❧ A REPORT and Discourse written by Roger Ascham, of the affairs and state of Germany and the Emperor Charles his court, during certain years while the said Roger was there.  
AT LONDON. ¶ Printed by john day, dwelling over Aldersgate.  
¶ Come Gratia & Privilegio Regiae Maiestatis, per Decennium.   

❧ John Astely to R. Ascham.  
I Now find true by experience, which I have often heard of others, & sometimes read myself: that men make no such account of commodities when they have them, as when they want them. I mean this by our friendly fellowship together at Cheston Chelsey, and here at Hatfield her grace's house: our pleasant studies in reading together Aristotle's Rhetoric, Cicero, and Livy: our free talk mingled always with honest mirth: our trim conferences of that present world: and to true judgements of the troublesome time that followed.  
These commodities I now remember with some grief, which we then used with much pleasure, besides many other fruits of friendship that faithful good will could afford. And these thinckynges' cause me often to wish, either you to be here with us, or me to be there with you: but what wishing is nothing else but a vain wailing for that which will wanteth▪ I will cease from wishing, and seek the true remedy for this sore. And that is whilst we meet again in deed, in the mean while to ease our desires with often writing the one to the other: I would in deed I had been partaker in your company, of that your pleasant absence out of your country: And because I was not, I pray you let me be partaker by your letters of some fruit of that your journey.  
We hear of great stirs in those parties: and how the Emperor a Prince of great wisdom and great power hath been driven to extreme shifts, and that by the policy of mean men who were thought to be his friends, and not by the puisantnes of others who were known to be his open enemies. I know you were wont in marking diligently and noting truly all such great affairs: And you know likewise how desirous I am always to read any thing that you writ. Writ therefore I pray you, that we your friends being at home may enjoy by your letters a pleasant memory of you in this time whilst you be absent abroad. Farewell in Christ from Hatfield xix Octobris. 1552.   

❧ R. Ascham, to john Asteley.  
SAlutem Plurimam in Christ● jesu. That part of your letters from Hatfield, decimo nono Octob. renewing a most pleasant memory of our friendly fellowship together, & full of your wonted good will towards me: I answered immediately from Spires by Frances the post: which letter if it be not yet come to your hand, ye might have heard tell of it in M. Secretary Cicels chamber in the Court.  
As concerning the other part of your letter, for your wish, to have been with me, in this mine absence from my country: and for your request, to be made partaker by my letters of the stir of these times here in Germany. Surely I would you had your wish: for than should not I now need to bungle up yours so great a request, when presently you should have seen with much pleasure, which now peradventure you shall read with some doubt, less things may increase by writing which were so great in doing, as I am more afraid to leave behind me much of the matter, then to gather up more than hath sprung of the troth.  
Your request containeth few words but comprehendeth both great and divers matters. As first the causes of the open invasion by the Turk: of the secret working for such soddeyne brechesse in Italy, and Germany: of the fine fetches in the French practices: of the double dealing of Rome with all parts: them more particularly why Duke Octavio, the Prince of Salerne, Marches Albert, and Duke Maurice broke so out with the Emperor, which were all so fast knit unto him as the bonds of affinity, loyalty, blood, and benefits could assure him of them: Octavio being his son in law, the Prince one of his privy chamber, Marches Albert his kinsman, and Duke Maurice so enhanced with honour and enriched with benefits by him, as the Duke could not have wished greater in hope, than the Emperor performed in deed. Here is stuff plenty to furnish well up a trim history if a workman had it in handling. When you and I read Livy together if you do remember, after some reasoning we concluded both what was in our opinion to be looked for at his hand that would well and advisedly writ an history: First, point was, to writ nothing false: next, to be bold to say any truth, where by is avoided two great faults, flattery and hatred: 
C. Caesar. P. iovius.  For which two points Caesar is read to his great praise, and iovius the Italian to his just reproach. Then to mark diligently the causes, counsels, acts, and issues in all great attempts: And in causes, what is just or unjust▪ in counsels, what is purposed wisely or rashly: in acts, what is done courageously or faintly: And of every issue, to note some general lesson of wisdom & wariness, 
Polybius. Phi. Comines.  for like matters intime to come: wherein Polybius in Greek and Philip Comines in French have done the duties of wise and worthy writers. Diligence also must be used in keeping truly the order of time: and describing lively, both the site of places and nature of persons not only for the outward shape of the body: but also for the in ward disposition of the mind as Thucydides doth in many places very trimly, 
Thucydides. Homer.  and Homer every where and that always most excellently, which observation is chief to be marked in him. And our Chaucer doth the same, very praise worthily: mark him well and confer him with any other that writeth of in our time in their proudest tongue whosoever list. 
Chaucer.  The style must be always plain and open: yet sometime higher and lower as matters do rise and fall: for if proper and natural words, in well joined sentences do lively express the matter, be it troublesome, quiet, angry or pleasant, A man shall think not to be reading but present in doing of the same. And herein Livy of all other in any tongue, 
Titus Livius.  by mine opinion carrieth away the praise.  
Sir Thomas Moore in that pamphlet of Richard the third, 
Tho. Morus.  doth in most part I believe of all these points so content all men, as if the rest of our story of England were so done, we might well compare with France, Italy, or Germany or in that behalf. But see how the pleasant remembrance of our old talk together hath carried me farther than I thought to go. And as for your request▪ to know the cause and manner of these late stirs here ye shall not look for such precise order now in writing, as we talked on then. Not it is not all one thing to know perfectly by reading and to perform perfectly in doing I am not so unadvised to take so much upon me, nor you so unfriendly to look for so much from me. But that you may know that I have not been altogether idle in this my absence, and that I will not come home as one that can say nothing of that he hath seen and heard abroad: I will homely and rudely (yet not altogether disorderly) part privately unto you such notes of affairs as I privately marked for myself: which I either felt and saw, or learned in such place and of such persons as had wills to seek for, and ways to come by, and wits to way the greatest matters that were to be marked in all these affairs. For no week almost hath passed in the which there hath not commonly come to my hand for the most part of the notable things that have been attempted in Turkey, Hungary, Italy, France, and Germany. In declaring to you these things I will observe only the first two points of our wont communication: that is to my writing I will set forward nothing that is false, nor yet keep back any thing that is true. For I playing no part of no one side, but litting down as indifferent looker on, neither Imperial nor French, but flat English do purpose with troth to report the matter. And seeing I shall live under such a Prince, as king Edward is, and in such a country as England is (I thank God) I shall have neither need to flatter the one side for profit, nor cause to fear the other side for displeasure. Therefore let my purpose of reporting the troth as much content you, as the mean handling of the matter may mislike you. Yet speaking thus much of troth, I mean not such a hid troth as was only in the breast of Monsieur d'Arras on the emperors side, or in Baron Hadeck on Duke Maurice side, with whom and with on other of his counsel he only conferred all his purposes three years before he broke out with the Emperor: but I mean such a troth as by conference and common consent amongst all the Ambassadors and Agentes in this Court and other witty & indifferent heads beside was generally conferred and agreed upon. What better commodity to know the troth any writer in Greek Latin or other tongue hath had, I can not perceive, except only Xenophon, Caesar, and Philip Comines: which two first worthy writers wrote their own acts so wisely, and so without all suspicion of partiality, as no man hitherto by mine opinion hath borne himself so uprightly in writing the histories of others: The third having in a manner the like opportunity hath not deserved like commendations, at lest as I suppose. England hath matter & England hath men furnished with all ability to writ: who if they would might bring both like praise unto themselves, & like profit to others, as these two noble men have done. They lay for their excuse the lack of leisure which is true in deed: But if we consider the great affairs of Caesar we may judge he was worthy to win all praise that was so willing & witty to win such time when his head & his hands night and day were ever most full, would to God that these out men as they are ready to praise him were even as willing to follow him, and so to win like praise themselves.  
And to keep you no longer with my private talk from the matter itself, I will begin at the spring of the matter from whence all these mischiefs did flow, the which now hath so overflowed the most part of Christendom, as God only from heaven must make an end of this miserable tragedy, wherein these two great Princes take such pleasure still to play. 
The cause of the stirs in Italy & Germany.  In Religion & liberty were said to be of many men the very causes of all these stirs: yet in mine opinion & as the matter itself shall well prove it, unkindness was the very seed, whereof all these troubles did grow. 
Unkyndnes.  A Knight of England of worthy memory for wit learning and experience old Sir Thomas Wyatt wrote to his son that the greatest mischief amongst men and least punished is unkindness: the greatest mischief truly & least punished also by any ordinary law & sentence, yet as I have seen here by experience, unkindness hath so wrought with men, as the mean were not afraid to attempt their revenge, nor the Emperor able to withstand their displease. Yea unkindness was only the hook, which Henry the French king hath used these late years to pluck from the Emperor and draw to himself, so many Princes and great commodities as he hath: with this hook baited with money the bait of all mischief, the French king hath not ceased, to angle at as many hearts in Italy and Germany as he knew any matter of unkindness to be ministered unto, by the Emperor. There be few Princes in all the Empire but if I had leisure, I could particularly prove, and when I come home in our private talk I will fully declare that some good big matter of unkindness hath been offered unto them by the Emperor. Yea Ferdinando his brother, Maximilian his nephew and son in law, the Dukes of Bauarie and Cleves which have married his nieces have been shrewdly touched therewith. Also the Papistical Bishops as Mentz, Pamburge, Herbipolis, Saltzburge, and divers others have felt their part herein. Few Princes or states, Protestants or Papists, but have been troubled therewith. But even as a quaterne in the beginning is a wandering disease in the body unknown what it will turn unto, and yet at last it draweth to certain days & hours: even so these grieves in the whole body of the Empire did first work secretly and not appear openly, until this melancholy unkindness did so swell in men's stomachs that at length in Insburgh it braced out into a shrewdsicknes, whereof the first fit was felt to be so dangerous, that if the Emperor and we had not more speedily changed the air, I am afraid and sure I am we were well afraid then, the sickness would have proved also to us that were present with him very contagious. Well this grief growing this to certain fits, and I myself being not greatly grieved at the heart with it but had leisure enough with small jeopardy (I thank God) to look quietly upon them that were sick, because I would not be idle amongst them I began daily to note the working of this sickness, and namely from the xix. of May. 1552. when we ran from Insburgh till the first of next january when the siege of Metz was abandoned. Nevertheless before I come to these ordinary days I will shortly touch how the Emperor being in peace with all the world. 1550. when we came to his Court, had soon after so many enemies as he knew not which way to turn him.  

¶ The Turk.  

The breach with the Turk.  THe date of peace betwixt the Emperor and the Turk had to expire an .1551. The Emperor hearing what preparation the Turk had made the year before for war and specially by Sea, which must needs be against Christendom, thought it better for him to end the peace with some advantage, than that the Turk should begin the war with too much strength & therefore in summer .1550. he sent john de Vega Viceroy of Cicile & Andrea Dorea into Barbaria, who won the strong town of Africa from Dragut Rays sometime a Pirate and now the Turks chief doer in all the affairs of Africa and mare mediteraneo. This Court raised up other rumours of this breach with the Turk how that this enterprise was made for Seripho sake a heathen king. But the emperors friend in Barbaria to whom Dragat Rays had done great wrong, yet men that knew the truth, and are wont also to say it, have told me that the town of Africa stood so fit to annoyed Spain for the Turk when he lift, that the Emperor was compelled to seek by all meaner to obtain it, much fearing, jest when he was absent in Germany, the Turk would be too nigh and to homely a get with him in Spain whensoever the peace should be expired. The whole story of winning Africa ye may read when you list being well written in Latin by a Spaniard that was present at it.  
Africa was earnestly required again by the Turk, and fair promised again by the Emperor, but being in deed not delivered, the Turk for a revenge the next year, first assaulted Malta and after wan Tripoli from whence the Turk may easily and suddenly whensoever he list set upon Cicelie, Naples, or any cost of Italy or Spain and most commodiously, what soever the Emperor doth hold in Barbary▪ so that the gain of Africa is thought nothing comparable with the loss of Tripoli.  
When Tripoli was besieged by the Turks, Monsieur Daramont was sent Ambassador to Constantinople from the French king: and arriving by the way at Mal●a, he was desired by the great master of the order to go to Tripoli, and for the friendship that was between France and the Turk to treat for the Christians there. Daramont did so and had leak of the Turks general to enter the town and talk with the Captain. And by this madness they within yielded, on this condition to part safe with bag and baggage which was granted by the general. But assoon as the Turks entered the town they put old & young, man, woman, and child to the sword saving two hundred of the strongest men to be their Galley slaves for ever. The general being asked why he kept no promise made this answer: If the Emperor had kept faith with my master for Africa I would not have broken with them of Tripoli, and therefore (saith he) with christian men which care for no troth promises may justly be broken. This Turkish cruelty was revenged this last year in Hungary, when like promise of life was made, and yet all put to the sword the Christians bidding the Turks remember Tripoli. To such beastly cruelty the noble feats of arms be come unto betwixt the Christian men and the Turks. And one fact of either side is notable to be known, yet horrible to be told and fouler to be followed: and it is pity that man's nature is such, as will commonly commend good things in reading and yet will as commonly follow ill things in doing.  
The Bass● of Bud●, took in a skirmish a gentleman of the king of Romans for whose delivery men for entreaty and money for his ransom were sent to Bud●. 
An horrible face.  The Bass● appointed a day to give them answer and at time and place assigned, called for them and sent for the gentleman likewise. And suddenly com● out two hangmen bore armed with great butcher's knives in their hands bringing with them certain bandogs muzzled kept hungry without meat: of purpose: the Bassa bade them do their feat: who coming to the gentleman stripped him naked, and bound him to a pillar, after with their knives they cut of his flesh by gobbets and flung it to the dogs. Thus the poor gentleman suffered grief great for the pain, but greater for the spite: nor so tormented in feeling his flesh mangled with knives, as in seeing himself piece meal devoured by dogs. And thus as long as he felt any pain they cut him in collops, and after they let their dogs loose upon him to eat up the residue of him, that the grief which was ended in him being dead might yet continued in his friends looking on. They were bad depart and tell what they saw, who ye may be sure were in care enough to carry home with them such a cruel message.  
Not long after this, three Turks of good estimation and place, were taken by the Christian men: for whose ransom great sums of gold were offered. Answer was made to the messenger that all the gold in Turkey should not save them. And because ye Turks will eat no swine's flesh, you shall see if swine will eat any Turkish flesh. And so likewise great bores were kept hungry, & in sight of the messenger the three Turks were cut in collops and thrown amongst them.  
For these foul deeds I am not so angry with the Turks that began them as I am sorry for the Christian men that follow them. I talked with a worthy gentleman this day both for his great experience and excellent learning Marc Anthonio d'A●●la Ambassador of Venice with the Emperor: 
The great Turk.  who told me that the great Turk himself (Religion excepted) is a good and merciful, just and liberal Prince, wise in making and true in performing any covenant, and as sore a revenger of troth not kept. 
Mustapha the Turkes ●ldest son  He prayed God to keep him long alive: for his eldest son Mustapha is clean contrary, given to all mischief cruel, false, getting he careth not how unjustly, and spending he careth not how unthriftily what soever he may lay hand on, wily in making for his purpose, & ready to break for his profit all covenants, he is weary of quietness and peace, a seeker of strife and war, a great mocker of mean men, a sore oppressor of poor men, openly contemning God, and a bend enemy against Christ's name and Christian men. But to go forward with my purpose. The Turk being onest disclosed an open enemy to the Emperor, many mean men began to be the bolder to put out their heads to seek some open remedy for their private injuries: France being at every man's elbow to hearten and to help, whosoever had cause to be aggrieved with the Emperor. 
Breach of Italy.  And first Octavio Duke of Parma, much aggrieved as nature well required with his father's death & besides that fearing the loss not only of his state, but also of his life, fell from the Emperor in the end of the year .1550.  
Pietro Aloysio Farnesio son to Papa Paulo tercio Duke of Placentia: father to this Duke Octavio Duke of Parma which married the Emperor's base daughter, 
Octavio.  and to Horatio Duke of Castro, who of late hath married also the French kings base daughter, and the two Cardinals Alexandro and Ramusio Farnesy, was slain men say by the means of Ferranto Gonzaga governor of Milan by whose death the state of Placentia belonging then to the house of Fernesia came into the Emperor hands. The whole process of this man's death is at length set out in the stories of Italy: my purpose is only to touch it, because hereby rose such a heat betwixt the whole family of Fernesia and Don Ferranto Gonzaga as hath stirred up such a smoke in Italy betwixt the Emperor and France. as is not like to be quenched but with many a poor man's blood, as Horace noteth wittily out of Homer, saying: 
What follies so ever great Princes make:  
The people therefore go to wreck.   
Octavio being sorest grieved with his father's death and being best able to revenge it was so feared of Gonzaga that he thought himself never assured for Petro Luis death as long as Octavio his son should live: for men never love when they have just cause to fear, but must needs still mistrust without all hope of reconciling whom they have before hurt beyond all remedy of amends. And yet I heard a gentleman of Milan say (who was sent hither to the Emperor by Gonzaga) that Octavio is such a Prince for good nature and gentle behaviour that he supposed there was not one in Italy but did love him except it were his master Gonzaga. These two Princes being neighbours the one at Milan the other at Parma showed small friendship the one to the other. But Octavio was evermore wrong to the worse by many and sundry spites, but chief with daily fear of his life by poisoning: for the which fact certain persons in Parma were taken and laid fast. Nevertheless Octavios' nature is so far from seeking blood and revenge and so given to pity and gentleness, that although they went about not only to give away his state by treason, but also to take away his life by poisoning, yea, and after that the deed was proved plainly on them, and sentence of death pronounced openly against them, yet he gave them life and liberty which would have taken both from him.  
And when Monsieur Thermes earnestly told him that where the evil were not kept in with fear of justice, the good should never live in surety and quietness: his answer was that he so abhorred the shedding of blood in others as he would never wash his hands in any: let his enemies do to him the worst they could. Adding, that he thought it his most honour to be unlykest such for his gentleness which were misliked of all men for their cruelty: whereby he hath won that he which of good nature can hurt none, is now of right loved of all and only hated of him whom no man in Italy for his cruelty doth love. And this talk is so true that it was told in an other language but in the self same terms at an honourable table here in Brussels by a gentleman of Milan an agent in the Court, a doer for Gonzaga, who the same time was prisoner in Parma.  
And although Octavio by good nature was harmless in not seeking revenge, yet he was not careless by good reason in seeking his remedy but made often & great complaints of his grieves to the Emperor, which were not so hotly made, but they were as coldly heard, that at length Octavio finding lest comfort, where of right he looked for most aid, & seeing that displeasures could not be ended in Gonzaga nor could not be amended by the Emperor: then he compelled against his nature turned his hate due to Gonzaga to revenge this undeserved unkindness in the Emperor, even as Pausanias did with Philip king of Macedon, who conquering with policy and power all outward enemies, was slain when and where, he thought himself most sure of his dearest friend, for unkindness, because Philip aught and would not revenge Pausanias on him that had done him a foul displeasure.  
Octavio seeing what was done to his father even when his grandfather was Bishop of Rome, thought, that now as his house decayed, so his jeopardy increased. And therefore against a desperate evil began to seek for a desperate remedy, which was set from Rome a shop always open to any mischief as you shall perceive in these few leaves if you mark them well.  
Octavio complained to julio tercio of the wrongs of Gonzaga & of the unkindness of the Emperor, desiring that by his wisdom and authority, he would now succour him or else not only he should lose his life but also the Church of Rome should loose her right in Parma, as she had done before in Placentia. The Bishop gave good ear to this talk, for he spied that hereby should be offered unto him, a fit occasion to set the Emperor and France together by the ears. He thought the Emperor was to big in Italy having on the one side of Rome Naples under his obedience, on the other side Sienna, Florence and Genoa at his commandment, besides Placentia, Milan, Monteferrato, and a great part of Piemount.  
The Emperor being thus strong in Italy, the Bishop thought his own state to be his so long as it pleased the Emperor to let him have it: & therefore if Parma were not left an entry for France to come into Italy, he might oversoon be shut up in present misery when all outward aid should be shut out from him.  
The Pope's counsel was that Octavio should put himself under the French kings protection whom he knew would most willingly receive him: Parma lying so fit for the French king, when soever he would set upon the enterprise of Milan. This practice of the Pope Monsieur de Thermes the French kings Ambassadors did utter before the consistory of Cardinals at Rome: proving that the Pope, not the king his master was the occasion of that war.  
When Octavio with the whole house of Farnesia become thus French, the Emperor more fearing the state of Milan then lamenting the loss of Octavio persuaded on his side the Bishop of Rome to require Parma as the Churches right, & to punish Octavio as the Church's rebel, promising that he himself as an obedient son of the Church would stretch out his arm and open his purse in that recovery of the Churches right: nevertheless the Bishop must bear the name of the war because he might not break peace with France. Thus Princes openly contenancing quietness & privily brewing debate although they got others to broach it, yet God commonly suffereth themselves to drink most of the misery thereof in the end. The Bishop seeing that he must either begin the mischief or else it would not on so fast as he wished to have it, set lustily upon it: and first cited Octavio, after excommunicated him, and shortly after besieged Parma aided both with men and money by the Emperor: which thing the French king began to stomach, 
Breach with France.  thinking that the Emperor did offer him both wrong & dishonour in not suffering him being a king to help a poor man that fled to his aid. And thus these two Princes first helping others begins by little and little to fall out themselves. And that the Pope did set these two Princes together, a Pasquil made at Rome and sent to this Court doth well declare. And seeing that you so well understand the Italian tongue and that if it were turned into English it would lose the whole grace thereof, I will recite it in the tongue that it was made in.  

Interlocutori Pasquillo et Romano.  
Pasq. HAnno un bell gioco il Re, et l'Imperatore  
per terzo el Papá, e giocano à Primera.  
Rom. che v' e d' in vito? Pasq. Italia tutta intera.  
Rom. Chi vi l' ha' messa? Pasq. ill coglion del pastore.  
Rom. Che tien in mano il Re? Pasq. Ponto magiere  
el Papa hacinquant' uno, e se despera.  
Rom. Caesar che Ponto sa? Pasq. lui sta a Primera  
Rom. che gli manca? Pasq. danari a far savour  
Il Papa dice a voí, e voll Partito:  
Caesar Pensoso sta Sopra di questo,  
teme a Scropir di trovar moneta  
Il Re dico, not, not, Scoprite Presto,  
che io tengo Ponto, a guadagnar l' in vito  
I holy danari, et Caesar se gli aspeta.   

¶ Tutti stanno a vedetta.  
Chi di lor dui guadagni. Rom. il Papa? Pas. e fuora  
vinca chi vol, lui Perda, in sua mal hora.   

¶ Lemot Jmperatore anchora.  
Teme, étien stretto, è Scopre Piau le cart.  
e qui, la sort gioca, pin che l' Arte.   

¶ Metra questi indisparte.  
Stabilito e nel Ciel quelle, che esserdé,  
ne giona all nostro dic, questo Sara questo è.   
The French king in the summer .1551. proclaimed war against Charles king of Spain, abusing that name for a sottlety to separate the whole quarrel from the Empire: when the Emperor would not be persuaded at Augusta that either the Turk would, or the French king durst make him open war, or that any Prince in Italy or Germany could be enticed to break out with him.  
Monsieur Mariliacke the French Ambassador at Augusta ever bore the Emperor in hand that such rumours of war were raised of displeasure & that his master intended nothing so much as the continuance of amity, yea this he durst do, when many in the emperors court knew that the war was already proclaimed in France.  
The Emperor blinded with the over good opinion of his own wisdom, liking only what himself listed, and contemning easily all advise of others (which self will condition doth commonly follow, and as commonly doth hurt all great wits) did not only at this time suffer himself thus to be abused: but also afterward more craftily by the Pope for the continuance of war at Parma, & more boldly by Duke Maurice for his repair to Inspruke, and not the lest of all, now lately at Metz by some of his own counsellors for the recovery of that town.  
But Princes and great personages which will hear but what and whom they list, at the length fail when they would not, and commonly blame whom they should not: But it is well done that as great men may by authority contemn the good advise of others: so God doth provide by right judgement that they have leave in the end to bear both the loss and shame thereof themselves.  
Thus ye see how the Pope was both the brewer and broacher and also bringer of ill luck to both these Princes, and as it came well to pass drank well of it himself both with expenses of great treasures, and with the loss of many lives and specially of two noble gentlemen, the Prince of Macedonia & Il Seign. Gionan Baptista di Monte his own nephew: but the Pope's care was neither of money nor men, so that he might set the two Princes surely together. And therefore was not only content (as a man might say) to hazard Parma on the main chance: but to make the two Princes better sport & fresher game, set also even then Mirandula on a buy chance that mischief enough might come together.  
When the Princes were well in and the one so lusty with good luck that he had no lust to leave, 
Pope.  and the other so chafed with losing, that still he would venture. Besides their playing in sport for the Pope at Parma and Mirandula, 
Parma.  they fell to it a good themselves in Piemount, 
Mirandula.  Loraigne, Flaunders and Picardy, the French king robbing by Sea and spoiling by land, with calling in the Turk, and stirring up all Princes and states that had any occasion to bear any grudge to the Emperor. Of all their neighbours only our noble king, and the wise senate of Venize would be lookers on.  
And when the Pope saw they were so hot at it as he well knew as the one would not start in so great good luck: so the other could not leave by so much shame of loss. And although it did him good to see them cope so lustily together: nevertheless he thought it scarce his surety that they should play so near his elbow so earnestly, lest if they fell to far out and the one should win to much of the other, than he peradventure would compel at length the Pope himself which began the play to keep him sport afterward for that that he had in Italy. And therefore very craftily he got them to play in an other place, 
The Pope's practice.  and took up the game for Parma and Mirandula taking truce with France for certain years, and bade them make what sport they would farther of in Loraigne & Picardy. And that there should lack neither injury nor spite in the Pope's doings, when the Emperor saw that whether he would or not, the Pope would needs fall in with France, than he desired the Pope that such bastilians' and fortes of fence as were made about Mirandula when it was besieged might either be delivered to his men's hands or else defaced that the Frenchmen might not have them, which request was very reasonable seeing the Emperor had been at all the charge in making of them: But they were neither delivered nor defaced, nor left indifferent, but so put into the French men's hands, that Mirandula now is made very strong to the French faction by emperors money and the Pope's falsehood.  
This fact was very wrongful of the Pope for the deed: but more spiteful for the time: for even when Duke Maurice had won Augusta, even than the Pope gave up the siege of Mirandula and fell in with France that care enough might come upon the Emperor together both out of Germany, and out of Italy at once. And even this day .25. june. 1553. when I was writing this place, cometh news to Brussels, that the Pope hath of new played with the Emperor more foul play at Sienna, than he did before at Mirandula: For when the Emperor had been at passing charges in keeping a great host, for the recovery of Sienna from December last unto june: the Pope would needs become stickler in that matter between the Emperor, the French king and Sienna promising such conditions to all, as neither of the Princes should loose honour and yet Sienna should have had liberties. The Emperor good man yet again trusting him who so spitefully had deceived him before dismissed his host, which done Sienna was left still in the French mens hands: who thereby have such opportunity to fortify it, as the Emperor is not like by force to recover it Pyramus Secretary to the Emperor told this tale to Sir Philip Hobby & the Bishop of Westminster openly at the table: which Pyramus is a Papist for his life: & being asked how he could excuse the Pope's unkindness against his master the Emperor: He answered smiling julius tercius is a knave but the Pope is an honest man, which saying is common in this court. And although they will understand both the spite of the pope, & the shame of their master, yet are they content still to speak of the pope though he nevertheless still do ill to the Emperor.  
And thus to return to my purpose how the Pope set the two Princes together, & shifted his own neck a while out of the halter, leaving most unfriendly the Emperor when he was farthest behind hand: and how Octavio for fear of Gonzaga, and unkindness of the Emperor fell with all his family to be French, I have briefly passed over for the hast I have to come to the matters of Germany.   

¶ The Prince of Salerne.  
THe Emperor being thus set upon by the Turk and France with open war, and troubled by the house of Fernesia with so soddeyne breaches, and most of all encumbered with the fear of the stirs in Germany which secretly were then in working: the Prince of Salerne also declared himself an open enemy.  
This Prince in this court is much beloved for his gentleness and openly praised for his wisdom, & greatly lamented for his fortune, who before time hath done so good and faithful service to the Emperor: that I have heard some in this Court say, which love the Emperor well and serve him in good place, that their master hath done the Prince so much wrong, as he could do no less than he did: who being so unjustly handled by his enemies, the viceroy of Naples, and so unkindly dealt with all by his master the Emperor, was driven by necessity to seek an unlawful shift.  
The viceroy Don Pietro de Toledo uncle to the Duke of Alva, & father in law to the duke of Florence used himself with much cruelty over the people of Naples by exactions of money without measure, by Inquisition of men's doings without order, & not only of men's doings, but also of mens outward lookings, & inward thinkynges, using the lest suspicion for a sufficient witness to spoil & to kill whom soever he listed. Men that had suits unto him, had as leave been away with the loss of their right, as have come to his presence to abide his looks & taunts: And (as I heard a wise gentleman of Italy say) he gave audience in such time & place, as he may easilier in this Court speak with Monsieur d'Arras than he could in Naples with the Viceroy's Porter. And commonly he would not hear them whilst an hundred suitors should come at once, and then the Porter let them in by one and by one even as he favoured not as the matter required, commanding them to be short or else they should come short in the next time. And so men's suits were pulled from common law to private will, & were heard not in place open to justice but in private Parlours shit up to all that came not in by favour or money. And therefore judgements were allotted not as law appointed, but as the viceroy listed. This fault (Cicero saith) undid Caesar who drew the common law into his own house, & so in having other mens goods lost all mens hearts and not long after his own life: for even those that did help him pluck down Pompey, did after kill him for pulling down the laws: So we see that Princes not in gathering much money, nor in bearing over great swinge but in keeping of friends & good laws live most merely & reign most surely. But such as gape always for other men's goods commonly never enjoy the fruit of their own: for they never cease to win by wrong till at length they lose by right goods life & all. And therefore it is notable the Dion. in Plato writeth to Dionysius the tyrant, how Euripides in every tragedy bringeth for some great vice one or other great Prince to ruin & yet not one doth complain thus: Out out alas alas, I die for lack of goods. But every one singeth this song: Out out alas alas, I die for lack of friends.  
For a Prince that will take mens goods when he listeth without order shall want men's hearts when he needeth without pity: but in having their hearts he shall never lack their goods, as the good king Cirus said to the rich king Croesus. And to have the people's hearts the next way is to be gentle to every one, just to all and liberal to many and especially to such as either by excellency of wit or good will in true service do well deserve it. Also to set his chiefest joy not in private pleasure like Sardanapalus, but in common wealth as we have example of Titus Vespasianus: and to think his treasure greatest, not when his coffers be fullest as Croesus did, but when his subjects be richest as Cyrus did & that through his wisdom and care as all praise worthy princes have ever hitherto done. And what will the people tender again to such a Prince? A small subsidy, with a great grudge? no, but their whole hearts to love him: their whole goods to aid him: their hands ready to defend him, and their lives as ready to die for him when soever he shall have need. A Prince that thus doth live and thus is loved at home may be envy with much praise, and hated with small hurt of any power abroad.  
And therefore have I heard wisemen discommend the government in France in making their people almost slaves, and from thence a common saying of some in England, 
Sir john Gates wish.  that would have the people neither witty nor wealth when wit is the mere gift of GOD: So that to wish men less wit that have it, is to count God scarce wise that gave it. And wealth of the people as Scripture saith: is the glory of a Prince, and surety of his reign. But suspicion in all governing breedeth such sayings, when wrong doth bear such swinging, as ill conscience doth always wish that men should lack either wit to perceive or ability to amend whatsoever is done amiss. But God sand such Achitophel's better end than their counsels doth deserve which would seen wise by other men's folly, and would be rich by other men's poverty.  
To return to the viceroy of Naples the common opinion of those in this Court which have private cause to say well on him do speak it boldly and openly, that he was such a one as never could content his covetousness with money, nor never satisfy his cruelty with blood: And so by this foul mean many gentlemen in Naples have lost some their lives but more their livings, and almost all their liberty. And there be at this day as men say here that know it a good sort of thousands Neapolitans, named Foriensuti, who being spoiled at home by violence, rob other abroad for need, which cumber so the passage betwixt Rome and Naples, as no man departeth commonly from Rome without company which cometh to Naples without robbing.  
The whole body of the kingdom of Naples was so distempered inwardly with this misorder, with a little outward occasion it would easily have burst forth into a foul sore. A less matter than the ravishing of Lucrece, A meaner aid than the help of Brutus, was thought sufficient to have stirred up this inward grudge to open revenge. But see how God provided for the Emperor and the quiet of that kingdom: For God in taking away one Spaniard hath made Naples now more strong, then if the Emperor had set xx. thousand of the best in Spain there: for even this last Lent. 1553. Don Pietro di Toledo died at Florence by whose going away men's hearts in Naples be so come again to the Emperor, as he shall now have less need either to care for the fine fetches of France, or to fear the great power of the Turk. A gentleman of this Court a true servant to the Emperor said merely in a company where I was, that his master the Emperor had won more in Naples by the death of the viceroy, than he had lost in Lorraigne by the forging of Metz.  
But to my purpose not many years ago divers in Naples made their complaint to the Prince of Salerne of their griefs, who was thought would be most willing for his good nature, and best able for his authority to seek some remedy for them by way of intercession to the Emperor.  
The Prince being here at Brussels humbly besought his Majesty to pity the misery of his poor subjects: who by this suit got of the Emperor for his clients, words without hope: and of the viceroy for himself hatred without end. The Prince yet always bore himself so wisely, that he could not without some stir be thrust down openly: and riding on his journey he was once shot with a dag secretly.  
Thus he seeing no end of displeasure in the viceroy no hope of remedy in the Emperor, when he saw the Turk on the Sea, the French king in the field, Duke Maurice and the Marches up, and a good part of Italy either risen, or ready to rise, thinking the time come of their most hope for help by the Princes, and of lest fear of punishment by the Emperor, came forth to play his part also amongst the rest: who when flying first to the French king and after by his counsel as it is said to the Turk, is compelled to venture upon many hard fortunes. And what success he shall have either of help in France or comfort of the Turk, or mercy of the Emperor I can not yet writ. But this last winter he hath lain in the isle of Cio, and now I hear say this summer he is on the Sea with 63. Galleys of the Turks at his commandment, what enterprise he will make, or what success he shall have when we shall hear of the matter, I trust I shall either by some private letter from hence or by present talk at home fully satisfy you therein.   

¶ Albert Marches of Bradenburge.  

Marches albert's book and the contents thereof.  ALbert Marches of Bradenburge in the beginning of his stir .1552. wrote a book and set it Print wherein he declared the causes of his falling from the Emperor wittily alleging common misery as a just pretence of his private enterprise making other men's hurts, his remedy to heal his own sores and common wrongs his way to revenge private displeasures: showing liberty to be last, and Religion to be defaced, in all Germany, lamenting the long captivity of the two great Princes: and all the dispossessing of his father in law Duke Otto Henrick: sore enueing against the pride of the spaniards and the authority of strangers, which had now in their hands the seal of the Impiere, 
Sore and just complaints.  and in their swinging the doing of all things, and at their commandment all such men's voices as were to be called the Imperial Dietes: compelling the Germans in their own country to use strange tongues for their private suits, wherein they could say nothing at all, or nothing to the purpose: using Camera Imperialis at Spires for a common key to open all men's coffers when they listed and these were the chiefest points in Marches book.  
The Marches also sore enueyed against Luice de Auila for writing, 
The book of Luice de Auila.  and against the Emperor for suffering such a book as Luice de Auila wrote: wherein the honour of Germany and the Princes thereof & by name Marches Albert, who was in the first wars on the emperors side, was so defamed to all the world: yea the Marches was so thoroughly chafed with this book, that when I was in the emperors court he offered the combat with Luice de Auila, which the Emperor for good will and wise respects would in no case admit.  
Not only the Marches but also the Princes at the Diet of Passan this last year made a common complaint of this book. I knew also the good old Prince Frederick Palsgrave of the Rhine in September last when the Emperor lay at Landaw beside Spires, going with his great army to Metz, complained to the Emperor himself and to his counsel of a certain spiteful place in that book against him: The good prince told me this tale himself at his house in Heldibirge when I carried unto him king Edward's letters, the Lord Ambassador himself being sick at Spires.  

The duke of Baviere unkindly handled.  And wise men say that the Duke of Baviere, also is evil contented for that which is written in that book against his father when he deserved of the Imperials, to have been rewarded rather with praise and thanks then with any unkind note of blame and dishonour: of whom the Emperor in his wars against the landgrave and the Duke of Saxony received such kindness, as no Prince in Germany for all respects in the case was able to afforded him: as first he had his whole country of Baviere for a sure footing place, to begin the war in: and had also both men and victual of him what he would, and at length should have had that country his only refuge, if that in war he had come to any underdele as he was like enough to have done. But it was Gods secret will and pleasure to have the matter then go as it did: And for that cause men say Duke Albert of Baviere that now is that hath married the emperors niece, was more strange this last year to the Emperor, when he was driven to that extremity to fly away on the night from Inspurge and was more familiar with duke Maurice, and more friendly to the Princes confederate then else peradventure he would have done.  
And here a writer may learn, of Prince's affairs a good lesson to beware of partiality either in flattery, or spite: For although thereby a man may please his own Prince presently yet he may perchance as much hurt him in the end as Luis de Auila did hurt the Emperor his master in writing of this book. In deed this book was not the chiefest cause of this stir in Germany: but sure I am that many Princes in Germany were sore aggrieved with it, as the Emperor wanted both their hearts & their hands when he stood in most need of friends: Just reprehension of all vices as folly, unjust dealing, cowardice, and vicious living, must be freely and frankly used, yet so with that moderate discression as no purposed malice or bend hatred, may seem to be the breeder of any false reproach which humour of writing followeth so full, in Paulus iovius books, and that by that judgement of his own friends, as I have heard wise and well learned men say: that his whole study and purpose is spent on these points, to deface the Emperor, to flatter France, to spite England, to belie Germany, to praise the Turk, to keep up the Pope, to pull down Christ and Christ's Religion, as much as lieth in him. But to my purpose again.  
The matters before of me briefly rehearsed, were at large declared in Marches albert's book: yet that you may know what secret working went before this plain writing and open doing. And because the Marches part hath been so notable in all this pastime, I will by more particular circumstances lead you to this general complaints.  
There be at this day five Marchesses' of Bradenburge: joachimus Elector, Johannes his brother who for Civil service is Imperial with might and main, & yet in Religion a Christian Prince with heart tongue & honesty of life: Doctor Christopher Monte, both a learned and wise man, our kings Majesty servant and his Agent in the affairs of Germany hath told me divers times, that this Marches john and the Duke of Swaburg, be two of the worthiest Princes in all the Empire either in considering wisely, or executing courageously any great affair. The third is Marches George who dwelleth in Franconia not far from Noremberg. The fourth Marches Albert the elder the mighty Duke of Prusia able for his power to cope with any Prince, 
Duke of Prusia.  and xv. years together he did stoutly withstand in continual war the strength of the king of Pole. He hath so fully banished Papistry and so surely established the doctrine of the Gospel in Prusia, as no where hitherto in Germany is more diligently done, he loveth learning and honoureth learned men, and therefore. an .1544. he founded a new University in Prusia called Mons Regius bringing thither with plentiful things excellent learned men in all tongues and sciences. He is uncle to this notable Marches Albert, and lacking children hath made him his heir, and hath already investured him in the Dukedom of Prusia.  
The fift is Marches Albert of whom I purpose to writ on: whose father was Cassimirus descended from the kings of Pole, and for his nobleness against the Turk called Achilles Germanicus: and therefore might very well engender such a hot Pyrrhus. Marches Albert in his young years as I have heard wise men say, was rude in his manners, nor did not show any token of towardness likely to attempt any such affairs as in deed he hath done. It might be either for the lack of learning and good bringing up (a great and common fault in great Princes of Germany) or else for his bashful nature in youth, which property Xenophon wittily feigned to be in Cyrus at like years judging bashfulness in youth to be a great token of virtue in age. 
Xenoph. ●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
Marches Albert is now at this day about xxxj. years old: of a good stature, neither very high, nor very low, thick without grossness: rather well boned for strength, then overloaded with flesh: his face fair, beautiful, broad, stern, and manly: somewhat resembling my Lord Marches of Northt. when he was of the same years, his eyes great and rolling, making his countenance cheerful when he talketh: and yet when he giveth ear to other he keepeth both a sad look without sign of suspicion, and also a well set eye without token of malice: And this behaviour I marked well in him when I dined in his company at the siege of Metz, in the County john of nassau's tent, his voice is great and his words not many, more ready to here other then to talk himself. And when he talketh he so frameth his tongue to agreed with heart, as speaking and meaning seemeth to be always at one in him, and herein he may be well called the son of Achilles whom Homer wittily doth fain to have such a free open nature: whose saying in Geeke is excellent, but being turned in the wrong side into English, it shall less delight you yet thus much it signifieth: 
Who either in earnest or in sport,  
doth frame himself after such sort:  
This thing to think and that to tell,  
my heart abhorreth as gate to hell.   
Homer, meaning hereby that a Prince of noble courage should have his heart, his look, his tongue, and his hands so always agreeing together in thinking, pretending, and speaking, and doing, as no one of these four should at any time be at jar with an other, which agreeing together in their right tune, do make a pleasant melody in all men's ears both sweetest and loudest, called in English (honour) and most fitly in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the price and praise of virtue.  
And though the Marches be free to say what he thinketh, yet he is both secret in purposing & close in working what soever he goeth about. Now very skilful to do harm to others, and as ware to keep hurt from himself, yet first bet unto it with his own rod: for in the former wars of Germany being on the emperors side he fell into the hands of Duke john Fridericke of Saxony, which chance he is charged sore withal by Luice de Auila and that with so spiteful and open a mouth, as moved the Marches to offer him the combat as I said before. He is now most courageous in hardest adventures, most cheerful in present jeopardy, and most painful in greatest labours: having no soldier under him, that can better away with heat and cold or longer suffer hunger and thirst than he himself. His apparel is soldier like, better known by his fierce doings then by his gay going: His soldiers fear him for his stoutness, and love him for his liberality: which winneth to him authority fit for a stout Captain, and worketh in them obedience due to good soldiers.  
This last year a little before his agreement with the Emperor his soldiers for lack of money & meat fell to mutening and then fell the Marches fastest to hanging, not hiding himself for fear, but coming abroad with courage, did protest that neither the proudest should make misorder without punishment nor yet the prodest should lack as long as either he had penny in his purse or loaf of bread in his tent. And after this sort of outward behaviour and inward condition in Marches Albert, as I have marked his person myself and as I have learned his doings by such as by experience knew them well & for their honesty would report them right and now how he fell from the Emperor I will as briefly declare.  
The Marches served the Emperor as I said before in the former wars in Germany against the landgrave and the Duke of Saxony, where he lost some honour and spent much money. The Emperor shortly after came down hither to Brussels having the Marches in his company, who looking for a great recompense of his costs, and receiving little, and seeing his honour not only defaced in the field presently when he was taken prisoner, but also defamed for ever by writing confirmed by the emperors privilege to grow abroad in the world began to take the matter so unkindly, that he left coming to the Court, and kept his own house: rising every day very early: and writing all the forenoon very diligently yet what he did no man knew: so that his absence breed a talk in the Court, and his soddein and secret study wrought a wonderful jealousy of his doings in the emperors head: for he knew the Marches to have courage enough to attempt matters over great: and therefore sent Monsieur Granduill: unto the Marches house as of himself to grope out his doings, who declared unto the Marches the Emperors great goodwill towards him, showing that his Majesty was purposed to make him a great parsonage, & to begin withal had in mind to give him a goodly and profitable office in all his Mints.  
The Marches answered roundly and plainly to the first, that the Emperor could not make him greater than he was, being Marches of Bradenburge: And as for the office in the Mint, he said smiling, he used not often to tell his own money, & therefore he thought not to make the account of others & so made nothing of the emperors offer: only he desired Grandevill that the Emperor would give him leave to go home to his own, which he obtained: And at his departure the Emperor gave him a patent of 4000 crowns by the year: But the Marches was not well four miles out of Brussels, when he sent the patent by post to the Emperor again saying: his Majesty might better bestow it on some that had more need of it. And in deed the Marches is as loath to receive of his friends by benevolence, as he is ready to take from his enemies by violence which cometh somewhat of to stout a courage.  
Thus the Marches came home not best contented as it may well appear: nor saw not the Emperor after till he met him at the siege of Metz. Casmirus his father and the Marches himself were great spenders and deep debtors: the one for his stoutness in war, the other for his lustiness in youth. And therefore become quick borrowers & slow payers, which thing brought the Marches into such trouble as he had with the City of Noremberge with his neighbours the Bishop of Herbipolis and with his Godfather the Bishop of Pamberge.  
The Marches was no sooner come home, but these Bishops spying their time, when he had left the emperors Court, and had quite lost or much lessened his friendship there, began to trouble him with new suits for old debts in Camera Imperiali, at Spires, where the Marches because he lacked either favour in the Court, or experience in young years, or good matter on his side, was always wrong to the worst, and to stuff up his stomach with more matter of unkindness against the Emperor, it is said that letters from the greatest in the emperors Court were never lacking at Spires to help forward process against the Marches.  
Shortly after this time began the siege of Madenburg where Duke Maurice by the Emperor was appointed general. The Marches either weighed of losing at home by suits, or desirous to win abroad by war, or else purposing to practise some way to revenge his displeasures made him ready to serve against Madenburg with 500 horse. And in the beginning of the spring of the year .1551. he set forward and in his way went to visit Ernestus his cousin Duke of Saxony brother to john Fridericke the prisoner with the Emperor. The self same time Lazarus Swendy was sent from the Emperor as Commissary to duke Ernestus with earnest commandment that the Duke and all his, should receive the doctrine of the Interim. And that I may accomplish my purpose, which is to paint out as cruelly as I can, by writing, the very Image of such persons as have played any not able part in these affairs: and so you being absent shall with ●o●e more pleasure read their doings. This Lazarus Swendy is a tall and a comely parsonage, 
Lazarus Swendy.  and being brought up in learning under Oecolampadius at Basile making (as it was told me by an honest man that was thoroughly acquainted with him there) more account of his tall stature, than of any beauty of the mind, began to be weary of learning, and become desirous to ●eare some brag in the world▪ and so made a soldier, inard a scholar, & because he would make a lusty change from the fear of God and knowledge of Christ's doctrine, he fell to be a perverse and bloody Papist: ever at hand in any cruel execution against the poor Protestants as commonly all such do which so wittingly shake of Christ, and his Gospel: such a Commissary you may be sure would cruelly enough execute his office.  
Duke Ernestus told the Commissary that he his lands and life were at his majesties commandment, his Majesty knew how quietly he bore himself always, & therefore his trust was as he willingly served the Emperor with true obedience▪ so he might as freely serve God with right conscience: for he would rather leave his lands and goods and all to the Emperor, and go beg with his wife & children, than they would forsake the way of the Gospel which God hath commanded them to follow.  
And mark how evidently God did declare both how much such a Commission sent out abroad in Germany against him and his word did displease him: and also how much the prayers and sighing hearts of just men do in time prevail with him: for as a man of much honesty & great knowledge in all the matters of Germany did tell me, assoon as this Commission was once abroad, the practices in Germany began to stir, yet not so openly as the Emperor might have just cause to withstand them, nor so covertly but he had occasion enough to mistrust them: and thereby he both lacked help for open remedy, and wanted no displeasure for inward grief.  
Duke Ernestus, Marches Albert, and Lazarus Swendy sat at supper togethers: & as they were talking of the Interim, the Marches suddenly braced out into a fury saying: what devil? will the Emperor never leave striving with God in defacing true Religion and tossing the world in debarring all mens liberties? adding, that he was a Prince unkind to every man, and kept touch with no man, that could forget all men's merits, & would deceive whom soever he promised.  
The Duke liked not this hot talk in his house and at his table, but said: Cousin you speak but merely, and not as you think, adding much the praise of the emperors gentleness showed to many, and of his promise kept withal. Well (quoth the Marches) if he had been either kind where men have deserved or would have performed that he promised: neither should I at this time accuse him, nor you have sit here in this place to defend him, for he promised to give me this house with all the lands that thereto belongeth: but ye be afraid Cousin (quoth the Marches) jest this talk be to loud, and so heard to far of: when in deed if the Commissary here, be so honest a man as I take him, and so true to his master as he should be, he will not fail to say what he hath heard, and on the same condition Commissary I bring thee good luck, and drank of unto him a great glass of wine. Lazarus Swendyes talk then sounded gently and quietly, for he was sore afraid of the Marches. But he was no sooner at home with the Emperor, but word was sent strait to Duke Maurice that the Marches who was as then come to Madenburg if he would needs serve there, should serve without wages.  
You may be sure the Marches was chafed a new with this news who already had lost a great sort of his men and now must lose his whole labour thither, and all his wages there, besides the loss of his honour in taking such shame of his enemies, & receiving such unkindness of the Emperor.  
The Marches was not so grieved but Duke Maurice was as well contented with this commandment: for even then was Duke Maurice Secretary practising by Baron Hadeckes advise with the French king for the stir which did follow: and therefore was glad when he saw the Marches might be made his so easily which came very soon to pass: so that the Marches for the same purpose in the end of the same year went into France secretly, and was there with Shertly as a common Lance Knight, and named himself Captain Paul, jest the Emperor spials should get out his doings: where by the advise of Shertly he practised with the French king for the wars which followed after. This matter was told unto me by john Mecardus one of the chief Preachers in Augusta, who being banished the Empiere, when and how ye shall hear after was fain to fly, and was with Shertly the same year in France.  
The Marches came out of France in the beginning of the year .1552. and out of hand gathered up men, but his purpose was not known, yet the Emperor mistrusted the matter, being at Insburg, sent Doct. Hasius one of his counsel, to know what cause he had to make such stir. This Doct. Hasius was once an earnest protestant, and wrote a book on that side, & was one of the Palsgrave's privy counsel: But for hope to climb higher, he was very ready to be enticed by the Emperor to forsake first his master & then God: By whom the Emperor knew much of all the Princes Protestants purposes, for he was commonly one whom they had used in all their Dietes and private practices: which thing caused the Emperor to seek to have him: that by his head he might the easilier overthrow the Protestants, & with them God and his word in all Germany.  
This man is very like M. Parrie her grace's cofferer in head, face, legs and belly. What answer Hasius had I can not tell, but sure I am the Marches then both wrote his book of complaints against the Emperor, and set it out in Print. And also came forward with banner displayed, and took Dilling upon Danuby the Cardinal of Augustus' town, which Cardinal with a few Priests fled in post to the Emperor at Inspurg, where he found so cold cheer, and so little comfort, that forthwith in all haste, he posted to Rome.  
Horsemen and footmen in great companies still gathered to the Marches: and in the end of March he marched forward to Augusta, where he, Duke Maurice, the young landgrave, the duke of Mechelburg, George, and Albert, with William Duke of Brunswycke, and other Princes confederate met together and besieged that City, Where I will leave the Marches till I have brought Duke Maurice and his doings to the same time, and to the same place.   

¶ Duke Maurice.  
NOt many years ago whole Saxony was chief under two Princes: the one duke john Frederick borne Elector, who yet liveth, defender of Luther, a noble setter out, and as true a follower of Christ and his Gospel: The other his kinsman Duke George who is dead, Knight of the order of the Golden Fleece, a great man of the Emperor, a maintainer of Cocleus, and a notable pillar of Papistry.  
Duke john Frederick is now 50. years of age, 
john Frederick Duke of Saxon.  so big of parsonage as a very strong horse is scarce able to bear him & yet is he a great deal bigger in all kind of virtues, in wisdom, justice, liberality, stoutness, temperancy in himself, and humanity towards others, in all affairs, and either fortunes using a singular troth and steadfastness: so that Luice de Auila, and the Secretary of Ferrare who wrote the story of the first wars in Germany, and profess to be his earnest enemies both for matters of state and also of Religion, were so compelled by his worthiness to say the truth as though their only purpose had been to writ his praise. He was five years prisoner in this Court, where he won such love of all men, as the spaniards now say: they would as gladly fight to set him up again as ever they did to pull him down: For they see that he is wise in all his doings, just in all his dealings, lowly to the meanest, princely with the biggest, and excelling gentle to all, whom no adversity could ever move, nor policy at any time entice to shrink from God and his word. And here I must needs commend the Secretary of Ferrare, who being a Papist, and writing the history of the late wars in Germany, doth not keep back a goodly testimony of Duke Frederick'S constancy toward God and his Religion.  
When the Emperor had taken the Duke prisoner he came shortly after before the City of Witemberg: and being advised by some bloody counsellors that Duke Frederick'S death should, by the terror of it turn all the Protestants from their Religion, caused a write to be made for the Duke to be executed the next morning upon a solemn scaffold in the sight of his wife children, and the whole City of Wittenberg.  
This writ signed with the Emperors own hand was sent over night to the Duke, who when the write came unto him was in his tent playing at Chess with his Cousin and fellow prisoner the landgrave of Lithenberg, and reading it advisedly over laid it down quietly beside and made no countenance at all at the matter, but said Cousin take good heed to your game, and returning to his play as quietly as though he had received some private letter of no great importance did give the landgrave a trim mate.  
The Emperor (I doubt not) chief moved by God: secondly of his great wisdom and natural clemency, when he understood his marvelous constancy changed his purpose and revoked the write, and ever after gave him more honour, and showed him more humanity than any Prince that ever I have read of have hitherto done to his prisoner.  
He is also such a lover of learning as his Library furnished with books of all tongues and sciences, passeth all other Libraries which are yet gathered in Christendom: For my friend jeronimus Wolfius who translated Demosthenes out of Greek into Latin, who had seen the French kings Library at Augusta, hath told me that though in six months he was not able only to writ out the titles of the books in the Fuggers Library, yet was it not so big as Duke Frederick'S was which he saw in Saxony. I think he understandeth no strange tongue save somewhat the Latin and a little the French: And yet it is marvelous that my friend johannes Sturmius doth report by writing, what he heard Philip Melancthon at a time say of this noble Duke: that he thought the Duke did privately read & writ more every day than did both he and D. Aurifaber which two were counted in all men's judgements to be the greatest readers and writers in all the University of Wittenberg.  
And as he doth thus read with such diligence, even so he can report with such a memory what soever he doth read, and namely histories, as at his table on every new occasion he is accustomed to recite some new story which he doth with such pleasure and utterance as men be content to leave their meat to hear him talk: and yet he himself is not disdainful to hear the meanest nor will overwhart any man's reason. He talketh without taunting, and is merry without scoffing, deluding no man for sport, nor nipping no man for spite.  
Two kinds of men as his Preachers did tell me at Vilacho he will never long suffer to be in his house: the one a common mocker, who for his pride thinketh so well of his own wit as his most delight is to make other men fools, and where God of his providence hath given small wit he for his sport will make it none, and rather than he should lose his pleasure, he would an other should lose his wit: as I hear say was once done in England, and that by the sufferance of such as I am sorry for the good will I bear them to hear such a report: the other a privy whisperer a pickthancke a tale teller meddling so with other mens matters, as he findeth no leisure to look to his own: one such in a great house is able to turn and toss the quietness of all. Such two kind of men saith the Duke besides the present troubling of others never or seldom come to good end themselves. He loveth not also bold and thick skinned faces, wherein the meaning of the heart doth never appear. Nor such hid talk as lieth in wait for other men's wits. But would, the words should be so framed with the tongue, as they be always meant in the heart.  
And therefore the Duke himself thinketh nothing which he dare not speak, 
A noble nature.  nor speaketh nothing which he will not do. Yet having thoughts grounded upon wisdom, his talk is always so accompanied with discression and his deeds so attend upon true dealing, as he neither biteth with words, nor wringeth with deeds, except impudence follow the fault, which Xenophon wittily calleth the farthest point in all doing, and then he useth to speak home as he did to a Spaniard this last year at Villacho, who being of the Duke's guard, when he was prisoner, and now pressing to sit at his table when he was at liberty, Because many nobles of the Court came that day to dine with the duke, The gentleman Husher gently desired the Spaniard to spare his room for that day for a great parsonage▪ But he countenancing a brave Spanish brag, said, Seignor ye know me well enough, and so sat him down.  
The Duke heard him, and preventing his man's answer said: In deed you be to well known, by the same token the last time you were here you took a goblet away with you, & therefore when you have dined you may go without farewell, and have leave to come again when ye be sent for. In the mean while an honest man may occupy your place. But in remembering so good a Prince I have gone to far from my matter: And yet the remembrance of him is never out of place, whose worthiness is never to be forgotten.  
Duke George of Saxony a little before he died having no child did dishinherite Duke Henry his brother by his last will because he was a Protestant, and gave away his whole inheritance to Ferdinando king of romans.  
But Duke john Frederick by force of arms set and kept his Cousin Duke Henry in his right: And he dying soon after left behind him two sons Duke Maurice and Duke Augustus, who likewise in their youth were defended in their right by the wisdom and force of Duke john Frederick. Duke Maurice was brought up in Duke john Frederick's house as if he had been his own son and married the lansgrave's daughter.  
After it came to pass that the Emperor attempted to establish Papistry in Germany with the sword, against which purpose the landgrave and duke john Frederick armed themselves not to resist the Emperor as the Papists say, but to keep God's Religion up, if any by violence would pull it down, refusing never, but requiring always to refer them and their doctrine to a lawful and free general Council where truth in Religion might be fully tried in the hearing of even and 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ words always used in Thucydides in deciding common controversies.  equal judges and that by the touchstone of God's Canonical Scriptures.  
Duke Maurice in the beginning of his war was suspected neither of the landgrave nor of Duke Frederick being son in law to the one and nigh kinsman to the other and agreeing in Religion with both. Yea he was not only not suspected. But as I heard skilful men say he was ready with his counsel & promised his aid to help forward the enterprise, or else Hance Frederick being a Prince of such wisdom would not have left at home behind him an enemy of such a force.  
Francisco Duke Maurice Agent with the Emperor was asked, I being by at Augusta, how he could excuse his master's unkindness towards john Frederick who had been such a father unto him. He granted that Duke Frederick had been great friend unto him, and might have a greater if he had would, and then less strife had followed then did. And troth it is (said he) as Duke Frederick kept my master in his right, so afterward he put him from part of his right, when in his young years he chopped and changed lands with him when he listed: which thing my master coming to man's state much misliked, and often complaining could never obtain remedy therein. kindness should rather have kindly increased, so unkindly have decayed specially when the one was trusted withal, and the other of such years, as he had neither wit to perceive nor power to amend if any injury were offered unto him. Troth also it is that my master was brought up in Duke Frederick'S house: but he hath more cause to complain on them that brought him thither, then to thank such as brought him up there, where he had always plenty of drink and as much scant of good teaching to come to such virtue and learning as did belong to a Prince of his state.  
Now whether this talk was altogether true, or, an ill excuse was made to cover a foul fact I can not tell: but sure I am Francisco said thus. I have heard wise men say that it is not like, that for such a private strife Duke Maurice would have so forsaken not only his friend and kinsman, but also his father in law or would for the loss a little, or rather for the change of a piece have so hassarded his whole estate, which was once in the first war all gone save Lypsia, and one other town, beside the loss of love in whole Germany and his good name amongst all Protestants, in the midst of whom all his livings do lie.  


Why Duke Maurice left his dearest friends and fell in with the Emperor.  
Ambition.   Well surely there was some great cause that could stir up so great a strife, and that was as wise men and well willing on Duke Maurice side in mine opinion have truly judged, the foul vice of ambition.  
O Lord how many worthy men hath this one vice beareft from good common weals, which for all other respects were most unworthy of that end they came unto. My heart weeps for those noble men of England, whose valiantness in war, whose wisdom in peace this Realm shall want and wail and wish and wish for in time to come, which of late by this only vice have been taken from us. Examples, less for our grief and as fit for this purpose be plenty enough in other states.  
Over many experiences do teach us, though a Prince be wise stout liberal gentle merciful and excellently learned, though he deserve all the praise, that virtue nature and fortune can afford him, yea that wit itself can wish for as we read that noble julius Caesar had, and that by the testimony of those that loved him not, nevertheless if these two foul verses of Euripides.  
Do right always and wrong refrain.  
Except only for rule and reign.  
If these verses I say do not only sound well in his ear, but sink deep also in his heart, surely there is neither kindred, friendship, law, oath, obedience, country, God, nor his own life, but he will hazard to lose all rather than to pursue this foul vice: For Polynices, for whom this verse was first made in Greek, did fill not only his own country full of dead carcases, but also whole Greece full of weeping widows. And Caesar for whom the same verse was turned into Latin did not only turn upside down the goodliest common wealth that ever GOD suffered to stand upon the earth: but also lossed the whole world with battle and slaughter even almost from the sun setting unto the sun rising. And did not stop to bring soldiers to do mischief further than any man now dare journey by land either for pleasure or profit.  
But see the fruit and end which this ungodly great growing bringeth men unto: Both these Princes were slain the one by his brother the other by his own son, of whom in life, nature & benefits would they should have taken most comfort of. But men that love to climb to high have always least fear, and therefore by reason fall most suddenly and also farthest down: yea the very boughs that helped him up will now whip him in falling down: For who so in climbing trusteth when he is going up any bough at all over much, though he seem to tread never so surely upon it yet if he once begin to slip the same self bough is reddiest to beaten him that seemed before surest to bear him. Examples hereof be seen daily and forgotten hereby.  
another mischief chanceth commonly to these high climbers: that they will hear no man so gladly as such which are ever heartening them to climb still. If wise and good men durst speak more freely than they do: great men should do both others and themselves less harm than they are wont to do. He hateth himself and hasteth his own hurt that is content to hear none so gladly as either a fool or a flatterer. A wonderful folly in a great man himself and some peace of misery in a whole common wealth, where fools chief, and flatterers may speak freely what they will and wise men and good men shall commonly be shent, if they speak what they should.  
And how cometh this to pass? it is the very plague of God for great men's sins, and the plain high way to their just punishment. And when God suffereth them so willingly to grant freedom to folly and so gladly to give hearing to flattery: But see when the great man is gone and hath played his part, fools and flatterers be still upon the stage. Such live in all worlds, such laugh in all miseries: such Davi and Getae, have always the longest parts: and go out who shall they tarry in place still. I know also many a good mitio, which have played long parts whom I pray God keep long still upon the stage. And I trust no man will be miscontent with my general saying except conscience do prick him of his own private ill doing.  
There be common wealths where freedom in speaking truth hath kept great men from boldness in doing ill: for free and friendly advise is the trimmest glass that any great man can use to spy his own fault in: which taken away they run commonly so far in foul doing, as some never stay till they pass all remedy save only to late repentance. And as I would have no flattery but wish for freedom: So in no wise do I commend overmuch boldness, or any kind of railing. But that liberty in speaking should be so mingled with good will and discretion, as no great person should be unhonorably spoken upon, or any mean man touched out of order either for sport or spite: as some unquiet heads never contented with any state are ever procuring▪ either secretly with railing bills, or openly with taunting songs, or else some scoffing common play.  
another kind of to bold talkers surpass all these silly rumours, who are called, and so will be, common discoursers of all Prince's affairs. These make a great account of themselves and will be commonly foremost in any press, and lustily with out blushing shoulder back others: These will seem to see further needs, in any secret affair than the best and wisest counsellor a Prince hath. These be the open flatterers and privy mislikers of all good counsellor's doings. And one common note, the most part of this brotherhood of discoursers commonly carry with them where they be bold to speak: to like better Tully's Offices, than S. Paul's Epistles: and a tale in Bocace, than a story of the Bible.  
And therefore for any Religion earnest setters forth of present time: with consciences confirmed with Machiavelles doctrine to think say and do whatsoever may serve best for profit or pleasure. But as concerning flatterers and railers to say mine opinion whether I like worse, surely as I have read few men to have been hurt with bitter poisons: so have I heard of as few great men to have been greatly harmed with sharp talk: but are so ware therein, that commonly they will complain of their hurt before they feel harm. And flattery again is so sweet, that it pleaseth best, when it hurteth most, and therefore is always to be feared: because it always delighteth, but in looking aside to these high climbers, I have gone out of the way, of mine own matter.  
To return to Duke Maurice, he saw that Duke Frederick'S falling might be his rising, and perchance was moved with some old injuries, but being of young years and of nature full of desire and courage he was a trim pray for old practices to be easily carried away with fair new promises sounding altogether to honour and profit, and so he forsook his father and his friend, and become wholly the Emperors till he had brought both them into prison. Duke Frederick was taken in the field and so become the emperors just prisoner. Yet as long as the landgrave was abroad, the Emperor thought his purpose never achieved, and therefore practised a new with duke Maurice to get him also into his hands.  
Duke Maurice with joachim Elector of Bradenburge become means betwixt the landgrave and the Emperor. Conditions both of mercy from the one, and of amends from the other were drawn out. Maurice and the Marches bound themselves sureties to the lansgrave's children, for their father's safe return: for amongst the rest of conditions this was one of the chiefest, that he should come in no prison. And so at Hala in Saxony, he came boldly to the emperors presence, who received him not very cheerfully, nor gave him not his hand which in Germany is the very token of an assured reconciliation.  
The Duke of Alva made the landgrave a supper, and called also thither Duke Maurice, and the Marches of Brademburg where they had great cheer: but after supper it was told Duke Maurice and the Marches, that they might departed for the landgrave must lodge there that night.  
On the morrow, they reasoned of the matter wholly to this purpose that the emperors promises not the lansgrave's person aught to be kept. Answer was made that the Emperor went no further than conditions led him which were that he should not be kept in everlasting prison: and they again replied he aught to be kept in no prison. When I was at Villacho in Carinthia I asked Duke Frederick'S Preacher what were the very words in Dutch, whereby the landgrave against his looking was kept in prison. He said the fallation was very pretty and notable and took his pen and wrote in my book the very words wherein the very controversy stood, duke Maurice said it was.  
Night in emig gefengknes i Not in any prison. The Imperials said no, but thus.  
Night in ewig gefengknes i Not in everlasting prison. And how soon emig, may be turned into ewig, not with scrape of knife, but with the lest dash of a pen so that it shall never be perceived, a man that will prove, may easily see.  
Moreover Luice d'Auila in his book doth rejoice that the landgrave did so deceive himself with his own conditions in making of which as d'Auila saith, he was wont to esteem his own wit above all other men's. Well, how so ever it came to pass the landgrave was kept in prison. And from that hour Duke Maurice fell from the Emperor thinking himself most unkindly handled, that he by whose means chief the Emperor had won such honour in Saxony, must now be rewarded with shame in all Germany, and be called a traitor to GOD, and his country, his father, and his friend. And though he was grieved inwardly at the heart, yet he bore all things quietly in countenance purposing though he had lost will yet would he not lose his profit, and so hiding his hurt presently, whilst some fit time should discover some better remedy, he went with the Emperor to Augusta, where according to his promise he was made Elector. Yet the same night after his solemn creation, two verses set upon his gate might more grieve him, than all that honour could delight him, which were these.  
Seu Dux, seu Princeps, seu nunc dicaris Elector.  
Mauricij Patriae proditor ipse tui.  
After that he had gotten that he looked for, he got him home into his country: from whence afterward the Emperor with no policy could ever bring him, he always alleging, the fear that he had of some stir by Duke Frederick'S children.  
Hitherto the Germans much misliked the doings of Duke Maurice. But after that he had felt himself so unkindly abused as for his good service to be made the betrayer of his father, he took such matters in hand & brought them so to pass, as he recovered the love of his country and purchased such hate of his enemies, as the spaniards took their displeasure from all other, and bestowed wholly upon the Duke Maurice▪ and yet he bore himself with such wit, and courage against them, as they had always cause to fear him and never occasion to contemn him: Yea if he had lived he would sooner men think have driven all spaniards out of Germany, than they should have hurt him in Saxony, for he had joined unto him such strength, and there was in him such policy, as they durst never have come upon him with power, nor never should have gone beyond him with wit. He had so displeased the Emperor as he knew well neither his lands: nor his life could make amends when x. pounds of Benefits which he was able to do, could not way with one ounce of displeasure that he had already done: and therefore never after sought to seek his love which he knew could never be gotten: but gave himself wholly to set up Maximilian, who being himself of great power, and of all other most beloved for his worthiness in all Germany, and now using the head and hand of duke Maurice and his friends, and having the help of as many as hated the spaniards, that is to say almost all Protestants and Papists to in Germany, he should easily have obtained what soever he had gone about. But that bond is now broken: for even this day when I was writing this place, came word to this Court, that Marches Albert, and Duke Maurice had fought, where the Marches had lost the field, and Duke Maurice had lost his life: which whole battle because it is notable, I would here at length describe, but that I should wander to far from my purposed matter: and therefore I in an other place, or else some other with better opportunity shall at large report the matter.  
You see the cause why and the time when Duke Maurice fell from the Emperor. And because he was so notable a Prince, I will describe also the manner how he proceeded in all these doings, as I learned amongst them that did not greatly love him. And because it were small gain to flatter him that is gone, and great shame to lie upon him that is dead, for pleasing any that be alive, I so will report on him as his doings since my coming to this Court have deserved.  
He was now of the age of xxxij. years well faced in countenance complexion favour and heard not much unlike to Sir Raffe Sadler but some deal higher, and well and strong made to bear any labour and pain. He was once (men say) given to drinking, but now he had clean left it, contented with small diet and lit●e sleep in this last years, and therefore had a waking and working head: and become so witty and secret, so hardy and aware, so skilful of ways, both to do harm to others, and keep hurt from himself, as he never took enterprise in hand wherein he put not his adversary always to the worse. And to let other matter of Germany pass, even this last year within the compass of eight months he professed himself open enemy against four the greatest powers that I know upon earth. The Turk, the Pope, the Emperor, & the French king, 
The Turk.  & obtained his purpose and wan praise against them all four: For he in person and policy & courage dispatched the Turks purpose and power this last year in Hungary.  

The Pope  The Council at Trent which the Pope & the Emperor went so about to establish he only brought to none effect: first by open protestation against that Council, and after by his coming with his army to Insburge, he brought such fear to the Bishops there gathered, that they ran every one far away from thence, with such speed as they never durst hitherto speak of meeting there again. 
The Emperor.  And how he dealt with the Emperor, both in forcing him to fly from Insburge, and compelling him to such a peace at Passo, my whole Diarium shall at full instruct you.  

French king.  And of all other he served the French king best, who fair pretending the delivery of the ij. Prince's captives, and the maintenance of Religion & liberty in Germany, purposed in very deed nothing else, but the destruction of the Emperor, & the house of Austria: for what cared he for religion abroad, who at home not only followeth none himself privately in his life, but also persecuteth the troth in others openly with the sword. But I do him wrong to say he followeth none, who could for his purpose be content at one time to embrace all: & for to do hurt enough to the Emperor would become at once by solemn league, Protestant, Papish, Turkish, & devilish. But such Princes that carry nothing else but the name of bearing up God's word, deserve the same praise and the same end that that Prince did, who seemed so ready to bear up the Ark of the Lord, & yet otherwise pursued Gods true Prophets & his word.  
Again how much the French king cared for the liberty of Germany he well declared in stealing away so unhonorably from the Empire the City of Metz. But he thinking to abuse Duke Maurice for his ambitious purpose, in very deed & in the end Duke Maurice used him as he should: for first he made him pay well for the whole wars in Germany as it is said .200000. crowns a month: And after when the French king fell to catching of Cities, duke Maurice tendering the state of his country broke of with him, and began to parley with the good king of Romans at Luiz, which thing when the French king heard came within ij. miles of the Rhine, he strait way hied more hastily & with more disorder, for all his great haste, out of Germany, as they say that were there, than the Emperor being sick without company and pressed by his enemy did go from Insburg.  
And see how nobly Duke Maurice did which for the love of his country, durst fall from the French king before he achieved any thing against the Emperor. And rather than Germany should lose her Cities so by the French king, he had liefer hazard, both the losing of his enterprise, & also the leaving of his father in law still in prison with the Emperor. But as he had wit to take money plenty of the French king: so had he wit also to furnish himself so from home as he durst first fall out with the French king, & durst also after to set upon the Emperor till he had brought his honest purpose to pass. For there is not almost any in this Court but they will say duke Maurice did honestly in delivering his father by strong hand, which before left no fair mean unproved to do that humbly by entreaty, which after, was compelled to bring to pass stoutly by force. And I pray you first mark well what he did and then judge truly if any thing was done that he aught not to do.  
For first he himself with the Marches of Bradenburge most humbly by private suit laboured for the lansgrave's delivery offering to the Emperor, princely offers, and not to be refused: as a huge sum of money: a fair quantity of great ordinance, 
Duke Maurice offer for the lansgrave's delivery.  certain holds of his, some to be defaced, some given to the Emperor: and also personal pledges of great houses for his good haberaunce all the residue of his life.  
After when this suit was not regarded they again procured all the Princes & states of Germany being at the Diet at Augusta. an .1548. to be humble intercessors for him, offering the self-same conditions rehearsed before adding this more to become sureties themselves in any band to his Majesty for his due obedience for time to come.  
Thirdly by the Prince of Spain Duke Maurice never left to entreat the Emperor, yea he was so careful of the matter, that his Ambassadors followed the Prince even to his shipping at Genoa: who had spoken often presently before, & wrote earnestly from thence to his father for the lansgrave's delivery, & it would not be. And wise men may say it was not the wisest deed that ever the Emperor did, to deny the prince this suit: for if the Prince had been made the deliverer of the ij. prince's out of captivity, he had won thereby such favour in all Germany, as without all doubt he had been made coadjutor with the k. of romans his uncle, And afterward the Emperor. Which thing was lustily denied to the Emperor by the Electors, though he laboured in the matter so sore as he never did in any other before.  
Fourthly this last year a little before the open wars duke Maurice procured once again, not only all the Princes and free Estates of Germany, but also the king of romans Ferdinand, Maximilian his son king of Boeme, the king of Pole, the king of Denmark the king of Sweden, to sand also their Ambassadors for this suit, so that at once xxiv. Ambassadors came before the Emperor together at Insburge. To whom when the Emperor had given very fair words in effect concerning a double meaning answer, & that was this: That it did him good to see so noble an embassage at once. And therefore so many Princes should well understand that he would make a good account of their suit. Nevertheless because duke Maurice was the chiefest party herein he would with speed sand for him, and use his head for the better ending of this matter. But Duke Maurice seeing that all these Ambassadors went home with out him, and that the matter was referred to his present talk who was never heard in the matter before, he wisely met with this double meaning answer of the Emperors with a double meaning replica again: for he promised the Emperor to come, and at last in deed came so hastily and so hotly as the Emperor could not abide the heat of his breath: For when duke Maurice saw that all humble suits, all quiet means were spent in vain, & had to bear him just witness therein all the Princes of Germany: First with close policy, after open power both wittily and stoutly, he achieved more by force then he required by suit: For the Emperor was glad to condescend (which surely in an extreme adversity was done like a wise Prince) without money, without artillery, without defacing of holds, without receiving of pledges, to sand the landgrave home, honourably accompanied with (at the Emperor's charges) the nobility of Brabant & Flaunders.  
This last day I dined with the Ambassador of Venice in company of many wise heads, where duke Maurice was greatly praised of some for his wit: of other for the execution of his purposes. Well saith a lusty Italian Priest, I can not much praise his wit, which might have had the Emperor in his hands & would not. Lo such be these Machiavel's heads, who think no man to have so much wit as he should, except he do more mischief than he need. But Duke Maurice purposing to do no harm to the Emperor, but good to his father in law, obtaining the one pursued not the other. Yea I know it to be most true when we fled from Insburg so hastily, Duke Maurice sent a post to the good king of Romans, & bade him will the Emperor to make no such speed for he purposed not to hurt his person: but to help his friend, whereupon the Diet at Passo immediately followed.  
I commend rather the judgement of john Baptist Gascaldo, 
john Baptist Gascaldo.  the emperors man and the king of Romans general in Hungary, who is not wont to say better, or love any man more than he should specially Germans, & namely Protestants. And yet this last winter he wrote to the Emperor that he had marked Duke Maurice well in all his doings against the Turk, and of all men that ever he had seen, he had a head to forecast the best with policy and wit, and a heart to set upon it with courage and speed, & also a discretion to stay most wisely upon the very prick of advantage.  
Marches Marignan told some in this Court four years ago that Duke Maurice should become the greatest enemy to the Emperor that ever the Emperor had: which thing he judged (I believe) not of any troublesome nature which he saw in Duke Maurice, but of the great wrongs that were done to Duke Maurice, knowing that he had both wit to perceive them quietly and also a courage not to bear them over long.  
Some other in this court that loved not duke Maurice, & having no hurt to do him by power, went about to say him some for spite & therefore wrote these two spiteful verses against him.  
jugurtham Mauricus prodit Mauricius ultra,  
Henricum, Patruum, Socerum, cum Caesare, Gallum.  
He that gave me this verse added thereunto this his judgement, well (saith he) he that could find in his heart to betray his friend Duke Henry of Brunswick, his nigh kinsman Duke Frederick, his father in law the landgrave, his sovereign Lord the Emperor, his confederate the French king, breaking all bonds of friendship, nature, law, obedience, and oath, shall beside all these, deceive all men if at length he do not deceive himself. This verse and this sentence, the one made of spite, the other spoken of displeasure be here commended as men be affectioned. For any part as I can not accuse him for all: so will I not excuse him for part. And yet since I came to this Court I should do him wrong if I did not confess that which as wise heads as be in this Court have judged on him, 
Duke Maurice.  even those that for country & Religion were not his friends, that is, to have showed himself in all these affairs betwixt the Emperor and him: first, humble in entreating, diligent in pursuing, witty in purposing, secret in working, fierce to foresee by open war, ready to parley for common peace, wise in choice of conditions, and just in performing of covenants.  
And I know he offended the Emperor beyond all remedy of amendss: So would I be loath to see as I have once seen, his Majesty fall so again into any enemies hands: less peradventure less gentleness would be found in him then was found in Duke Maurice, who when he was most able to hurt, was most ready to hold his hand and that against such an enemy, as he knew well would never love him, and should always be of most power to revenge. If Duke Maurice had had a Machiavel's head or a cowards heart, he would have worn a bloudyer sword them he did, which he never drew out in all these stirs, but once at the Cluce & that was to save the Emperors men.  
Hitherto I have followed the order of persons which hath caused me somewhat to misorder both time & matter, yet where divers great affairs come together, a man shall writ confusedly for the matter, & unpleasantly for the reader, if he use not such an apt kind of partition as the matter will best afforded, which thing (Plato saith) who can not do, knoweth not how to writ. Herein Herodotus deserveth in mine opinion a great deal more praise than Thucydides, although he wrote of a matter more confused for places, time, and persons, than the other did.  
In this point also Appianus Alexandrinus is very commendable, and not by chance but by skill doth follow this order, declaring in his Prologue just causes why he should do so. Our writers in later time, both in Latin & other tongues commonly confounded to many matters together, and so writ well of no one. But see master Astley I thinking to be in some present talk with you, after our old wont do seem to forget both myself and my purpose.  
For the rest that is behind I will use a gross & homely kind of talk with you: for I will now as it were carry you, out of England with me, & will lead you the same way that I went even to the emperors Court being at Augusta. an .1550. And I will let you see in what case it stood, and what things were in doing when we came first thither. After I will carry you and that a pace, because the chiefest matters be thoroughly touched in this my former book, through the greatest affairs of ij. years in this Court. Yet in order till we have brought Duke Maurice (as I promised you) to join with Marches Albert in besieging Augusta. And then because privy practices braced out into open stirs I might better mark things daily then I could before. And so we will departed with the Emperor from Insburg, and see daily what chances were wrought by fear and hope in this Court till his Majesty left the siege of Metz, and came down hither to Brussels: where then all things were shut up into secret practices till lastly of all, they broke forth into new mischiefs, betwixt the Emperor and France in Picardy, & also betwixt Duke Maurice, and the Marches in high Germany which things I trust some other shall mark and describe a great deal better than I am able to do.   
¶ FINIS.