridge to pass over in the same place: but before our coming he dislodged, notwithstanding it appeared unto us that he had in purpose to encamp there: for we found the ground staked out where their trenches should have been made: and their horsemen with some few shot showed themselves upon a hill at our coming into that village. Whom Sir Henry Norris (whose Regiment had the point of the vanguard) thought to draw unto some fight, and therefore marched without sound of Drum, and somewhat faster than ordinary, thereby to get near them before he were discovered, for he was shadowed from them by an hill that was between him and them: but before he could draw his companies any thing near, they retired.  
General Drakes Regiment that night for the commodity of good lodging, drew themselves into a Village, more than one English mile from thence, and near the enemy: who not daring to do any thing against us in four days before, took that occasion, and in the next morning fell down upon that Regiment, crying, Vina el Rey Don Antonio, which was a general salutation through all the country as they came: whom our young soldiers (though it were upon their guard, and before the watch were discharged) began to entertain kindly, but having got within their guard, they fell to cut their throats: but the alarm being taken inwards, the Officers of the two next Companies, whose captains, (captain Sydnam and captain Young) were lately dead at the groin, brought down their colours and pikes upon them in so resolute manner, as they presently drove them to retire with loss: they killed of ours at their first entrance 14. and hurt six or seven.  
The next day we lodged at Aluelana within three miles of Lisbon, where many of our soldiers drinking in two places of standing waters by the way, were poisoned, & thereon presently died: some do think it came rather by eating of honey, which they found in the houses plentifully. But whether it were by water or by honey, the poor men were poisoned.  
That night the Earl of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams went out about eleven of the clock with 1000 men to lie in Ambuscade near the town, and having laid the same very near, sent some to give the alarm unto the enemy: which was well performed by them that had the charge thereof, but the enemy refused to issue after them, so as the Earl returned as soon as it was light without doing any thing, though he had in purpose, and was ready to have given an honourable charged on them.  
The 25. of May in the evening we came to the suburbs of Lisbon: at the very entrance whereof, Sir Roger Williams calling Captain Anthony Wingfield with him, took thirty shot or thereabouts, and first scoured all the streets till they came very near the town; where they found none but old folks and beggars, crying, Vivael Rey Don Antonio, and the houses shut up: for they had carried much of their wealth into the town, and had fired some houses by the water side, full of corn and other provisions of victuals, lest we should be benefited thereby, but yet left behind them great riches in many houses.  
The four Regiments that had the vanguard that day which were colonel Devereux, Sir Edward Norris, colonel Sydney's and general Drakes whom I name as they marched, the colonel general caused to hold guard in the nearest streets of the suburbs: The battle and the arrierward stood in arms all the night in the field near to Alcantara. Before Morning captain Wingfield, by direction from the Colonel General Sir Roger Williams held guard with Sir Edward Norris his Regiment in three places very near the town wall, and so held the same till the other Regiments came in the morning. About midnight they within the town burned all their houses that stood upon their wall either within or without, lest we possessing them, might thereby greatly have annoyed the town.  
The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted, (but not without peril) to take a Church called S. Antonio, which joined to the wall of the town, and would have been a very evil neighbour to the town: but the enemy having more easy entry into it than we, gained it before us. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering the battle and arrearward in the suburbs called Bona vista, & in placing musketeers in houses, to front their shot upon the wall, who from the same scoured the great streets very dangerously.  
By this time our men being thoroughly weary with our six days March: and the last night's watch, were desirous of rest: whereof the enemy being advertised, about one or two of the clock sallied out of the Town, and made their approach in three several streets upon us, but chief in colonel Bretts quarter: who (as most of the army was) being at rest, with as much speed as he could, drew his men into arms, and made head against them so thoroughly, as himself was slain in the place, captain Carsey shot through the thigh, of which hurt he died with in four days after, captain Car slain presently, and captain cave hurt (but not mortally) who were all of his Regiment.  
This resistance made as well here, as in other quarters where colonel Lane and Colonel Medkerke commanded, put them to a sudden fowl retreat: in so much, as the Earl of Essex had the chase of them even to the gates of the high town, wherein they left behind them many of their best Commanders: their troup of horsemen also came out, but being charged by captain York, withdrew themselves again. Many of them also left the streets, and betook them to houses which they found open: For the sergeant Maior captain Wilson slew in one house with his own hands three or four, and caused them that were with him to kill many others. Their loss I can assure you did triple ours, aswell in quality as in quantity.  
During our march to this place, general Drake with the whole fleet was come into Cascais, and possessed the town without any resistance: many of the inhabitants at their discovery of our navy, fled with their baggage into the mountains, and left the town for any man that would possess it, till General Drake sent unto them by a Portugal Pilot which he had on board, to offer them all peaceable kindness, so far forth as they would accept of their King, and minister necessaries to the army he had brought: which offer they joyfully embraced, & presently sent two chief men of their town, to signify their loyalty to Don Antonio, and their honest affections to our people. Whereupon, the general landed his Companies not far from the cloister called San Domingo, but not without peril of the shot of the Castie, which being guarded with sixty five Spaniards held still against him.  
As our fleet were casting anchor when they came first into that Road, there was a small ship of Brasil that came from thence, which bore too with them, and seemed by striking her sails, as though she would also have anchored: but taking her fittest occasion, hoist again, and would have passed up the river, but the general presently discerning her purpose, sent out a Pinnace or two after her, which forced her in such sort, as she ran herself upon the Rocks: all the men escaped out of her, and the lading (being many chests of sugar) was made nothing worth by the salt water. In his going thither also, he took ships of the Port of Portugal, which were sent from thence, with fifteen other from Pedro Vermendes Xantes sergeant mayor of the same place, laden with men and victuals to Lisbon: the rest that escaped, put into San Vues.  
The next day, it pleased General Norris to call all the colonels together, and to advise with them, whether it were more expedient to tarry there to attend the Forces of the Portugal horse and foot whereof the King had made promise, and to march some convenient number to Cascais to fetch our artillery and munition, which was all at our ships, saving that, which for the necessity of the service, was brought along with us: Whereunto, some carried away with the vain hope of Don Antonio, that most part of the town stood for us, held it best to make our abode there, and to send some 3000. for our Artiliarie: promising to themselves, that the enemy being well beaten the day before, would make no more sallies: Some others, (whose unbelief was very strong of any hope from the Portugal) persuaded rather to march wholly away, than so be any longer carried away with an opinion of things, whereof there was so little appearance. The general, not willing to leave any occasion of blot to be laid upon him for his speedy going from thence, nor to lose any more time by attending the hopes of Don Antonio; told them, that though the Expedition of Portugal were not the only purpose of their journey, but an adventure therein; which if it succeeded prosperously, might make them sufficiently rich, & wonderful honourable; and that they had done so much already in trial thereof, as what end soever happened, could nothing impair their credits: Yet in regard of the King's last promise, that he should have that night 3000. men armed of his own country, he would not for that night dislodge. And if they came, thereby to make him so strong, that he might send the like number for his munition, he would resolve to try his fortune for the town. But if they came not, he found it not convenient to divide his Forces, by sending any to Cascais, and keeping a Remainder behind, sithence he saw them the day before so boldly sally upon his whole army, and knew that they were stronger of Soldiers armed within the town, than he was without: And that before our return could be from Cascais, that they expected more supplies from all places of soldiers, for the Duke of Bragantia, and Don Francisco de Toledo were looked for with great relief. Whereupon his conclusion was, that if the 3000. promised, came not that night, to march wholly away the next morning.  
It may be here demanded, why a matter of so great moment should be so slenderly regarded, as that the general should march with such an army against such an enemy, before he knew either the fullness of his own strength, or certain means how he should abide the place when he should come to it. Wherein I pray you remember the decree made in the council at Penicha, and confirmed by public protestation the first day of our march, that our navy should meet us in the river of Lisbon, in the which was the store of all our provisions, & so the mean of our tarriance in that place, which came not, though we continued till we had no Munition left to entertain a very small fight. We are also to consider, that the King of Portugal (whether carried away with imagination by the advertisements he received from the Portingalls, or willing by any promise to bring such an army into his country, thereby to put his fortune once more in trial) assured the general, that upon his first landing, there would be a revolt of his subjects: whereof there was some hope given at our first entry to Penicha, by the manner of the yielding of that town and Fort, which made the general think it most convenient speedily to march to the principal place, thereby to give courage to the rest of the country. The friars also and the poor people that came unto him, promised that within two days the Gentlemen and others of the country would come plentifully in: within which two days came many more priests, and some very few Gentlemen on horseback; but not till we came to Toras Vedras, where they that noted the course of things how they passed, might somewhat discover the weakness of that people. There they took two days more: and at the end thereof, referred him till our coming to Lisbon, with assurance, that so soon as our army should be seen there, all the inhabitants would be for the King and fall upon the Spaniards.  
After two night's tarriance at Lisbon, the King, as you have heard, promised a supply of 3000. foot, and some horse: but all his appointments being expired, even to the last of a night, all his horse could not make a Cornet of 40. nor his foot furnish two ensigns fully, although they carried three or four Colours: and these were altogether such as thought to enrich themselves by the ruin of their neighbours: for they committed more disorders in every place where we came by spoil, than any of our own.  
The general, as you see, having done more than before his coming out of England was required by the King, and given credit to his many promises even to the breach of the last, he desisted not to persuade him to stay yet nine days longer: in which time he might have engaged himself further, than with any honour he could come out of again, by attempting a town fortified, wherein were more men armed against us, than we had to oppugn them with all our artillery and Munition, being fifteen miles from us, and our men then declining; for there was the first show of any great sickness amongst them. Whereby it seemeth, that either his prelacy did much abuse him in persuading him to hopes, whereof after two or three days he saw no semblance: or he like a silly lover, who promiseth himself favour by importuning a coy mistress, thought by our long being before his town, that in the end taking pity on him, they would let him in.  
What end the friars had by following him with such devotion, I know not, but sure I am, the laity did respite their homage till they might see which way the victory would sway; fearing to show themselves apparently unto him, lest the Spaniard should after our departure (if we prevailed not) call them to account: yet sent they under hand messages to him of obedience, thereby to save their own if he became King; but indeed very well contented to see the Spaniards and us try by blows, who should carry away the crown. For they be of so base a mould, as they can very well subject themselves to any government, where they may live free from blows, and have liberty to become rich, being loath to endure hazard either of life or goods. For durst they have put on any minds thoroughly to revolt, they had three wonderful good occasions offered them during our being there.  
Themselves did in general confess, that there were not above 5000. Spaniards in that part of the country, of which number the half were out of the town till the last day of our march: during which time, how easily they might have prevailed against the rest, any man may conceive. But upon our approach they took them all in, and combined themselves in general to the Cardinal.  
The next day after our coming thither when the sally was made upon us by their most resolute Spaniards, how easily might they have kept them out, or have given us the Gate which was held for their retreat, if they had had any thought thereof.  
And two days after our coming to Cascaies, when 6000. Spaniards and Portingalls came against us as far as S. julian's by land, as you shall presently hear, (all which time I think there were not many Spaniards left in the town) they had a more fit occasion to show their devotion to the King, than any could be offered by our tarrying there. And they could not doubt, that if they had shut them out, but that we would have fought with them upon that advantage, having sought them in Galitia upon disadvantage to beat them: and having taken so much pains to seek them at their own houses, whereof we gave sufficient testimony in the same accident. But I think the fear of the Spaniard had taken so deep impression within them, as they durst not attempt any thing against them upon any hazard.  
For, what civil Country hath ever suffered themselves to be conquered by so few men as they were; to be deprived of their natural King, and to be tyrannised over thus long but they? And what country living in slavery under a stranger whom they naturally hate: having an army in the Field to fight for them & their liberty, would lie still with the yoke upon their necks, attending if any strangers would unburden them, with out so much as rousing themselves under it but they? They will promise much in speeches, for they be great talkers, whom the general had no reason to distrust without trial, & therefore marched on into their country: But they performed little in action, whereof we could have had no proof without this thorough trial. Wherein he hath discovered their weakness, and honourably performed more than could be in reason expected of him: which had he not done, would not these malingners who seek occasions of slander, have reported him to be suspicious of a people, of whose infidelity he had no testimony: and to be fearful without cause, if he had refused to give credit to their promises without any adventure? Let no frivolous Questionist therefore further inquire, why he marched so many days to Lisbon, and tarried there so small a while.  
The next morning, seeing no performance of promise kept, the gave order for our marching away; himself, the Earl of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams remaining with the stand that was made in the high street, till the whole army was drawn into the field, and so marched out of the town, appointing Captain Richard Wingfield, and captain Anthony Wingfield in the Arrereward of them with the shot; thinking that the enemy (as it was most likely) would have issued out upon our rising; but they were otherwise advised. When we were come into the field, every Battalion fell into that order which by course appertained unto them, and so marched that night unto Cascaies. Had we marched through his country as enemies, our soldiers had been well supplied in all their wants: but had we made enemies of the Suburbs of Lisbon, we had been the richest army that ever went out of England: for besides the particular wealth of every house, there were many warehouses by the water side full of all sorts of rich merchandises.  
In our march that day, the galleys which had somewhat, but not much, annoyed us at Lisbon, (for that our way lay along the river) attended us till we were past S. julian's, bestowing many shot amongst us, but did no harm at all, saving they struck off a private gentleman's leg, and killed the Sergeant majors moil under him. The horsemen also followed us a far of, and cut off as many sick men as were not able to hold in march, nor we had carriage for.  
After we had been two days at Cascais, we had intelligence by a friar, that the enemy was marching strongly towards us, and then come as far as S. julian's: which news was so welcome to the Earl of Essex and the generals, as they offered every one of them to give the messenger a hundred crowns if they found them in the place: for the general desiring nothing more than to fight with them in field room, dispatched that night a messenger with a trumpet, by whom he writ a cartel to the general of their army, wherein he gave them the lie, in that it was by them reported that we dislodged from Lisbon in disorder and fear of them (which indeed was most false) for that it was five of the clock in the morning before we fell into arms, and then went in such sort, as they had no courage to follow our upon us. Also he challenged him therein, to meet him the next morning with his whole army, if he durst attend his coming, and there to try out the justness of their quarrel by battle: by whom also the Earl of Essex (who preferring the honour of the cause, which was his Countries, before his own safety) sent a particular cartel, offering himself against any of theirs, if they had any of his quality: or if they would not admit of that, six, eight, or ten, or as many as they would appoint, should meet so many of theirs in the head of our battle to try their fortunes with them, and that they should have assurance of their return and honourable entreaty.  
The general accordingly made all his army ready by three of the clock in the morning and marched even to the place where they had encamped, but they were dislodged in the night in great disorder, being taken with a sudden fear that we had been come upon them, as the general was the next day certainly informed: so as the Trumpet followed them to Lisbon, but could not get other answer to either of his letters, but threatening to be hanged, for daring to bring such a message: howbeit the general had caused to be written upon the backside of their passport, that if they did offer any violence unto the messengers, he would hang the best prisoners he had of theirs: which made them to advise better of the matter and to return them home, but without answer.  
After our army came to Cascais, and the Castle summoned, the Castillan thereof granted, that upon five or six shot of the Cannon he would deliver the same, but not without sight thereof. The general thinking that his distress within had been such for want of men or victuals as he could not hold it many days, because he saw it otherwise defensible enough, determined rather to make him yield to that necessity, than to bring the Cannon, and therefore only set a guard upon the same, lest any supply of those things which he wanted should be brought unto them. But he still standing upon those conditions, the general about two days before he determined to go to Sea, brought three or four pieces of battery against it: upon the first tire whereof he tendered, and compounded to go away with his baggage and arms: he had one Cannon, two Enluerings, one basilisk, and three or four other field pieces, threescore and five soldiers, very good store of munition, and victuals enough in the Castle; insomuch as he might have held the same longer than the general had in purpose to tarry there. One company of foot men was put into the guard thereof, till the artillery was taken out, & our army embarked; which without having that Fort, we could not without great peril have done. When we were ready to set sail (one half of the Fort being by order from the General blown up by mine) the company was drawn away.  
During the time we lay in the Road, our fleet began the second of June, and so continued six days after to fetch in some Hulks to the number of 60. of Dansik, Staten, Rastock, Lubec and Hamburgh, laden with Spanish goods, and as it seemed for the King's provision, and going for Lisbon: their principal lading was corn, masts, Cables, Copper, and wax: amongst which were some of great burden wonderful well builded for sailing, which had no great lading in them, and therefore it was thought that they were brought for the King's provision, to reinforce his decayed navy: whereof there was the greater likelihood, in that the owner of the greatest of them, which carried two Misnes, was known to be very inward with the Cardinal, who rather than he would be taken with his ships, committed himself unto his small boat, wherein he recovered S. Sebastian's. Into the which our men, that before were in Fléeboates, were shipped, and the Fléeboates sent home with an offer of corn to the value of their hire. But the wind being good for them for Rochel, they chose rather to lose their corn than the wind, and so departed. The general also sent his horses with them, and from thence shipped them into England.  
The third of June, colonel Devereux and colonel Sidney, being bath very sick, departed for England, who in the whole journey had showed themselves very forward to all services, and in their departure very unwilling to leave us: that day we embarked all our army, but lay in the Road until the eight thereof.  
The sixth day the Earl of Essex, upon receipt of letters from her majesty, by them that brought in the victuals, presently departed towards England, with whom Sir Roger Williams was very desirous to go, but found the Generals very unwilling he should do so, in that he bore the next place unto them, and if they should miscarry, was to command the army. And the same day there came unto us two shall barks that brought tidings of some other ships come out of England with victuals, which were passed upwards to the Cape: for meeting with whom, the second day after we set sail for that place, in purpose after our meeting with them to go to the isles of Açores, the second day, which was the ninth, we met with them coming back again towards us, whose provision little answered our expectation. Notwithstanding, we resolved to continue our course for the islands.  
About this time was the Merchant Royal, with three or four other ships sent to Penicha, to fetch away the Companies that were left there; but captain Barton having received letters from the generals that were sent overland, was departed before, not being able by reason of the enemies speedy marching thither, either to bring away the artillery, or all his men, according to the direction those letters gave him; for he was no sooner gone, than the enemy possessed the town and Castle, and shot at our ships as they came into the Road.  
At this time also was the Ambassador from the Emperor of Morocco, called Rays Hamet Bencasamp, returned, and with him Master Cyprian, a Gentleman of good place and desert, was sent from Don Antonio, and captain Ousley from the Generals, to the Emperor.  
The next morning, the nine galleys which were send not five days before out of Andolosia for the strengthening of the river of Lisbon (which being joined with the other twelve that were there before, though we lay hard by them at S. julian's, durst never make any attempt against us upon our departure from thence) were returning home, and in the morning being a very dead calm, in the dawning thereof fell in the wind of our fleet, in the uttermost part whereof they assailed one straggling bark of Plymouth, of the which captain Caverley being captain of the land company, with his Lieutenant, the Master, and some of the mariners abandoned the ship, and betook them to the ship boats, whereof one, in which the Master & the Captain were, was overrun with the galleys, and they drowned. There was also two Hulks straggled far from the strength of the other ships, which were so calmed, as neither they could get to us, nor we to them, though all the great ships towed with their boats to have relieved them, but could not be recovered; in one of which was captain Minshaw with his company, who fought with them to the last, yea after his ship was on fire, which whether it was fired by himself or by them we could not well discern, but might easily judge by his long and good fight, that the enemy could not but sustain much loss, who setting also upon one other Hulk wherein was but a Lieutenant, and he very sick, were by the valour of the Lieutenant put off, although they had first beaten her with their artillery, and attempted to board her. And seeing also one other hulk a league of, a stern of us, they made towards her; but finding that she made ready to fight with them, they durst not further attempt her: whereby it seemed their loss being great in the other fights, they were loath to proceed any further.  
From that day till the 19 of June, our direction from the general was, that if the wind were northerly we should ply for the Açores; but if southerly, for the isles of Bayon. We lay with contrary winds about that place and the rock, till the southerly wind prevailing carried us to Bayon, part of our ships to the number of 25. in a great wind which was two days before, having lost the admirals and fleet, according to their direction, fell in the morning of that day with Bayon, among whom, was Sir Henry Norris in the aid: who had in purpose (if the admirals had not come in) with some 500 men out of them all to have landed, and attempted the taking of Vigo. The rest of the fleet held with general Drake, who though he were two days before put upon those islands, cast off again to sea for the Açores: but remembering how unprovided he was for that journey, & seeing that he had lost many of his great ships, returned for Bayon, and came in there that night in the evening, where he passed up the river more than a mile above Vigo.  
The next morning we landed as many as were able to fight, which were not in the whole above 2000 men, (for in the 17. days we continued on board we had cast many of our men over board) with which number the colonel general marched to the town of Vigo, near the which when he approached, he sent captain Anthony Wingfield with a troup of shot to enter one side of the same, who found upon every streets end a strong Barricade, but altogether abandoned: for having entered the town, he found but one man therein, but might see them making way before him to Bayon. On the other side of the town entered general Drake with captain Richard Wingfield, whose approach on that side (I think) made them leave the places they had so artificially made for defence: there were also certain ships sent with the Vice-admiral to lie close before the town, to beat upon the same with their artillery.  
In the afternoon were sent 300. under the conduct of captain Petuin and captain Henry pour, to burn another village betwixt that & Bayon, called Borsis, & as much of the country as the day would give them leave to do; which was a very pleasant rich Valley, but they burned it all, houses and corn, as did others on the other side of the town, both that and the next day, so as the country was spoiled seven or eight miles in length. There was found great store of wine in the town, but not any thing else: for the other days warning of the ships that came first in, gave them a respite to carry all away.  
The next morning by break of the day, the colonel general, (who in absence of the generals that were on board their ships, commanded that night on shore) caused all our Companies to be drawn out of the town, and sent in two Troops to put fire in every house of the same, which done we embarked again.  
This day, there were certain mariners (without any direction) put themselves on shore, on the contrary side of the river from us, for pillage; who were beaten by the enemy from their boats, and punished by the generals for their offer, in going without allowance.  
The reasons why we attempted nothing against Bayon, were before showed to be want of artillery, and may now be alleged to be the small number of our men: who should have gone against so strong a place, manned with very good soldiers, as was showed by ivan de Vera taken at the groin, who confessed that there were 600. old soldiers in Garrison there of Flanders, and the Tercios of Naples, lately also returned out of the journey of England: under the leading of  
Capitan Puebla.  
Christofero Vasques de Viralta, a soldier of Flanders.  
Don Petro Camascho, de tercio de Naples.  
Don Francisco de Cespedes.  
Capt. ivan de Solo, de tercio de Naples.  
Don Diego de cassava.  
Capt. Sanban.  
Also he saith, there be 18. pieces of brass, and four of iron lately laid upon the walls of the town, besides them that were there before.  
The same day the generals seeing what weak estate our army was drawn into by sickness, determined to man and victual 20. of the best ships for the islands of Açores with general Drake, to see if he could meet with the Indian fleet, and general Norris to return home with the rest. And for the shifting of men and victuals accordingly, purposed the next morning to fall down to the Islands of Bayon again, and to remain there that day. But general Drake according to their appointment being under sail, never struck at the islands, but put strait to sea; whom all the fleet followed saving 33. which being in the river further than he, and at the entrance out of the same, finding the wind and tide too hard against them, were enforced to cast anchor there for that night: amongst whom, by good Fortune was the Foresight, and in her Sir Edward Norris. And the night following, general Norris being driven from the rest of the fleet by a great storm, (for all that day was the greatest storm we had all the time we were out) came again into the Islands, but not without great peril, he being forced to trust to a Spanish fisherman (who was taken two days before at sea) to bring him in.  
The next morning he called a council of as many as he found there, holding the purpose he had before concluded with Sir Francis Drake the day before, and directed all their courses for England, tarrying there all that day to water and help such with victual, as were left in wonderful distress, by having the victuals that came last, carried away the day before to sea.  
The next day he set sail, & the tenth day after, which was the second of July came into Plymouth, where he found Sir Francis Drake, & all the Queen's ships, with many of the others, but not all: for the fleet was dispersed into other harbours; some lead by a desire of returning from whence they came, and some being possessed of the hulks, sought other Ports from their general's eye, where they might make their private commodity of them, as they have done to their great advantage.  
Presently upon their their arrival there, the Generals dissolved all the army, saving 8. Companies, which are yet held together, giving every soldier five shillings in money, and the arms he bore to make money of, which was more than could by any means be due unto them: for they were not in service three months, in which time they had their victuals, which no man will value at less than half their pay; for such is the allowance in her majesties ships to her mariners, so as there remained by ten shillings a month more to be paid, for which there was not any private man but had apparel and furniture to his own use, so as every common soldier discharged, received more in money, victuals, apparel and furniture, than his pay did amount unto.  
Notwithstanding, there be even in the same place where those things have passed, that either do not or will not conceive the soldiers estate, by comparing their poverty and the shortness of the time together, but lay some injuries upon the generals and the action. Where, and by the way, but especially here in London, I find there have been some false prophets gone before us, telling strange tales: For as our country doth bring forth many gallant men, who desirous of honour, do put themselves into the actions thereof, so doth it many more dull spirited, who though their thoughts reach not so high as others, yet do they listen how other men's acts do pass, and either believing what any man will report unto them, are willingly carried away into errors, or tied to some greater man's faith, become secretaries against a noted truth. The one sort of these do take their opinions from the high way side, or at the farthest go no farther than Paul's to inquire what hath been done in this Voyage: where, if they meet with any, whose capacity before their going out could not make them live, nor their valour maintain their reputation, and who went only for spoil, complaining on the hardness and misery thereof, they think they are bound to give credit to these honest men who were parties therein, and in very charity become of their opinions. The others to make good the faction they are entered into, if they see any of those malcontents (as every journey yieldeth some) do run unto them like tempting spirits to confirm them in their humour, with assurance that they foresaw before our going out what would become thereof.  
Be ye not therefore too credulous in believing every report, for you see there have been many more beholders of these things that have passed, than actors in the same; who by their experience, not having the knowledge of the ordinary wants of the war, have thought that to lie hard, not to have their meat well dressed, to drink sometimes water, to watch much, or to see men die and be slain, was a miserable thing; and not having so given their minds to the service as they are any thing instructed thereby, do for want of better matter discourse ordinarily of these things: whereas the journey (if they had with that judgement seen into it, and as their places required) hath given them far more honourable purpose and argument of discourse.  
These men's discontentments and mislikings before our coming home, have made me labour thus much to instruct you in the certainty of every thing, because I would not willingly have you miscarried in the judgements of them, wherein you shall give me leave somewhat to delate upon a question, which I only touched in the beginning of my letter, namely, whether it be more expedient for our estate to maintain an offensive war against the King of Spain in the low Countries, or as in this journey, to offend him in his nearer Territories, seeing the grounds of arguing thereof are taken from the experience which the actions of this journey have given us.  
There is no good subject that will make question, whether it be behoveful for us to hold friendship with these neighbours of ours or no, aswell in respect of the infinite proportion of their shipping, which must stand either with us, or against us; as of the commodity of their harbours, especially that of Vlishing, by the favour whereof our navy may continually keep the Narrow Seas, and which would harbour a greater fleet against us, than the Spaniard shall need to annoy us withal; who being now distressed by our common enemy, I think it most expedient for our safety to defend them, and if it may be to give them a re-entry into that they have of late years lost unto him. The one without doubt her majesty may do without difficulty, and in so honourable sort as he shall never be able to dispossess her or them of any the towns they now hold. But if any man think that the Spaniard may be expelled from thence more speedily, or conveniently by keeping an army there, than by sending one against him into his own country: let him foresee of how many men and continual supplies that army must consist, and what intolerable expenses it requireth. And let him think by the example of the Duke of Alva, when the Prince of orange had his great army against him: and of Don Jon, when the States had their mighty assembly against him, how this wise enemy, with whom we are to deal, may but by prolonging to fight with us, leave us occasions enough for our army within few months to mutiny and break; or by keeping him in his towns leave us a spoiled field: where though our provision may be such of our owns as we starve not, yet is our weakness in any strange country such, as with sickness and misery we shall be dissolved. And let him not forget what a continual burden we hereby lay upon us, in that to repossess those Countries which have been lately lost, will be a war of longer continuance than we shall be able to endure.  
In the very action whereof, what should hinder the King of Spain to bring his forces home unto us? For it is certain he hath long since set down in council, that there is no way for him wholly to recover those low Countries, but by bringing the war upon England itself, which hath always assisted them against him: and that being determined, and whereunto he hath been vehemently urged by the last years loss he sustained upon our Coasts, and the great dishonour this journey hath laid upon him; no doubt if we shall give him respite to do it, but he will mightily advance his purpose, for he is richly able thereunto, and wonderful desirous of revenge.  
To encounter wherewith, I wish even in true and honest zeal to my country, that we were all persuaded that there is no such assured means for the safety of our estate, as to busy him with a well furnished army in Spain, which hath so many goodly bays open, as we may land without impeachment as many men as shall be needful for such an invasion. And having an army of twenty thousand royally furnished there, we shall not need to take much care for their payment: for shall not Lisbon be thought able to make so few men rich, when the Suburbs thereof were found so abounding in riches, as had we made enemy of them, they had largely enriched us all? Which with what small loss it may be won, is not here to show; but why it was not won by us, I have herein showed you. Or is not the spoil of civil sufficient to pay more than shall be needful to be sent against it, whose defence (as that of Lisbon) is only force of men, of whom how many may for the present be raised, it is not to be esteemed, because we have discovered what kind of men they be; even such as will never abide ours in field, nor dare withstand any resolute attempt of ours against them: for during the time we were in many places of their country, they cannot say that ever they made twenty of our men turn their faces from them. And be there not many other places of less difficulty to spoil, able to satisfy our forces?  
But admit that if upon this alarm that we have given him, he tendering his natural and nearest soil before his further removed off governments, do draw his forces of old soldiers out of the Low Countries for his own defence, is not the victory then won by drawing and holding them from thence, for the which we should have kept an army there at a charge by many parts greater than this, and not stirred them?  
Admit further our army be impeached from landing there, yet by keeping the Sea, and possessing his principal roads, are we not in possibility to meet with his Indian Merchants, and very like to prevent him of his provisions coming out of the East Countries? without the which, neither the subject of Lisbon is long able to live, nor the King able to maintain his navy: for though the country of Portugal do some years find themselves corn, yet are they never able to victual the least part of that city. And albeit the King of Spain be the richest Prince in Christendom, yet can he neither draw cables, hue masts, nor make powder out of his metals, but is to be supplied of them all from thence. Of whom (some will hold opinion) it is no reason to make prize, because they be not our enemies: and that our disagréeance with them, will impeach the trade of our Merchants, and so impoverish our country. Of whose mind I can hardly be drawn to be: For, if my enemy fight with me do break his sword, so as I thereby have the advantage against him; what shall I think of him that putteth a new sword into his hand to kill me withal? And may it not be thought more fitting for us in these times to lose our trades of cloth, than by suffering these mischiefs, to put in hazard, whether we shall have a country left to make cloth in, or no? And yet though neither Hamburgh Embden, nor stood do receive our cloth, the necessary use thereof in all places is such, as they will find means to take it from us, with our sufficient commodity.  
And admit (which were impossible) that we damnify him neither at sea nor land (for unless it be with a much more mighty army than ours, he shall never be able to withstand us) yet shall we by holding him at his home, free ourselves from the war at our own walls: the benefit whereof let them consider, the best can judge, & have observed the difference of invading, & being invaded; the one giving courage to the soldier, in that it doth set before him commodity and reputation; the other a fearful terror to the country man, who if by chance he play the man, yet is he never the richer: and who knowing many holes to hide himself in, will try them all before he put his life in peril by fight: whereas the Inuador casteth up his account before he goeth out, and being abroad must fight to make himself way, as not knowing what place or strength to trust unto. I will not say what I observed in our country men when the enemy offered to assail us here: but I wish that all England knew what terror we gave to the same people that frighted us, by visiting them at their own houses.  
Were not Alexander's fortunes great against the mighty Darius, only in that his Macedonians thirsted after the wealth of Persia, and were bound to fight it out to the last man, because the last man knew no safer way to save himself, than by fight? Whereas the Persians, either trusting to continue still masters of their wealth by yielding to the Inuador, began to practise against their own King: or having more inward hopes, did hide themselves even to the last, to see what course the conqueror would take in his Conquest. And did not the advice of Scipio, though mightily impugned at the first, prove very sound and honourable his country? Who, seeing the Romans wonderfully amazed at the nearness of their enemy's Forces, and the losses they daily sustained by them, gave counsel, rather by way of diversion to carry an army into Africa, & there to assail, than by a defensive war at home to remain subject to the common spoils of an assailing enemy. Which being put in execution, drew the enemy from the Gates of Rome, and Scipio returned home with triumph: albeit his beginnings at the first, were not so fortunate against them, as ours have been in this small time against the Spaniard. The good success whereof, may encourage us to take arms resolutely against him. And I beseech God it may stir up all men that are particularly interested therein, to bethink themselves how small a matter will assure them of their safety, by holding the Spaniard at a bay, so far of: whereas if we give him leave quietly to hatch and bring forth his preparations, it will be with danger to us all.  
He taketh not arms against us by any pretence of title to the crown of this realm, nor led altogether with an ambitious desire to command our country, but with hatred towards our whole Nation and Religion: Her majesties sceptre is already given by Bull to another, the honours of our nobility are bestowed for rewards upon his attendants, our clergy, our Gentlemen, our Lawyers, yea all men of what condition soever, are offered for spoil unto the common soldier. Let every man therefore in defence of the liberty and plenty he hath of long enjoyed, offer a voluntary contribution of the smallest part of their store for the assurance of the rest. It were not much for every justice of peace, who by his blue coat protecteth the properest and most serviceable men at every muster from the wars, to contribute the charge that one of these idlemen do put him to for one year: nor for the Lawyer, who riseth by the dissensions of his neighbours, to take but one years gifts (which they call fees) out of his coffers. What would it hinder every Officer of the Exchequer, and other of her majesties courts, who without check do suddenly grow to great wealth, honestly to bring forth the mystical commodity of one years profits? Or the clergy, who look precisely for the Tenths of every man's increase, simply to bring forth the Tenth of one years gathering, and in thankfulness to her majesty, (who hath continued for all our safeties, a most chargeable war both at land and sea) bestow the same for her honour and their own assurance, upon an army which may make this bloody enemy, so to know himself and her majesties power, as he shall bethink him what it is to move a stirring people? Who, though they have received some small check by the sickness of this last journey, yet doubt I not, but if it were made known, that the like Voyage were to be supported by a generality, (that might and would bear the charge of a more ample provision) but there would of all sorts most willingly put themselves into the same: some carried with an honourable desire to be in action, & some in love of such, would affectionately follow their fortunes: some in thirsting to revenge the death and hurts of their brethren, kindred, and friends: and some in hope of the plentiful spoils to be found in those countries, having been there already and returned poor, would desire to go again, with an expectation to make amends for the last: and all, in hatred of that cowardly proud Nation, and in contemplation of the true honour of our own, would with courage take arms, to hazard their lives against them, whom every good English man is in nature bound to hate as an implacable enemy to England, thirsting after our blood, and labouring to ruin our land, with hope to bring us under the yoke of perpetual slavery.  
Against them is true honour to be gotten, for that we shall no sooner set foot in their land, but that every step we tread will yield us new occasion of action, which I wish the gallantry of our country rather to regard, than to follow those soft unprofitable pleasures, wherein they now consume their time and patrimony. And in two or three towns of Spain is the wealth of all Europe gathered together, which are the Magasins of the fruits and profits of the East and West Indies: whereunto I wish our young able men, who against the liberty they are borne unto, (term themselves serving men) rather to bend their desires and affections, than to attend their double livery and forty shillings by the year wages, and the reversion of the old Coppie-hold, for carrying a dish to his master's table. But let me here reprehend myself and crave pardon, for entering into a matter of such state and consequence, the care whereof is already laid upon a most grave and honourable council, who will in their wisdoms foresee the dangers that may be threatened against us. And why do I labour to disquiet the security of these happy Gentlemen, & the trade of those honest serving men, by persuading them to the wars, when I see the profession thereof so slenderly esteemed? For though all our hope of peace be frustrate, and our quarrels determinable by the sword: though our enemy hath by his own forces and his pensionaries industry, confined the united provinces into a narrow room, and almost disunited the same: if he be now in a good way to harbour himself in the principal havens of France, from whence he may front us at pleasure: yea though we are to hope for nothing but a bloody war, nor can trust to any help but arms; yet how far the common sort are from reverencing or regarding any persons of conduction, was too apparent in the return of this our journey, wherein the base and common soldier hath been tolerated to speak against the captain, and the soldier and captain against the generals, and wherein mechanical and men of base condition do dare to censure the doings of them, of whose acts they be not worthy to talk.  
The ancient grave degree of the prelacy is upheld, though Martin rail never so much, and the Lawyer is after the old manner worshipped, whosoever inveigh against him: But the ancient English honour is taken from our Men of war, and their Profession in disgrace, though never so necessary. Either we commit idolatry to Neptune, and will put him alone still to fight for us as he did the last year, or we be enchanted with some devilish opinions, that travail nothing more than to diminish the reputation of them, upon whose shoulders the burden of our defence against the enemy must lie when occasion shall be offered. For whensoever he shall set foot upon our land, it is neither the preaching of the clergy that can turn him out again, nor the pleading of any Lawyers that can remove him out of possession: no, than they will honour them whom now they think not on, and then must those men stand between them and their perils, who are now thought unworthy of any estimation.  
May the burning of one town (which cost the King then being, six times as much as this hath done her majesty, wherein were lost seven times as many men as in any one service of this journey, and tarried not the tenth part of our time in the enemy's country) be by our elders so highly reputed, and sounded out by the history of the realm; and can our voyage be so meanly esteemed, wherein we burned both towns and Countries without the loss of forty men in any such attempt?  
Did our Kings in former times reward some with the greatest titles of honour for overthrowing a number of poor Scots, who after one battle lost, were never able to reinforce themselves against him; and shall they in this time who have overthrown our mighty enemy in battle, and taken his royal standard in the field, besieged the marquis of Saralba fifteen days together, that should have been the general of the army against us, brought away so much of his artillery (as I have before declared) be unworthily esteemed of?  
Is it possible that some in some times should receive their reward for looking upon an enemy, and ours in this time not receive so much as thanks, for having beaten an enemy at handy strokes?  
But it is true, that no man shall be a Prophet in his country: and for my own part, I will lay aside my arms till that profession shall have more reputation, and live with my friends in the country, attending either some more fortunate time to use them, or some other good occasion to make me forget them.  
But what? shall the blind opinion of this Monster, a beast of many heads, (for so hath the generalty of old been termed) cause me to neglect the profession from whence I challenge some reputation; or diminish my love to my country, which hitherto hath nourished me? No, it was for her sake I first took arms: and for her sake I will handle them so long as I shall be able to use them: not regarding how some men in private conventicles do measure men's estimations up their own humours; nor how every popular person doth give sentence on every man's actions by the worst accidents. But attending the gracious aspect of our dread sovereign, who never yet left virtue unrewarded: and depending upon the justice of her most rare and grave advisors, who by their heedy looking into every man's worth, do give encouragement to the virtuous to exceed others in virtue: and assuring you that there shall never any thing happen more pleasing unto me, than that I may once again be a party in some honourable journey against the Spaniard in his own country, I will cease my complaint: and with them that deserve beyond me, patiently endure the unadvised censure of our malicious reprovers.  
If I have seemed in the beginning hereof troublesome unto you in the discovering of those impediments; and answering the slanders which by the vulgar malicious and mutinous sort are laid as blemishes upon the journey, and reproaches upon the generals (having indeed proceeded from other heads): let the necessity of conserving the reputation of the action in general, and the honours of our generals in particular, be my sufficient excuse: the one having by the virtue of the other made our country more dreaded and renowned, than any act that ever England undertook before? Or if you have thought my perswasivie discourse long in the latter end; let the affectionate desire of my country's good be therein answerable for me. And such as it is I pray you accept it, as only recommended to yourself, and not to be delivered to the public view of the world, lest any man take offence thereat; which some particular men may seem justly to do, in that having deserved very well, I should not herein give them their due commendations: whereas my purpose in this private discourse, hath been only to gratify you with a touch of those principal matters that have passed, wherein I have only taken notes of those men who either commanded every service, or were of chiefest mark: if therefore you shall impart the same to one, and he to another, and so it pass through many hands, I know not what constructions would be made thereof to my prejudice; for that the hare's ears may happily be taken for horns. Howbeit, I hold it very necessary (I must confess) that there should be some true manifestation made of these things: but be it far from me to be the author thereof, as very unfit to deliver my censure of any matter in public, and most unwilling to have my weakness discovered in private. And so do leave you to the happy success of your accustomed good exercises, earnestly wishing that there may be some better acceptance made of the fruits of your studies, than there hath been of our hazards in the wars. From London the 30. of August. 1589.  
FINIS.   

 

   

Errors in sundry names must thus be read.  
Pag. 16. lin. 31. read Santa Cruz. lin. 23. read at Madrid. Pag. 17. lin. 1. read at Madrid. lin. 2. read Capt. Manco. Pag. 21. lin. 12. read Cap. Sydenham. Pag. 29. lin. 8. read at Lorina. lin. 34.35. Read los Cavalleros. Pag. 34. lin. 6. read Sant' Vués. Pag. 45. lin. 29.31. read deal Tercio de Napoles. lin. 34. read Capt. Sauban.