THE SECOND PART OF THE ADDRESS TO THE FREEMEN AND FREEHOLDERS' OF THE NATION.  
By the same Author.  
LONDON, Printed by A. Godbid and J. Playford for George Wells, at the Sun in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1682.   

THE AUTHOR to the READER.  
THE kind reception the former Part of this Discourse found in the World hath drawn forth this Second, which had otherwise expired in as much Secrecy as it was written. Nor am I concerned for the future fate of either of them.  
But if I might be so happy as to discover the Errors of those courses which have brought these three Potent Kingdoms, and this most Excellent Church into a  abroad, and great danger at home, and so might contribute in the least to the prevention of those Mischiefs that in time may hazard the Ruin of them, I should then account myself blessed, and my undertaking prosperous, what ever effect it might happen to have upon my private Fortunes.  
Next the Preservation of the public Peace of any People, the Advancing Trade and Commerce, and the Effects, of these, Wealth and Power; Reputation and the Conveniences of humane Life, are chief to be regarded; and if I can show that the contrary of all these will attend the proceeding any further in our late Methods, I shall not question, but all that have any kindness for themselves will see that it is their Interest to desert them.  
Commerce and Trade spring Naturally from Peace and Settled Governments; and are cherished and preserved by the mutual Trust and Confidence, Love and Kindness which Men have in, and to each other; and where these fail, there is a stop, and sometimes a total ruin of the former.  
A very small reflection on the Inconveniences that do attend a War of any Kind, will satisfy a person of mean Capacity, That Trade will stand still when the Sword is in Motion, for Men will not care to venture their Estates or Persons abroad, when they may justly expect to fall into the Hands of Soldiers, who purchase the richest Commodities with their Swords, and pay off the Traders with ready Blows instead of Mony.  
The same Effect though not so visibly, must attend any Government that reels and staggers, and seems every day likely (by violence) to be changed into another; for who would employ his Time, Stock, and Thoughts, to increase that Wealth, which a Stranger, and it may be his Mortal Enemy, may ravish from him in a moment, after many years' toil and labour to acquire it?  
Besides, it is not unusual for Merchants (who are quick sighted) when they perceive a Storm to hang over any People, to take Care betimes to lodge their Fortunes, or a considerable part of them, in places that are better secured; the Consequence of which is, that not only what was imported is wasted, but much that might have been brought in is diverted, and the Neighbour Nations are by that means Enriched, whilst the Miserable People languish and feel one of the worst Effects of War, Want, even in the time of a suspicious Unsettled Peace.  
But this (though bad enough) is not all, the richest Men in such Countries, who have any Considerable quantities of Treasure will be likely too, to secure as much as they can well spare abroad; not knowing how soon that which they have by them may fall into other Hands, who will give them but small thanks for it; and it may be, destroy them as they do Bees towards Winter, that they may rifle the Hive with the greater Security. Thus will much more be Exported that might better have been Kept at Home, and the Wealth of the Nation be insensibly Wasted.  
And without either of these, the distrusts and fears of men amongst themselves will lessen their Industry, and make them court even Poverty itself, when it promiseth more Security than an Inviduous Fortune.  
But if this Effect be not usual, especially when Dangers are at a distance; yet I suppose few men are so ignorant as not to have observed, that some shaken Governments have endeavoured to secure themselves by the Poverty of their People, who are commonly easiest Governed, when like a Ship they are not overladen with the weight of too much Wealth; and this must of necessity have a mischievous Effect upon any People, when their Governors contrive their Impoverishment, and promote it in such ways, that they shall feel the Effect, and yet never see the Cause; it is true, we have had nothing of this yet, but who knows how soon we may, if we go on still to provoke it.  
I wish I could as truly say, that the Trade and Commerce of these Countries have not designedly been diminished and impaired by them who are opposite to the Established Government, with intention to render it uneasy and hated, and the People discontented and ungovernable: but the truth is, there have many things been done of late years, or omitted when they might have been done, which I believe no Mortal can give any sound reason for, if this were not at the bottom; and this hath, and will have the same Influence upon us, as if those that are properly called our Governors had done it.  
But not to drive this any further, It is a known Method of promoting broils in Governments, to stop the Supplies that should preserve and maintain them; and than if a People be really very rich, yet if the Government that should preserve their Wealth be so poor as not to be able to protect them, the People have been always in danger, and sometimes actually ruined. Thus was Charles the Martyr brought to yield so much, that at last he was forced to defend the rest, and himself with his Sword; which besides all the Blood shed, occasioned the Expense of a vast Treasure; and went very near to the ruin of these Three Nations. I shall not need to determine how far this Course hath been of late pursued; but I say it tends to the ruin of our Trade and Commerce, by the same degrees as it makes our Government weak and contemptible in the World.  
When the dangers to any Government have arisen from Contending Parties or Factions within itself, nothing is more usual then for those Parties to endeavour the impoverishing of each other by interrupting, diverting, and hindering each others Trades; and refusing each to other the Aid and Assistance that is absolutely necessary for the promoting them; and that this is every day done among us, is too apparent to be denied; and the Effects this hath upon the whole Trade of the Nation are such, as no man can penetrate to the bottom of them, or tell where the Mischief will end.  
That I may make these general Reflections more useful to my Countrymen, I will take a short view of the state of the Trade of England, since the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth of Blessed Memory.  
The State of England was then very low, and its Condition Deplorable, when God brought that Excellent Prince from the Miseries of a Prison to Support and Restore it; I cannot possibly better represent this than in the Words of Camden: The State of England was most miserable at that time, as being involved in a War with Scotland on the one side, and France on the other; oppressed with the Debts which Henry the Eighth, and Edward the Sixth had Contracted; the Exchequer was Exhausted; Calis and the County of Oyen, and in them a great Magazine, were lost to the dishonour of the English Name; and the People were divided in their Opinions concerning Religion. The Queen had no Potent Friends, nor was fortified with the 
* Cognatione.  Alliance (or Kindred) of any Foreign Princes. The Trade of England must of necessity be very small when the Nation was thus Near ruin.  
But when the Queen had once settled the business of Religion; and afterwards had taken care to preserve it from Foreign Violence, by Repairing her Navy Royal, so that it was far Superior to any other; which gave her Reputation at home, and Fame abroad; and also from the Attempts of the Papists and Dissenters by severe Laws, constantly put in Execution, and had thereby Won the Affections of her People, and stilled their Fears: They being secured thus at home, began to search all the corners of the World for Trade, and sent forth their Fleets to the East and West Indies, to Muscovy, (by the Bay of St. Nicholas by them Discovered,) and Green-Land, and indeed, whether not? whence they returned with Honour and Wealth, and made her and themselves Happy.  
One thing that gave a great Advantage to the Trade, and consequently to the Wealth of England, in her time, was the Devastations which the severity of the Duke de Alva, and the Wars of Flanders thereby occasioned, caused in those Countries; by which means we gained some Addition to our People, the knowledge of some Manufactures, which we had not before; and also a vast stock of Money and Treasure, which altogether had like to have totally ruined the Spanish Netherlands; but however this concurring with the rest, helped to advance England to that height of Wealth, and Reputation in the World, that it was in her days the Bulwark of Christendom; and without any considerable foreign Assistance humbled and brought down the House of Austria, which then aimed at an Universal Monarchy.  
But than it cannot be denied, that together with these Low Countrymen. Factions and Common-Weath Principles entered England: And although the severity of that Queen, and the great Affection and Veneration the People had for her, added to her Constancy whose Motto was Semper eadem, Always the same, kept them both under, so as they were never able to give her any considerable disturbance; yet they grew and increased, and in the Reign of her Successor tugged stoutly in the House of Commons for the Victory with the Court Party, as they then styled all that stood to the Crown, and kept King James at Bay, and destitute of those Supplies that were necessary to preserve the Grandeur of the Crown, and the Reputation of England; and forced him to spend Seven Years of his Reign without calling any Parliaments; and the last he called, which was in his One and Twentieth Year, involved him in War. And the next, basely Betrayed his Son, who succeeded presently after, to the Necessity of clapping up a Dishonourable Peace for want of Means to carry on a War.  
When King James came to the Crown, the Dissenters of England expected a mighty advantage by it, because Scotland had been always Presbyterian (from whence he came) during his time, and they hoped his Education might have strongly influenced him to favour them, above the Religion Established; and upon this intuition, 
Jan. 14. 1603.  they procured the Conference at Hampton Court: but alas, they had so basely and Traitorously used him in Scotland, and he was a Prince of that great Learning and Prudence, that when they desired a kind of Presbytery to be Settled here; He replied, If you aim at a Scotch Presbytery, 
Full. C.H. L. 10. p. 18.  it agreeth with Monarchy as God and the Devil; then Jack and Tom, and Will and Dick shall meet, and Censure me and my Council. Therefore I reiterate my former Speech, Le Roy SH' avisera (the King will be advised;) stay I pray for one Seven Years before you demand it, and then if you find me grow pursy and fat, I may perchance hearken unto you, for that Government will keep me in breath, and give me work enough. And in the next Paragraph, he tells them, That he had learned by the Example of his Mother, and their deal with him in his Minority, this Maxim, NO BISHOP, NO KING. So they totally failed of their expected advantage, and were kept under, though with a gentle hand, in all his time.  
But when his Son Succeeded, and in his Parliaments found how strong these Factions were, who had in a great measure prevailed upon the Freemen, and Freeholders' of the Nation to send up thither great Numbers of good Common wealth men, as they then styled them; that is, Factious, Ambitious, Disloyal Persons, that hated the Religion and Monarchy by Law Established; and when he saw these made it their business to increase the necessities of the Crown, and then denied just and necessary supplies, but upon such terms as would have ruined him; and when he also perceived that one great design of theirs was to render him and his Government odious, by clamoring eternally against his Conduct and Ministers of State. He then saw there was an absolute necessity of a more effectual and vigorous Execution of the Laws against them.  
Hereupon these godly men grew impatient, 
Roger Coke England's improvement part. 3. p. 13.  and one part of them in the years 1636, 37, and 38, fled over into Holland, and planted themselves at Leyden, Alkmare, and other places, where they instructed the Dutch in our Woollen Manufactures of Norfolk and Suffolk; and I have heard (saith my Author who is a credible person) Sir Charles Harboured (a person of great Wisdom and Insight in Foreign as well as the Interest of this Nation) say, That if all the Bishoprics of England were sold, and given to the Nation, it would not near compensate the loss the Nation sustained thereby. And page 32 of the same discourse he informs us, That in the time of our late Wars the Dutch, by the means of these Manufactures, got from the English the East-land Trade, the Company of which heretofore was above all others the most flourishing, and by Queen Elizabeth, King James, and King Charles the First was termed the Royal Company; for it supplied Muscovy, Sweden, Denmark, Poland, and Lifeland, with our Woollen Manufactures, and made very advantageous Returns by Treasure (especially Hungaria Ducats) and the Commodities of those Countries, into England. This Trade till King Charles his Reign, the English solely enjoyed. About the beginning of King Charles his Reign, the Dutch began to be Interlopers rather than Traders with the English in it, but in the time of the Wars, by the aforesaid means, the Dutch almost totally excluded the English. We may observe how much the Trade of the Nation in general suffered by all this and especially that of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex, of which the said Author gives an instance, pag. 33. and from thence we may conclude how far the Trade of the Nation hath been, and consequently may again be, impaired by Factions, if they be encouraged still amongst us.  
I ought not to pass over in silence, that my last quoted Author, Ascribes this to the severe injunctions of Ecclesiastical discipline, which these Zealous people would not endure. And I know that many have used this as an Argument against Persecution, and for a Toleration, Comprehension, or (as the new Name is) an Union But I reply, if there were no Factions there could be no Persecution, as they style it, nor any such damage of our Trade and Commerce. Secondly, that they were not thus persecuted till they had provoked that King to the uttermost by rendering all Parliaments dangerous to the Crown, and brought things into that State, that neither the Monarchy nor the Religion Established could be any longer preserved without that severity. So we may see if they be treated gently they grow Numerous, and endeavour to subvert the Government; if they be dealt severely with, they over into foreign Countries and destroy our Trade; so that both ways our ruin is almost assured by them, and therefore should be no more encouraged than Pirates and the common enemies of Mankind.  
But to go on: Another part of these people had before Planted themselves in New England in the West Indies, 
1629.  where they have since grown Numerous and Rich, and have abundantly practised that severity upon others who have dissented from them, which they clamoured against, and called persecution, when it was used with more reason against themselves.  
The Dutch being much exalted by the peace they had made with Spain, whereby they were owned and acknowledged for a free and independent State by their old Sovereign, and having acquired a vast Treasure by their Trade over all the World and by redeeming the places which were put into Queen Elizabeth's hands for security of repayment of the Expense she was at to protect their feeble infant State, out of the Hands of King James; having so cut off their former obligations of respect to the Crown of England, and lastly being grown strong in Shipping, and knowing very well upon what ill terms King James and King Charles the Martyr stood with their Parliaments; fell to plot the entire destruction of the English Trade and Navigation; and in Order to this, fell to endeavour the ruin of the English Fishery upon our own proper Seas. 
His Majesty's propriety and dominion on the British Seas. p. 26.  They had formerly never Fished till they had begged leave of the King or of his Governor of Scarborough Castle, this was now thought beneath the Magnificence of the Hogan Mogans, and therefore they refused it: 
Ib. pag. 29. 30. 55.  They had formerly been limited by our Kings, both for the number of the Vessels they should Fish with and the time. Now they were resolved to be their own Carvers, and in order to that, denied the English the Sovereignty of the British Seas, 
Ib. p. 6.  And as if all this had not been enough, grew nearer and nearer upon the English Shores, year by year, than they did in preceding times, without leaving any bounds for the Country people and Natives to Fish upon their Prince's Coasts, and oppressed some of his Subjects with intent to continue their pretended possession; and had driven some of their great Vessels, through their Nets, to deter others by fear of the like Violence from Fishing near them, etc. as Secretary Nanton, 
Pag. 58.  January 21. 1618. acquaints the Lord Ambassador Carlton: And to justify all this, they sent out Men of War with their Fishermen to maintain that by force, which they might have had of Courtesy for the ask. To prevent these disorders of the Dutch, King James Published a Proclamation in the seventh year of his Reign, to assert his Right, and exclude all Persons from Fishing upon our Seas, without particular Licence; but they neither valued this nor his Remonstrances by his Ambassadors, nor the like Proclamation made in the twelfth year of his Sons Reign, but went on by all the Crafts and Violences imaginable to ruin our Fishery; to subvert the Right and Sovereignty the Kings of England have ever had to the Narrow Seas. And all this only upon a presumption that those Princes would never be able to call them to an account by a War for all these Injuries.  
And in the year 1639, 
The Reign of King Ch. fol. London. 1655. pag. 163.  they fell upon a Fleet of Spaniards in our Ports and Harbours with Canon and Fireships, so furiously, as made them all cut their Cables, and being 53 in Number, 23 ran on shore, and stranded in the Downs, whereof Three were burnt, Two sunk, and Two perished on the Shoar; the remainder of the Twenty three being deserted by the Spaniards, who went to Land, were Manned by the English to save them from the Dutch; and the other Thirty Ships put to Sea, of which only Ten escaped; thus far for the Narrative in short. And now be pleased to read the Opinion of the Historian upon this.  
These Two Potent Enemies, 
Ibid. p. 165.  being both Friends to England, the British Seas ought by rule of State to have been an Harbour of Retreat to secure the Weaker from the Stronger, not the Scene of their Hostile Engagement, and had this presumptuous Attempt of the Hollander met with a King, or in times of another temper, it would not its like, have been so silently connived at, and their Victory might have cost them the loss of England's Correspondence, etc. besides the King, the Dutch well knew was of a Genius, as not querulous, so if provoked very placable, and the Disposition of his Affairs, as well as of his Mind, dissuaded from expostulating the Matter with them. To that height of injustice and insolence were the Dutch then grown, by the Divisions of England, and the ill understanding betwixt the King and his Subjects. This unfortunate Prince had made many brave Attempts before, for the Honour and Safety of the English Nation without any good success, for want of such Effectual Supplies from his Parliaments as might enable him to go through with them; and he had taken up a generous Resolution to increase the Navy Royal to a greatness proportionable to the Dutch, and other neighbour Nations, who were now striving for the Mastery of the Seas by out-building each other. He got nothing from the Commons in Parliament that was considerable, but with great difficulty, and accompanied with Remonstrances, Impeachments of the Chief Ministers, complaints of Grievances, and loud Clamours of pretended fears and jealousies of Popery, Arminianism, Innovations in matters of Religion; and as fast as this Prince gratified them in one thing, they started another Game, hoping at last to ruin this Excellent Prince by his own Concessions, as at length they did; for these sober Protestants were resolved never to leave ask, till they had brought their King to be their Equal first; and at last, under them. This procedure did in part discover the Design, and necessitated him to stretch his Prerogative to find some small Relief for his urgent and pressing Necessities; by Monopolies, Knight-mony, Loans upon Privy Seals, and at last Ship-money; great parts of which Moneys were employed upon the Building Ships for the increase of the Royal Navy: which he did to that height, that it was so Invincible to any Humane Power, that though Sir William Batten in 1648. carried a very Considerable part of it to his Now Majesty, yet the remainder of it with a small Addition beat the Dutch for all their many years' Preparations. Yet first, all those that signalised themselves by opposing the King in these Levies most, were chosen into the following Parliaments, as the best Patriots and Common-wealth-men, and these again made it their business in Parliament by joining with the Rebellious Scots to involve us in that accursed War which endangered not only the ruin of our Government and Trade, but our very Being.  
In the beginning of that War, the Parliament-side went down, and in likelihood the King and his Party had finally prevailed, if the Scots had not broke out again upon the solicitation of the English Parliament, without the least cause given them by the King. And during this time, and afterwards too, 
* Page 12. Sect. 19 Of the Relations and Observations upon the Parliament, begun in 1640. pag. 143. Sect. 5. And in the Remonstrance of many Thousands in and about the City of London; dated Mar 22. 1648. to the Army, is this Passage. Then shall those faithful Persons who hazarded all for the Parliament, and many of them lent more than their whole Estates, and now live in Prison, nay starve for want of it, not be put to devour Cathedrals, and ransack the Monuments of the Dead, but be honestly paid with thanks and requitals; then shall not the Public Faith be out pawned, and so little care taken to Redeem it, whilst Millions of Treasure have been conveyed beyond the Seas. Pag. 3. I suppose this was not all private Treasures, though the loss is the same to the Nation, if it were so.  Walker in his History of Presbytery and Independency hath acquainted us; That many of the Parliament Grandees, who besides their own Wealth which was great, had drawn in most of the Treasure and Plate of the Nation, on specious pretences and the Public Faith, sent huge sums over to the Banks in Holland and the Western Plantations, that in case the King should finally prevail, they might have a place of Retreat, where they might enjoy the Blood and Tears of the poor deluded People in safety and security.  
But this was not all, during this War the English Trade both at home and abroad was almost totally Ruined, many Thousands of Tradesmen were either Undone, or Killed and Destroyed, or forced to seek quieter Habitations beyond the Seas; above one half of the Nation (the West and the North) were almost totally ruined and depopulated by the War; and the other half by excessive Taxes, Excise, Sequestrations, etc. by all which ways I have seen an Account Printed, 
Relation of the Parliament, begun 1640. p. 8. Sect. 14.  That there was about Forty Millions of Money Collected and Spent within the space of a few years by that Parliament side only, not one farthing of which turned to any account to the Nation. But in the interim, the wise Dutch drive on the Trade of almost the whole World, and only furnished the King with Arms and Ammunition for the Jewels of the Crown; and dealt with the Parliament for Timber, 
The last cited Remonstrance to the Army. p. 4.  which they sold of the Crown-Lands, Church-Lands, and the Sequestered Estates of the Gentry and Nobility; which Timber the Dutch wisely employed in Building Ships to ruin the prevailing side when the War was done, and then they did not question but to be the Sovereigns of the Ocean, and of all the Trade and Commerce that is exercised on it; and to speak the truth, they had then some reason to hope it might have happened so: For if England had once been brought under, no other State could have disputed the point with them; and England was then preparing itself for ruin, by giving the Hollanders more advantages than their Modesty could have wished for.  
And the Dutch were so confident, that the Success would answer their Expectations; that they grew impatient to have Possession of their almost assured Mastery: and before our Internal Broils were over, and the Nation settled any way, in the Year 1652. set upon our Fleet in the Downs, and if the Advantage of almost two to one, and an unexpected Assault, had not been overruled by the Providence of God, and the unparallelled Valour of the English, they had certainly destroyed them, as they did the Spanish Fleet in the same place about Ten Years before; and although the English fortune and Courage prevailed then, and in the whole Course of that War, and brought down the Craft, Treachery and Pride of the Hollanders; yet was the whole Glory of these Victories, in which the Rump boasted so much, (next Gods Mercy to these poor Nations) owing solely to the Providence of that Prince they had but a little before so basely Murdered as an Enemy to God and his People, and then styled the Tyrant: As Mr. Coke hath well observed in his Preface to the fourth Treatise, Of the Improvement of England. To which excellent Discourses I refer my Reader. All that I shall infer from hence, is, that I hope the Nation will never run the same hazard of losing all their Foreign Trade again, by siding with factious Men against the Monarchy.  
The Rump having beaten the Dutch, found a more dangerous Enemy at home, and being generally now hated by the People, were without any difficulty turned out by Oliver Cromwell their Hypocritical Servant; 
1654.  who to secure himself in his ill gotten Possession of the Government, made an unsettled and dishonourable Peace with the Dutch. Which they employed in Building much larger and more Men of War than they had before, to prevent the Ruin of their States by another English War; which could not be concealed from Oliver, who likewise increased the English Fleet with many more, and considerable Men of War: as the last Cited Author tells us.  
As O. C. lost the English the Advantage of their Naval Victories by that Peace he made with the Dutch, which left the English nothing but a little unprofitable Glory, and the blows they had received from the Hollanders, whilst it gave them opportunity to grow rich, and prepare for another Attempt: So our Tyrant fell soon after into another extravagance; he had always an Enthusiastic Conceit that God had raised him up to pull down the Whore of Babylon, the Man of Sin, the Antichristian Pope of Rome; and this led him into a War with Spain, believing that Prince to be the only Bulwark of the Papacy: and his Attempts upon the Islands in the West Indies, and the Plate Fleets belonging to Spain, not having that success he desired by reason of their distance, or perhaps being out-witted by the French Ministers, he fell in the next place (in Conjunction with France) upon the Spaniards in Flanders; in which War, Dunkirk was taken, and cunningly Surrendered to Oliver by the French, in hopes to encourage our silly Upstart to go on and help them to Conquer the rest: but tu … ●atal mischiefs attended this, The first was, that our Spanish Trade, which was one of the best and most profitable the English then had left, was interrupted and in danger to be totally lost, as all the Eastern Traffic was rendered very unsecure by the Ostenders. The Second was, That the Balance of Christendom was broken, and the French Interest brought to that height, as to overpower all the Neighbouring Princes, and in some sort, to Compel His Majesty before he was well settled after his Restitution to resel them Dunkirk. But these things were above the Politics of our Oliver, who was a better Soldier than a Statesman.  
How the Domestic Trade of England was likely to flourish in this Man's time, may be easily conjectured by any man that will but reflect on the Vast Taxes were then Arbitrarily raised without Parliaments; and the Standing Armies that were then kept on Foot, only because he durst not Disband them, who had no other Title than the Sword had given him; and when God called him in the Year, 1658. to give an account for all the Villainies he had perpetrated with so much Treachery, Perjury and Impiety; neither his Son Richard who Succeeded him, nor any of those various Governments, which within the space of Two Years followed, were able to Establish themselves; so that during that time, there was nothing but Treachery, Rapine, Confusion, and Distrust to be found in the English Nation: and it was only God's infinite Mercy and Goodness which rescued us and our Trade from total Ruin, by the peaceable Restitution of our Now most gracious Sovereign.  
When His Majesty returned, he brought nothing over with him but a Vast Debt, contracted in his Exile to preserve him, and his, in a mean Condition from starving; and he found nothing here at home but an empty Exchequer; a People exhausted with Twenty Years War and Misery; all his Palaces disfurnished, his Magazines rifled, his Armoury wasted, his Ammunition spent or imbezzeled, and the remainder of the Army which had great Arrears due to them, to be Disbanded and Paid off. All these things called for large Supplies, and they were as Loyally and freely granted by our Parliaments, as Generously employed by His Majesty to these uses.  
But then these Good-Common-Wealth-men who had Taxed and Plundered the Nation without mercy for twenty years before, all on a sudden turned tender hearted, and begun to bemoan the good People's hardships in the payment of such Sums as their own Villainies and Treasons had made necessary: and not contented with this, 
Skynneri Motuus Compositi.  encited the Dutch by large Promises of Assistance to enter another War with us, which (though we prevailed) had fatal Consequences, the Plague falling in with it, 
Bedloes nar. of the P. Plot. for the Burning of London. pag. 14. Oats his Nar. Arti. the 34.  and a great part of the City of London being Burnt at the same time, which Fire is said to have been began by some of these godly Malcontents, (on purpose without doubt to promote Trade;) though the whole blame is now laid upon the Jesuits, who might possibly put the Fifth Monarch-men upon it: and hath been since owned.  
I Consider, That I am Writing a Preface to a small Book, and therefore endeavour to be short; and for aught I know, may be dark: but if all this be reflected on, as it ought, it will be a wonder not that our Trade is so little, but that it is not totally Ruined.  
But then my dear Countrymen, may not Heaven and Earth stand amazed at our Stupidity and folly, if we shall still go on stubbornly in those very ways which we have found so destructive to us: but there is a greater wonder in it yet; we stab and wound our own Vitals (our Trade and Commerce,) and at the same time, pretend we are horribly afraid others should ruin us many years hence; we caress and cherish these very Men and Factions, that once before Impoverished us to almost Beggary, we are hard at Work to ruin that Government, by making it odious to the People, under which England hath flourished in Wealth and Power, in Reputation and Peace at home and abroad so many Ages, and to set up one in the stead of it, which within the memory of Man, so narrowly miss of Ruining us forever. Do you think another domestic War will increase the Wealth, or Trade, or Navigation, or Reputation of England.  
Consider your Sea coast Towns, from Dover to Barwick, and observe how many of them are falling down, or empty of Inhabitants, or possessed by Men that are able to drive no Trades: Consider the Fishery of all sorts, consider the falls of your Rents and Farms; and when you have thought seriously of them, think once more whether the pretended fears of Popery and Arbitrary Government ought so to possess you, and to keep you entirely from reflecting on what doth more immediately concern you, and which if but a little longer Neglected, will end if not in Popery, in Beggary; if not in Arbitrary Government, in Anarchy, War, and Confusion.  
But though Men may Consider these things as much, or as little as they please, yet I crave the Liberty to Conclude upon the whole, That whoever promotes Factions in Church or State, is an Enemy to Trade and Commerce, and that when ever the Government of this, or any other Country is endangered, the Traffic of that place will suffer proportionably; so that let them pretend what they will to the contrary, they that promote our present Disturbances are as great Enemies to the Freemen and Freeholders' of the Nation, and all that are any way concerned in Trade, as they are either to the Crown or the Church.   

THE SECOND PART OF THE ADDRESS TO THE FREEMEN and FREEHOLDERS' OF THE NATION.  

HIS Majesty had no sooner declared the Long Loyal Parliament Dissolved, and by His Royal Writ, Commanded another to be chosen, to meet the Sixth of March following, but the Subjects in every place became divided amongst themselves, and there being men, not only of different, but of opposite Interests offered to the People; the choice was rendered very difficult and uncertain, but the Opposition, Feuds and Passions of the Contending Parties was apparent and certain enough.  
The Dissenters in the interim, who had with much impatience expected this day of Deliverance from this terrible Parliament, and had sought the Dissolution of it so many Years, by all those Arts I have described in the former Part now began to lift up their heads, expecting to have another tug for the Day, and having before wrought upon the meanest but most Numerous part of the Freemen and Freeholders', and the weakest of the Gentry, by jading their Ears with tedious canting Discourses against Humane Institutions, Persecuting God's People, and Arbritrary Government; and now of late, with Tragical Representations of the Popish Plot, Massacres, Popery, and Superstition; flew from their sullen retirements, and Riding Night and Day about the Villages, and trudging about the Corporations, incited those they found willing, and persuaded, entreated, and sometimes hired those they found less disposed to join with them, and by the choice of a sober Protestant Parliament, (as they pretended) to deliver the Nation from Popery and Arbitrary Government, which were good Words, but had a Knavish signification in their Sense, and if any Man smelled it out, and told them truly, they were neither for Popery nor Arbitrary Government, nor yet for Puritanism and a Commonwealth; they ran him down with noise, or traduced him behind his back to their Neighbours as a Papist in Masquerade, and a Man of Arbitrary Principles.  
But if a Man had but chanced to drop a Word by way of questioning the Truth of one Tittle the many Informers had given out concerning the Plot, or these Zealots had raised by way of Consequence, presently they flew in his face, and vilified him as a defamer of the King's Evidence, a concealer of the Plot; and could hardly forbear saying, He was a Party to it, and one of the Conspirators in it. As if we had not only been bound to submit our Faith and Reason as entirely to Mr. Oats' Relation in every Punctilio, as to the Evangelists upon which he Swore it; but also to what Inferences a Faction should draw from it. From hence they proceeded to insinuate into the Populace, That those Loyal Gentlemen who had been Members of the late long Loyal Parliament, who were then called the Court Party, had joined with the Court, to hinder the Discovery of the Plot, and promote the Designs of the Papists upon us: And although there was not one syllable of Truth in this, yet they asserted it with that confidence, and added so many protestations, often interrupting their opposites with such questions as these, What, you are for Popery? you are willing to have all your Throats Cut? and the like, that they persuaded too great a Number to join with them in the Exclusion of those Gentlemen.  
In the next place, fearing the greatest hindrance from the conformable Clergy and the Bishops, they represented them amongst their Confidents as nothing better than the Papists; and amongst the rest, as Men that had a mighty kindness for Popery in their hearts, (where these prying people spied it) though they durst not discover it for the present, and with great Assurance said, that they would certainly all turn Papists if the Plot went on; though Mr. Oates had assured them their Places were disposed of to others before hand, and they must expect nothing but beggary, assassination, and Ruin: But yet the people who never consider any thing, believe them in this too.  
In the next place, they were to deal with the Gentry and Magistrates, and here the task was harder, for these were never to be wrought over generally to them; but amongst them, some were their friends of old, others had come half way over to gain the Reputation of Moderate Men; others had been disgusted by the Government; and some few had Relations amongst the Dissenters, or Children, and Brothers Apprentices, Journeymen, and Factors to them, and these Interests prevailed upon to join with them; the rest they blasted what they could by the same Arts they did the Clergy, averring they were Papists, or favourers of Papists and Popery; especially, if they had any relations of that Religion; or had showed the least kindness to their Popish Neighbours in the first Discovery of the Plot, or had had any acquaintance with them before the Plot.  
And having by all these multiplied Slanders, got over a very considerable part of the meaner people, and yet fearing the party might be too weak, they made fraudulent Conveyances for Twenty four hours of their Freehold-Lands and Tenements to their Neighbours, by this means creating Twenty Mushroom Voters, sometimes out of Forty pounds a year, and some that were less scrupulous took the Gifts by word of Mouth, without Livery or Seizing, Lease or Release; and some gave Twelve pence in part of payment for those Lands and Tenements they never meant, nor were ever able to Purchase further, and so became qualified to give their Votes as they thought; and others gave their Children that were Infant's part of their Estates with them, and brought them along for company; and in the interim, the Wealthy sort of Men hired Horses, or gave Money to the more Needy to give their Votes for the precious Men that were to keep out Popery.  
The Conventicle Teachers rallied up their Flocks, all but the Aprons, and they were unwillingly enough left at home; The old Committee Men, Sequestrators; Army Officers, and Soldiers of the last Rebellion; who had kept holes ever since His Majesties Return for Grief, Confusion, and Fear, now all took the Field again to Vote too: and with these joined all those unwilling Conformists whether Clergy or Laity who have complied with the Religion Established, with purpose to ruin it as soon as it is possible, and in the interim, great gain is godliness with them: and does any man believe all these Forces were thus Mustered up for the Service of His Majesty, the Safety of the Monarchy, and the preservation of the Religion and Government Established?  
The persons they recommended to the people to be chosen again, were first, all those Gentlemen, who calling themselves the Country Party in the former Parliament had appeared most Zealously against the Queen, his Royal Highness, and the Ministers of State: to these they added as many as they could of the Relics of the old Rebellion, or their Children, and made up the Number out of the moderate and discontented Gentlemen, Burgesses, and Tradesmen, taking in here and there an honest Gentleman in hopes to win him to their side by this kindness; and sometimes this pitiful Project took.  
For my part, 
Act. 22.  I think nothing could more confirm the Testimony of Mr. Oats who informs us, That the Catholic Religion was to be brought in the same way that they had used for the Destruction of the Father of the King, and as that could not be effected till much Blood was spilt on BOTH SIDES, so this must be effected by effusion of Blood, 
Pag. 64.  and this he Expounds was to be done by weakening and dividing the Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by Civil Wars and Rebellions, as in His (Majesties) Fathers time, to make way for the French to Seize these Kingdoms, and totally to Ruin their Infantry and Naval Force: These are Mr. Oats his Words, and whoever had seen the persons Must'red up, about the choosing this Parliament, would have thought, that Forty One had been returned again, and that the Jesuits under the shape of Nonconformist Ministers had been turning the Plot that way, now God had defeated the close one.  
But though all this Care was taken, the Dissenters did not carry the Elections every where, nor almost any where without great Resistance. For on the other side, the Gentry appeared themselves, and brought in their Tenants and Dependences; and many of the Yeomanry and Freeholders' were Zealous for the Church and Government, and in Corporations, the Magistrates and Freemen, had not forgot the old tricks of the Dissenters; and were resolved not to be ruined twice by the same Arts, so that the two Parties were almost equal there, and in the Counties the Gentry were certainly the stronger side, if Perjury had not been employed against them; and in some places they prevailed against that too, but not so as to make an equal Party in the House.  
The Persons that stood on this side, were Men of Undoubted Loyalty to the King, hearty lovers of the Religion Established, and great Enemies to Puritanism, Faction, and Rebellion; and for these good qualities were styled by the contrary Partymen of Arbitrary Principles, and favourers of Popery: some of these had been Members of the Last Parliament, and been of that they call the Court Party, who had been guilty of Settling the Monarchy, and Suppressing the Rebellion, and the Nurseries of it the Conventicles; and others were taken in to fill up the vacancies, of or very nearly of the same Principles.  
The Elections being thus made, the Parliament met the day appointed, which was Thursday the sixth of March, 1678. and my business is to wait upon them, and see how matters went in the Lower House especially; and as an Introduction I will take notice of His Majesty's Speech in the first place; part of which was as followeth.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
I Meet you here with the most earnest desire that man can have to Unite the Minds of all my Subjects, both to me, and to one another; and I resolve it shall be your faults, if the Success be not suitable to my desires, I have done many great things already, in order to that end; as the Exclusion of the Popish Lords from their Seats in Parliament; the Execution of several men, both upon the Score of the Plate, and of the Murder of Sir Edmonberry Godfrey, and it is apparent that I have not been idle in prosecuting the discovery of both, as much further as hath been possible in so short a time.  
I have disbanded as much of the Army as I could get Money to do, and I am ready to disband the rest, so soon as you shall reimburse the Money they have cost me, and will enable me to pay off the remainder: And above all I have Commanded my Brother to absent himself from me, because I would not leave the Malicious Men room to say, I had not removed all causes which could be pretended to influence me towards Popish Counsels.  
Besides that end of Union which I am at, (and which I wish could be extended to Protestants abroad as well as at home) I propose by this last great step I have made, to discern whether Protestant Religion, and the Peace of the Kingdom be as truly aimed at by others, as they are really intended by me, for if they be, you will employ your time upon the great concerns of the Nation, and not be drawn to promote private animosities under pretences of the public; your Proceed will be calm and peaceable, in order to those good ends I have recommended to you, and you will curb the motions of any unruly Spirits which would endeavour to disturb them. I hope there will be none such amongst you, because there can be no man that must not see how fatal differences amongst ourselves are like to be at this time both at home or abroad.  
I shall not cease my endeavours, daily to find out what more I can both of the Plot, and Murder of Sir Edmondberry Godfrey, and shall desire the Assistance of both my Houses in that work.  
I have not been wanting in giving orders for putting all the present Laws in Execution against Papists, and I am ready to join in the making such further Laws as may be necessary for securing of the Kingdom against Popery.  
And after a short discourse of supplies he goes on.  
I will conclude as I begun, with my earnest desires to have this, a Healing Parliament, and I do give you this Assurance, that I will with my life defend both the Protestant Religion and the Laws of this Kingdom, and I do expect from you to be defended from the Calumny as well as Danger of those worst of men, who endeavour to render me and my Government odious to my people.  
By which last passage I believe his Majesty reflected upon the Dissenters and Common wealth Party, who as they were more believed, so they had been more busy in traducing him, and that with a more Mischievous Malice and effect than the worst Jesuits, during this short time, betwixt the Dissolution of the last and the Election of this present Parliament, and therefore his Majesty had reason to tell the Parliament he expected to be defended by them from the Calumny, (of the Dissenters) as well as from the danger of the Papists, (both which are) the worst of men, as who did endeavour to render him and his Government Odious to his people.  
The Lord Chancellor's Speech was for the most part but an enlargement upon his majesty's, as it uses to be; and therefore I shall take notice of some passages only in it.  
He advised them not to overdo their business, and by being too far transported with the fears of Popery, neglect the opportunities they then had of making sober and lasting provisions against it.  
He told them it was a Custom of the Jesuits, first to Murder the fame of Princes, and then their persons, first slandering them to their people, as if they favoured Papists, and then to assassinate them for being too Zealous Protestants.  
He represented what a joy it would be to them, to see us whom they could not destroy by the conspiracy, Ruining ourselves after the discovery, by incurable jealousies and disturbing the Government.  
And that further care might be taken of Regulating the Press, from whence there daily stole forth Popish Catechisms, Psalters, and Books of Controversy, and Seditious and Schismatical Libels too.  
We shall now see how these Counsels were pursued by the Parliament.  
The first thing the House of Commons did, was to choose Edward Seymour, Esquire, their former Speaker, their Speaker again. But the next day the King disliking the choice, and Commanding them to make a new one, they returned and Adjourned till Saturday Morning. But not agreeing then, they desired a further time; which was granted till Tuesday following: The King telling the Messengers, that as he would not have his Prerogative entrenched upon, so he would not do any thing against the Privileges of the House.  
But then instead of Presenting a new Speaker, they Presented a Representation, Claiming it as a Right to have that Speaker they chose accepted, if he were not excused for some Corporal Disease, which hath always (heretofore) been alleged either by themselves or some others, in their behalf in full Parliament, as they said.  
But his Majesty not admitting this neither, they Adjourned till Wednesday, and drew up another Address to have the former better considered, and to this his Majesty replied he would send them an answer the next day. And accordingly,  
On Thursday he sent for them up to the House of Lords, and Prorogued them for one day, and on Saturday morning sent for them again, and by the Lord Chancellor Commanded them to proceed to the Choice of a Speaker, and Present him on Monday Morning; which they accordingly did; and then they chose Mr. Sergeant Gregory, of whom his Majesty approved on the Monday following.  
It was Ominous thus to stumble at the Threshold; and therefore there is no great wonder if after this, much of his Majesties and the Lord Chancellors good Counsel relating to calmness in the Management of their Affairs was forgotten.  
Tuesday, Wednesday, and a great part of Thursday the 20th day of March, being spent in the preliminaries, and in receiving and reading the shoal of Petitions, concerning undue Elections and Returns, on the Evening of the last day, the Commons sent a Message to the Lords to put them in mind of the Impeachments of High Treason against Thomas Earl of Danby, in the names of the Commons of England, and to desire he might be Committed to safe Custody.  
And referred it to the Committee of Secrecy to draw up further Articles against him. By which it appeared that they were resolved to begin where the former Parliament ended; so that men easily conjectured what would follow. And some there were that suggested, as if his place was his greatest Crime, and that the ruin of a Minister of State in order to fright the rest of the Ministers was more sought, than the Punishment of any Traitor whether Popish or Protestant.  
In the week following it appearing that the Earl of Danby had a pardon by his Majesty's mentioning of it in the House of Lords. And a Committee being appointed to search it out, returned on Monday the 24th of March, that it had not been Regularly sued out, but was Sealed in the King's presence by his express Command. Upon which the Commons sent up a Message to the Lords to demand Justice against him, and ordered an Address to his Majesty to represent the dangerous Consequences of granting Pardons to any persons that lie under an Impeachment of the Commons of England.  
And the same day the Lords sent word to the Commons that they had ordered him to be taken into Custody.  
On Tuesday the 25th of March, 
1679.  the Lords sent a Message to the Commons, that the Earl of Danby was not to be sound, upon which the Commons ordered a Bill to be brought in to Summon him by a certain day, or in default thereof to Attaint him.  
Mr. Edward Sacvile a Member of the House of Commons, being accused by Mr. Oats, to have called the truth of the Plot and Murder of Sir Edmonberry Godfrey in question was ordered to be committed to the Tower, Expelled the House, and an Address made to his Majesty for the removing him from all Public Employments and Trusts. This was a sure way to have the Plot believed.  
On Wednesday there having before been a Complaint brought against one Hills and Edwin, for Printing a Pamphlet entitled, A Letter from a Jesuit at Paris to his Correpondent in London: Showing the most effectual way to ruin the Government and the Protestant Religion; was to promote the Dissenters Interest, and to choose factious men into the House of Commons. And it appearing, that Dr. John Nalson was the Author of it, there being no Law to punish this offence, the said Doctor was ordered to be sent for in Custody of the Sergeant at Arms, to inform the House touching the said Pamphlet.  
The same day a Bill was sent down from the Lords, Entitled, an Act for the better discovery and speedy Conviction of Popish Recusants. Which had been sent down in the former Session of Parliament time enough to have been passed, but was neglected, which was read the day following.  
On Thursday the 27th of March, the Lords sent down a Bill for the Banishing and Disabling the Earl of Danby (which his Majesty had proffered to do) and desired the Concurrence of the House of Commons, which the Commons read and rejected that day.  
But notwithstanding the Commons went on with the Bill of Attainder against him, and ordered a Clause to be added for the discovery of all trusts relating to him, and that he should be made incapable of receiving pardon but by Act of Parliament, wherein he shall be particularly Named.  
The same day the Lords sent down a Bill to disinable any person from Sitting in any of the Houses of Convocation, till he hath taken the Oaths, and made and subscribed the Declaration therein contained.  
On Friday, a Bill was read for better securing the liberty of the Subjects.  
Sir Christopher Calthrop Knight, who was returned one of the Knights of the Shire for Norfolk, being then sick of the Smallpox, desired that the Case in difference betwixt him and Sir John Hobard Baronet, which was to be heard on Friday next, might be delayed, which was denied.  
Note, That Calthrop was of the Court-party, and Hobard of the Country-party.  
But to look a little back: On Monday the 25th of March, the House of Lords sent to examine the five Lords in the Tower, concerning a French Book about the Plot, the Author of which had it seems endeavoured to invalidate Mr. Oats his testimony, but they would not own they knew the Author.  
The same day the Vote mentioned in the former Part, of the reality of the Popish Plot, which had been renewed by the Commons, and sent up to the Lords for their concurrence, was Voted by the Lords, and ordered to be inserted in the first leaf of the Office, to be publicly used on the day 
* 11 of April.  appointed by his Majesty for solemn Fasting and Humiliation, at the request of both Houses.  
On Saturday the 29th, the Lords agreed to have a Bill brought in to expel out of the Inns of Court, Doctor's Commons, the College of Physicians, and Herald's office, all such persons as shall not give testimony of their being Protestants, by going to Church, and by taking the Sacrament, and such Oaths, Tests, and Declarations as are appointed by any Law, for the distinguishing Protestants from Papists, and that none shall hereafter be Admitted into any of the said Societies, that shall not do the same.  
And that an Address should be made to his Majesty, that all persons who bring up, or suffer their Children to be bred up, in the Popish Religion, may by his Majesty's order be put out of all public Employments, civil, and military, whereof they are now possessed; AND that for the future no person may be put into or continued in any employment, civil or military, who shall knowingly Marry a Papist. These last particulars are most worthy to be passed into an Act of Parliament.  
On Tuesday the first of April, the Commons finished the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Danby, and sent it up to the Lords.  
After which they passed this Vote.  
Resolved, That the continuing of any standing Forces in this Nation, other than the Militia, is illegal and a great Grievance and Vexation to the people.  
This is the first Vote that was ever made against his Majesty's Guards since his return, though there have been Parliaments sitting ever since.  
On Thursday the 3d of April the Articles of Impeachment against William Earl of Powys, William Viscount Stafford, Henry Lord Arundel of Wardour, William Lord Petre, and John Lord Bellasyse, were brought into the House of Commons, and received.  
And a Bill about the Convocation sent down by the Lords, and another to Regulate the Elections of Members to serve in Parliament, were read the first time, and ordered a second Reading.  
Friday the 4th of April, An Act for the better discovery and more speedy Conviction of Popish Recusants, sent down from the Lords, was read the second time, and Committed to a Committee, who were also to bring in a Clause to prevent any of the Royal Family from matching with Popish Recusants.  
Was not this that tacking of things of a different Nature together, which his Majesty had resolved against, as he told the Houses in these words about a year before?  
One thing more I have to add, and that is, 
His Majesty's Speech the 23 of May, 1678.  to let you know, that I will never more suffer the course and method of passing Laws to be changed; and that if several matters shall ever again be tacked together in one Bill, that Bill shall certainly be lost, let the importance of it be never so great.  
But it was resolved it seems now to try whether he would be as good as his word, and if he were, than the clamour should be, that he was against the speedy conviction of Popish recusants.  
Besides this was no such trivial thing but that it might have deserved a distinct Bill.  
The same day the Bill against the Earl of Danby being delivered back by the Lords at a Conference with some Amendments, the Commons referred the consideration of the Amendments to be considered the next day, and ordered an Address to be drawn up, for a Proclemation for the Apprehending the said Earl, with the usual penalties upon such as conceal him, and that he should not be permitted to reside with in any of his Majesty's places of White-Hall, Somerset House, and St. James'.  
On Saturday the Bill for Regulating Elections was read the second time, and Committed to a Committee, 
5 of April.  with liberty to divide the Bill as they see cause.  
On Monday the 7th of April his Majesty by Mr. Secretary Coventry, acquainted the House of Commons, that Mr. Reading had acquainted him by a letter directed to one Mr. Chiffinch, that he had matters of great importance concerning the Prisoners in the Tower, and the present Plot; but that his Majesty would not meddle with any Prisoners Committed by this House, and that he would (if the House thought fit) not only permit him but lay his Commands on him frankly and freely to impart whatsoever he knew of that affair to the House of Commons, or the Committee of Secrecy appointed by them. Which so pleased the Commons, that they ordered the humble thanks of the House to be returned to his Majesty; So far was he from concealing any thing relating to the Plot, as he hath been basely and falsely calumniated.  
This day the Commons sent up the Articles against the five Lords in the Tower, into the House of Lords.  
The same day it was ordered that a Bill should be brought in for Annexing Tangier to the Imperial Crown of England, 
☞  upon a report that it was to be sold to the French.  
I should not have taken notice of this Vote, but that I shall have occasion to make further use of it hereafter.  
The Ninth day of April the House further Voted, 
☞  that those who did advise his Majesty to part with Tangier to any Foreign Prince or State, or were instrumental therein, aught to be Accounted Enemies to the King and Kingdom.  
On Tuesday the eighth of April, the Bill relating to the Convocation was read, and referred to a Committee.  
And then they fell to debate the Reasons against the Amendments of the Lords to the Bill against the E. of D. which chief stood upon this point, that the Bill was by them changed from a Bill of Attainder to a Bill of Banishment, which the Commons could not consent to. 1. Because 'twas not the legal punishment of Treason. 2. That he might make use of the remission as an Argument of their distrust of their proofs against him. 3. That it would encourage others to withdraw themselves as he had. See the Reasons at large in the Printed Journal.  
The Habeas Corpus Bill was read the third time, and passed, and sent up to the Lords.  
The same day was a conference betwixt the Lords and Commons about the E. of D. Bill, wherein the Lords prayed a Mitigation of the said Bill. Which was referred by the Commons to be considered the next day.  
When their desire was denied, 
April 9  and Reasons ordered to be drawn up against it.  
The next day there was two several Conferences about this Bill. But no report of either of them entered that day in the Journals of the House of Commons, but they are entered on Saturday the 12th. of April. And it appears that the Commons resolved then to stand to the Bill without the Amendments.  
In the House of Lords on Saturday the 5th of April, the Lord Bishop of Ely complained that one Mr. Sidway had put an information against himself and some others of the Lord Bishops that was very derogatory to them; and thereupon the House commanded the business to be brought before them, and stopped the proceed of their Committee of Secrecy in that and all other things relating to any Member of their House.  
Where the business being heard on the Monday following, the said John Sidway was Committed to the Prison of the Gatehouse, for bringing a frivolous and untrue accusation against the Lord Bishop of Ely and other Bishops, though several Lords dissented.  
So the Bishops were quitted that time with Honour, as I wish they always may be, and that their enemies may meet with that shame and confusion they deserve, who through their sides strike at the Lords Anointed, and endeavour to ruin both the Church and State, by changing the Government from a Monarchy to a Commonwealth, as experience taught us once before, when the Crown soon followed the Mitre, and the Temporal Lords the Bishops.  
On Wednesday four of the five Lords in the Tower were brought to the House of Lords, and heard the Articles readagainst them, and had Copies of them, and were assigned their Counsel for matter of Law, but not for matter of Fact, and had time to answer till the 15th Instant. But the Lord Bellasys not being able to appear, by reason he was lame of the Gout, was excused, and had a Copy of the Articles sent him.  
On Monday the 14th of April, at a conference, the Lords consented to pass the Bill against the Earl of Danby without any amendment.  
Wednesday the 16th of April, A Bill for securing the King and Kingdom against the growh and Danger of Popery, was read the second time and commttied to a Committee.  
The same day a Message was brought from the Lords, that the E. of D. had rendered himself and was sent to the Tower.  
And by another Message word was sent, that the four Lords had Appeared, had sent in their Answers to the Articles upon which they had been proceeded against, which Answers they sent down to the Commons, being the Originals, and the Lords desired the return of them with all convenient speed, that they might consider of them.  
And then the Commons Voted his Majesty a supply for the Disbanding the rest of the Forces not disbanded by the former Act. To be levied by a Land Tax in six Months. By which all Forces raised or brought over from Foreign parts since the 29th of September, 1677. were to be disbanded. The Commission Officers being to be paid only to the first of this April.  
The next day a debate arising, 
Thursday the 17 of April.  whether the Money for Disbanding the Army should be paid into the Exchequer? it was carried in the Affirmative by 60 Voices.  
A Committee of Secrecy was appointed to prepare and draw up evidence against the E. of Danby, and also further Articles, as they should see cause.  
On Friday the 25th of April, a Bill for prevention of raising Money upon the Subjects but by Act of Parliament was read the first time, and ordered to be read a second time.  
A Bill for exporting Cloth to Turkey was read a first time, and ordered to be read again.  
The same day the E. of D. and John Lord Bellasys appeared at the Bar of the House of Lords, and put in their several Answers, which were sent down to the Commons, with desire they might be returned with all convenient speed.  
On Saturday it was resolved in the House of Commons, 
26 of April.  that they would the Friday following take into consideration how to make the law for prohibiting the importation of French Commodities more effectual.  
William Viscount Stafford, Henry Lord Arundel of Wardour, and William Earl of Powis, Appeared this day at the Bar of the House of Lords, and retracted their former Plea's and put in their Answers, which were by a Message sent down to the Commons, which were read, and referred to the Committee of Secrecy belonging to the said House.  
This day the House of Commons resolved, Nemine Contradicente,  
That this House will sit to morrow, to consider of the best means to secure and preserve the King's person, and also the Protestant Religion, against the Attempts of the Papists, both in the Reign of his Majesty and his Successors.  
And accordingly they did sit, and began the day very inauspiciously with reading an Address to his Majesty for the Execution of Pickering, who as they said had been employed by some of the Conspirators, to execute their Execrable design of Murdering his Majesty, and upon his Trial was found guilty thereof; as also of divers Priests and Jesuits, who stood then Condemned by his Majesty's Judges at the Old-Bayley; and in several of the Circuits. Upon which Offenders they humbly desired immediate Execution might be done, to the terror of all such wicked persons, who by their daily Traitorous practices do justify the prudence of their Ancestors in making such Laws, and manifest the necessity of putting them in Execution. And though there is nothing to be said for the men, yet I wish they had not made this severe motion on a Lord's day, it being none of those works of Charity and Mercy, 
29. Car. Cap. 7.  no nor necessity neither, which are commendable on that day, and this might as well have been done on any other day.  
Then they proceeded to the work appointed, and Voted in the first place, That a Bill be brought in upon the debate of the House, to Banish all Papists or reputed Papists from London and Westminster and twenty Miles of the same for Six Months, and to confine all those that live above twenty Miles from London within five Miles of their own Habitations under penalties, and referred it to a Committee to draw up the same. And then,  
Secondly, Resolved, Nemine Contradicente,  
That the Duke of York being a Papist, and the hopes of his coming such to the Crown, have given the greatest countenance and encouragement to the present Conspirators and designs of the Papists, against the King and the Protestant Religion.  
Resolved, That the concurrence of the Lords be desired to this Vote.  
Ordered, that the Committee of Secrecy draw up a Narative of all such matters as concern the D. of Y. relating to the present Plot, contained in such Papers as they have in their hands, and present the same to the House on Wednesday next. And then they adjourned the debate till Monday following.  
The next day being Monday the 28th of March, the House attended his Majesty with the said Address, for the Executing Pickering, etc. To which his Majesty replied.  
Gentlemen,  
I Have always been tender in matters of blood, which my Subjects have no reason to take exception at, but this is a matter of great weight, I shall therefore consider of it and return you an answer.  
So little was this merciful Prince exasperated by all the practices against him.  
On Wednesday the 30th of April, his Majesty sent for the Commons up to the Lords House, and made this Speech to the two Houses.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
THe Season of the Year advancing so fast, I thought it necessary to put you in mind of three particulars:  

1. Prosecuting the Plot,  
2. Disbanding the Army,  
3. Providing a Fleet for our common security.   
And to show you, that whilst you are doing your parts, my thoughts have not been misemployed; but that it is my constant care to do every thing that may preserve your Religion, and secure it for the future in all events.  
I have commanded my Lord Chancellor to mention several particulars, which I hope will be an evidence that in all things that concern the Public security, I shall not follow your zeal but lead it.  
The Lord Chancellor spoke thus,  
My Lords, and you the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons.  
THat Royal care which his Majesty hath taken for the general quiet, and satisfaction of all his Subjects, is now more evident by these new and fresh instances of it, which I have in command to open to you.  
His Majesty hath considered with himself, that it is not enough that your Religion and Liberty is secure during his own Reign, but he thinks he owes it to his people to do all that in him lies, that these blessings may be transmitted to your posterity, and so well secured to them, that no succession in after Ages may be able to work the  alteration.  
And therefore his Majesty, who hath often said in this place that he is ready to consent to any Laws of this kind, so that the same extend not to alter the descent of the Crown in the Right Line, nor to defeat the Succession, hath now commanded this to be further explained.  
And to the end it may never be in the power of any Papist, if the Crown descend upon him, to make any change either in Church or State, I am commanded to tell you, that his Majesty is willing that provision may be made, first to distinguish a Papist from a Protestant Successor; then to limit and circumscribe the Authority of a Popish Successor in these cases following, that he may be disabled to do any harm; first in reference to the Church, his Majesty; is content that care may be taken, that all Ecclesiastical and spiritual Benefices and promotions in the Gift of the Crown, may be conferred in such a manner, that we may be sure the Incumbents shall always be of the most Pious and learned Protestants: And that no Popish Successor (while he continues so) may have any power to control such preferments.  
In reference to the State and civil part of the Government, as it is already provided that no Papist can sit in either House of Parliament, so the King is pleased, that it be provided too, that there may never want a Parliament when the King shall happen to die: But that the Parliament then in being, may continue indissolvable for a complete time, or if there be no Parliament then in being, then that the last Parliament, which was in being before that time, may reassemble, and sit a competent time, without any new Summons or Elections.  
And as no Papist can by Law hold any place of trust, so the King is content, that it may be further provided, that no Lords or other of the Privy Council, no Judges of the common Law, nor in Chancery, shall at any time during the Reign of any Popish Successor, be put in, or displaced, but by the Authority of Parliament.  
And that care also be taken that none but sincere Protestants may be Justices of the Peace.  
In reference to the Military part, the King is willing that no Lord Lieutenant, or Deputy Lieutenant, nor no Officer in the Navy (during the Reign of any Popish Successor) be put out or removed but either by Authority of Parliament, or of such persons as the Parliament shall intrust with such Authority.  
'Tis hard to invent another restraint to be put upon a Popish Successor, considering how much the Revenue of the Successor will depend upon consent of Parliament, and how impossible it is to raise money without such consent. But yet if any thing else can occur to the Wisdom of the Parliament, which may further secure Religion and liberty against a Popish Successor, without defeating the Right of Succession itself, his Majesty will most readily consent to it.  
Thus watchful is the King for all your safety, and if he could think of any thing else that you do either want or wish, to make you happy, he would make it his business to effect it for you,  
God Almighty long continue this blessed Union between the King and his Parliament and people.  
The House of Commons returning, resolved to Adjourn the consideration of his Majesty's Speech till the next Monday Morning.  
And now let any man but seriously consider the Condescension of these proposals, and that they were franlly and freely offered, before the House of Commons had obliged themselves in point of Honour, to stand to any Vote of Exclusion, (for that was not then made) and he must then be amazed to see to what extremities matters have proceeded, during that, and the two last Parliaments.  
But who can brook the impudence of those men, who have notwithstanding this, by Tales and Pamphlets endeavoured to represent his sacred Majesty to his people as a favourer of Papists and Popery.  
Some men may possibly say, that all this will not infallibly secure us against Popery, and I say nothing can make any thing in this lower world steady and unalterable, but it is more likely to do it than the exclusion Bill, because it disarms a Popish Successor of the tempration and opportunity of enslaving us by force, where as the other puts the Sword into his hand, and compels him to try his fortune for the whole, the event of which is much more uncertain than some pretend, who trusting now to force and number, will in likelihood find themselves disappointed by men, and punished by God for their distrust of his providence; and reliance on the Arm of Flesh, if not ruined by their over great confidence in the number of their party, which often have deceived men in such occasions. But this it not the place of these considerations, but that they broke lose here against my will.  
On Thursday the Commons gave leave to bring in a Bill, 
1. of May.  that when any Member of their House is preferred to any Office or place of profit, a new Writ should immediately issue out, for Electing of a Member to serve in his stead: This was to keep the party together, and to prevent the Ministers from buying off any of them by preferment, 
Seasonable Address to both Houses, p. 10.  and it is to be wished it had passed, for that would have lessened their Numbers, and have taken off all those that hoped to rise by opposition to the Court, as they call it, but indeed to the King and the Morarchy: In the interim it may be a caution to the Country, that they take not all these Gentlemen to be what they pretend to be, for that apparently some of them were driving a Market for Preferments, how much soever they had clamoured their predecessors on that account.  
This day also Dr. John Nalson, who had been a long time Imprisoned and put to vast charge for Writing the Letter of Advice from a Jesuit in Paris to his correspondent in London, was discharged without assigning any reason or Law for this way of proceeding against him, which was never yet used against any of the Writers of the most virulent Libels, against the Government, and Religion by Law established, and they Voted also, that an Address should be made to his Majesty, by such Members of their House as were of his Majesty's Privy Counsel, to desire his Majesty to Command the Lord Chancellor to put him out of the Commission of the Peace. Because it seems his Imprisonment was not punishment enough for so great an offence as this: 
Exact Coll. of the most considerable debates etc. p. 337.  And the Writing several other books to revive the memory of 1641. as one of the Members expressed it, in the following Parliament; when it seems they meant to have another fling at him; for though his Majesty can pardon and forgive, there are that cannot. But I believe they have got no great matter by this: Nor was the Doctor turned out of the Commission for all their Address, his Majesty knowing this would not suit his Interest.  
On Saturday the Lords sent down a Bill, entitled, 
May 3.  An Act for freeing the City of London and parts adjacent, from Popish Inhabitants, and providing against other dangers which may arise from Papists.  
And in the Afternoon, 
May 5.  an Account that the Earl of Danby would insist upon his Pardon; and that he desired his Council might be heard to the Validity of it.  
On Monday His Majesty sent this message to the Commons by the Lord Russell. His Majesty hath commanded me to let the House know, that his Majesty is willing to comply with the request made to him by the House concerning Pickering; and that the Law shall pass upon him accordingly; and as to the Condemned Priests, the House of Peers have sent for them in order (as his Majesty conceives) to some Examinations; and further to acquaint you, that he repeateth his instances to you, to think of putting the Fleet in such a posture as may quiet men's fears, and at least secure us from any sudden attempt, which his Majesty doubts not, but you will do: And though the straits and difficulties he lieth under, are very great, he doth not intent during this Sessions to press for any other Supply; being willing rather to suffer the Burdens that are upon him, some time longer, than to interrupt you, whilst you are employed about the discovery of the Plot, the Trial of the Lords, and the Bill for securing our Religion.  
The same day the Commons went up to the Bar of the Lords house to demand Judgement against the Earl of Danby upon the Illegality of his pardon. 
May the 6.   
On Tuesday, John Wilson and Roger Bockwith Esquires, two Justices of the Peace of the County of York, were sent for in Custody, for saying, that this Parliament was no Parliament, and they would justify it. Of which more hereafter, May 22.  
A Message was sent to the Lords by the Commons, that the House was ready to make good the Impeachments against the five Popish Lords in the Tower, and the Committee of Secrecy belonging to the Commons was appointed to manage the evidence against them at their Trials.  
Wednesday, 
The 7. of May  the Lords sent down a Message, that they had appointed Saturday to hear the Earl of Danby's Plea, for the Validity of his Pardon, that they had Addressed to the King for the naming a Lord High Steward at his Trial, and that of the Popish Lords, which was appointed by their Lordships to be that day seven-night.  
On Thursday, 
The 8. of May.  the Commons agreed an Address to his Majesty against John Duke of Lauderdale, upon general pretences of fears and jealousies, desiring he might be removed from his Majesty's Counsels in England and Scotland, putting his Majesty in mind of the Address of the last Parliament to that purpose, and resolved, they would attend his Majesty in a body.  
The Commons desired a Conference with the Lords, to state before hand the manner of proceed in the Trial of the Earl of Danby, and of the five Popish Lords, and took exceptions to their motion for a Lord High Steward.  
On Friday his Majesty sent for the Commons, and passed the Bill for Disbanding the Army, and such other Bills as were ready, which was wisely done; for by this surprise other debates were prevented, which might have proved of dangerous consequence. After this, they appointed a Committee to inspect the Journals, and search Precedents touching the carrying up of Bills, and what previous intimation ought to be given to them of his Majesty's intention to pass Bills, and from and by whom such notice hath usually been given, and whether the House may debate after the message delivered by the Black Rod, for attendance of the House upon his Majesty. It would have been very unhappy if by reason of these Debates, the Forces then on foot should have continued undisbanded. By all which as much as is possible to conjecture, it would have been very unhappy if by reason of these Debates, the Forces then on foot should have continued undisbanded to the great damage of the King and Kingdom (notwithstanding the common clamour against them) if his Majesty had not thus prevented it.  
The same day the Commons passed this Vote, that no Commoner whatsoever, should presume to maintain the Validity of the pardon, pleaded by the E. of Danby, without the leave of their house first had, and that the persons so doing should be accounted betrayers of the Liberties of the Commons of England: and Ordered this Vote to be posted up at Westminster-hall Gate, Serjeants-Innes, and Inns of Court.  
His Lordship's Friends called this a depriving him of all counsel to defend himself, but what was appointed by his Enemies and Accusers, in a matter of Law; insisting upon the Rules of proceed in all other Courts, and the ordinary methods of Common and Natural equity and right; it seeming hard to ruin a man, if not some diffidence of the case, to deny him those Privileges the meanest and worst of Rogues have; which is to choose such Council as the Court before whom they are to be tried will allow, the King's Council excepted.  
And when the humour was stirred, they voted, that the Answer delivered by the Lords that day at the Last Conference (about the manner of trying the Peers, whereby their Lordships had not consented to a Committee of the Houses, because they did not think it Conformable to the Rules and Orders of their Court, of which (they said) they had reason to be tender in matters relating to their Judicature) tended to the Interruption of the good correspondency between the two Houses. 
May 10.   
The first thing the Commons did on Saturday morning, was the Reading of an Address to the King for the raising of the Militia of London, Westminster, the Tower Hamlets, and Counties of Middlesex and Surrey, for the security of his Majesty's Person at the Trial of the Popish Lords, by reason of the Great Resort of the Jesuits, Popish Priests and other Popish Recusants at that time in contempt of his Majesty's Laws and Royal Proclamation; to which they desired the Concurrence of the Lords, to which they unanimously agreed.  
The E. of Danby sending a Petition to the Lords, that his Counsel durst not appear to defend his case by reason of the Vote of the Commons; the Lords at a Conference desired to know if there were any such Vote, to which the Commons would not answer.  
Sir Robert Howard acquainting them, there had been paid from our Lady-day 1676, to the 20th. of March 1679, the Sum of 252467 lb. 1 s. 9 d. for Secret Services: They ordered that Mr. Charles Bertie should be taken into Custody of the Sergeant at Arms attending their House.  
And in the Next place they ordered, that all the Members that were of the Long Robe of their house should prepare themselves with Reasons against the pardon pleaded by the E. of Danby. Which was very necessary now that no body durst defend it.  
So the Lords Ordered the E. to be returned to the Tower in safety.  
On Sunday the Lords agreed to the demand of the Commons for the appointing a Committee of both Houses to state the Preliminaries of the trials to be had, to meet the next day. 
May 11.   
And then the Commons proceeded to Vote; that a Bill be brought in to disable the Duke of York to inherit the Imperial Crown of this Realm, and appointed a Committee to draw the same.  
Which was in pursuance of their former Vote, on Sunday the 27th of April. Though the Lords who had been twice desired to concur in that vote, had given no answer to it. Out of an apprehension perhaps that his Majesty's Life might be endangered upon this Vote, they resolved, Nemine Contradicente,  
That in defence of the King's person and the Protestant Religion, this house doth declare, that they will stand by his Majesty with their Lives and Fortunes; and that if his Majesty should come by any violent death (which God forbidden) that they will revenge it to the utmost upon the Papists.  
As if it had been impossible his Majesty should be murdered by any other than a Papist; or that it had been any consolation to his Majesty to have known that his death should have been revenged to the utmost on them who ever had been the cause or procurers of it.  
This proved the occasion of breaking all the following Parliaments to this day, and thereby to secure the Popish Lords in the Tower from Trial, and to prevent all the excellent Laws that were then under consideration against Popery, from ever being brought to pass. And finally, it proved an obstacle of union between the King and the Houses, to the great advantage of our Enemies at home and abroad; to the great hazard of the Nation: and more especially of the Protestant Religion which was pretended to be secured by it.  
I shall say more of this Vote and the former hereafter, when the effects of them will appear better than they did at first.  
On Wednesday his Majesty sent another Message to the Commons to put them again in mind of the Fleet, 
May 14.  and let them know he would acquit himself of the evil consequences, which the want of a Fleet in such a juncture might produce; and that the entering upon it, could be no hindrance to the other great affairs on their hands, but rather a Security in the dispatch thereof.  
Upon which, a debate arising, they adjourned the Consideration of this Message till Monday Seven-night after: which had the appearance of a denial.  
On Thursday there arose a Controversy betwixt the two Houses about the Bishops; 
May 15.  for the Lords having Voted that the Lords Spiritual have a right to stay, and sit in Court till the Court proceed to the Vote of Guilty or not guilty. The Commons opposed it, and said, that the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in any proceed upon impeachments against the Lords in the Tower; involving the E. of Danby's case, with the other Lords, though it was vastly different. And indeed from hence arose this contest, the Commons imagining that the Bishops would be for the validity of his pardon, and so make a major Vote in that House; and therefore as they had deprived him of his Counsel before, so now the business was to out the most favourable part (as they thought) of his Judges.  
The same day the Bill to disinherit the D. of York, was read the first time, and Ordered a second reading.  
On Saturday a Vote of the House of Lords was read in the House of Commons. 
May 17.   
16 May, 1679.  
Resolved by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled that Thursday next be appointed to begin the Trials of the five Lords in the Tower, (viz.) the E. of Powis, etc.  
After which resolution, the Lords Spiritual asked the leave of that house, that they might withdraw themselves from the Trials of the said Lords, with the Liberty of entering their usual Protestations.  
Upon which the Commons Resolved.  
That it be given as an instruction to their Committee to insist upon the former Vote of this House, That the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any vote in any Proceed against the Lords in the Tower: and when that matter shall be settled (as they please, for the Lords had settled it) and the method of proceed adjusted, this House shall then be ready to proceed upon the Trial of the E. of Danby; against whom the House hath already demanded judgement: and afterwards to the Trial of the other five Lords in the Tower.  
So here was the two Houses in their Votes point blank against one another.  
I shall here take notice of some Arguments that passed betwixt the Lords and the Commons as they are expressed in the Lord's Journal.  
On Tuesday the 13th of May, The Commons desired to know concerning the Bishops being present at the Trials of the Lords impeached, to which the Lords made this Answer.  
That it belonged not to the Commons to be concerned in the Constituting parts of the Court, upon such Trials; but that the judgement of this matter belongs entirely to the Lords, and when they have adjudged it, the Commons cannot alter it, and therefore should not debate it. Upon which the Commons acknowledged, that Judgement after Trial is in the Lords, but their Lordships are not to give judgement, unless the Commons demand it, and that the Commons desire to know whether the Lords will proceed in these Trials, as their Lordships did anciently; for if the Bishops should sit upon these Trials, they should not demand Judgement, but being dissatisfied with their being there, and it may be the Commons may proceed by Bill. To which the Lords made Answer, that after the Evidence is fully heard, they are bound to give judgement of Condemnation or Acquittal; but this being a matter of Judicature, the Lords declared, that they would impose silence upon themselves, and debate it no further. The Commons further desired to know whether the Bishops should be allowed to vote upon the Validity of the pardon of the E. of Danby, which they account no Preliminary but the very essence of the Trial.  
On Thursday the Votes I have mentioned before being communicated by the Lords to the Commons, the Commons answered, That if the pardon of the E. of Danby infer Life and Death, it is the same with Guilty or not Guilty, and desired again to know whether the Lords Spiritual should Vote upon the E. of D. Pardon, in answer to which, the Lords said they had no Instructions in that point, but would acquaint the House with it.  
On Friday the Commons insisted, that the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in any of the proceed upon the impeachments against the Lords in the Tower, and the Commons declared that they knew not how to proceed in Capital matters, before a new Court, to which the Lords would not reply.  
So the Lords voted, that Thursday next should be appointed to begin the Trials of the five Popish Lords.  
After which the Lords Spiritual desired leave of the House that they might withdraw themselves from the Trials of the said Lords, with the liberty of entering their usual Protestations; as I have formerly said.  
And it was Ordered that the Resolution of the Lords House and the desire of the Lords Spiritual should be communicated to the Committee of the House of Commons the next Morning.  
This being so done, the Commons insisted, that their Vote extended to the E. of Danby as well as the five Lords, whereas the Lords Vote relate only to the five Lords, and therefore they desired to know what answer the Lords would give as to the E. of Danby, they further objected, that they conceived, that their vote was as to the Right of the thing, and that the Bishops have no right to be at any Vote in any capital cases.  
And they conceived the E. of Ds. to be a Capital case, as well as the cases of the other five Lords, and that if the Bishops may have leave to withdraw, it implies a right, which if they have, it is a new Court which the Commons cannot admit of.  
The Lords replied there is no day yet appointed for the trial of the E. of D. and that the Lords Spiritual will be absent at all the parts of the Trials of the five Lords, and that the Protestations they now desire to enter, will be the same as in the Earl of Strafford 's case.  
Then the Commons said they could not proceed to treat of any other Proposals, till such time as the business about the Court be settled.  
On Monday the 19th of May the Commons further insisted that the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in the proceeding against the Lords in the Tower, and when that matter shall be settled, and the Method of proceed adjusted their House would be then ready to proceed upon the Trial of the Pardon of the E. of Danby, against whom the Commons had already demanded judgement, and afterwards to the trial of the five Lords in the Tower.  
Upon which the Lords told them they had no Authority to debate this Matter.  
Note that the trial of the E. of D. was rendered impossible, by Voting no Commoner of England should be of Counsel with him, or defend the validity of his pardon. 2ly, That all this contest about the Bishops was only in relation to the Earl's case. 3ly, That they insinuate they would proceed by Bill, all which were Declarations they meant to force the Lords as much as in them lay to condemn the E. one way or another, as the Long Parliament forced his Majesty's Father, and the House of Lords against their declared judgements, to condemn the E. of Strafford. But to go on.  
The Commons then further said that the Lords resolution which was offered, was no answer to their proposition; which comprehended the E. of D. as well as the five Lords: besides the Lords answer was doubtful, for it appears that the Bishops asked leave to be absent, but it appeared not that it was granted, then consequently the Bishops must sit in Court at the Trials; that the Commons conceived that the Bishops absenting themselves by way of Leave, is a strong implication of a right asserted, which they cannot allow, can ever be maintained (yet this they were told, let it imply what it will) was allowed them in the case of the E. of Strafford in Parliament by a house of Commons that were no great Friends to Bishops, and why could not the Commons now be contented with what was practised then and at all other times? and (the Commons) did think (they said) there was the same reason for the Bishops being absent from the Trial, upon the pardon, as from the trial of the other five Lords, and that the naming of a day for the trial of the five Lords, before the trial of the pardon of the E. of Danby, against whom the Commons had already demanded Judgement, as the putting that last which they desired should be first.  
To which the Lords told them, they were not impowered to debate, but would impart these Matters to the House.  
The Commons hereupon replied, they were ready to go on, and that for want of these trials all public business stood still, but the Lords seemed to lay the stop at the Commons door, by naming a day, which they conceived ought not to have been appointed, before the Methods were considered, for the Lords had not answered the Commons in matter of Right, (which never was, nor it may be will be answered) which was necessary first to be adjusted, and they desired their resolution as to that matter; for they conceived they (the Bishops) had no right (which whether they had or no, there was no more necessity of determining it then, then heretofore) and the Lords might as well make the Judge's part of their Court, as the Bishops in this point; As they said.  
And they said, the Commons would give no disturbance to the Ancient judicature, for they owned that to be sacred, and they conceived they had a right to know before what Court they shall appear, and they hoped the Lords would consider of their having appointed a day, before the Methods were considered, and would give them leave to wonder at it.  
It is as likely the Lords took leave all this time to wonder at the Commons too; and it is likely posterity will wonder that all this Controversy should be banded thus, when it was thought to have been full time at least, to have been trying the five Lords, and dispatching the Bills against Popery.  
On Tuesday the 25th of May the Lords having again considered of all this, in a Committee of the whole House; gave further day for the Trial of the five Lords till that day seven-night.  
The same day, the Commons read the Bill for freeing the City of London, and parts adjacent, from Popish Inhabitants, with the Amendments the third time; and having added two clauses, returned it to the Lords from whom it came.  
The Bill for disabling the D. of York to inherit the imperial Crown of this Realm, being read the second time, and the question put whether it should be committed, the House divided, and there were for the 

Yea— 207.  
noah's— 128.    
And so it was resolved in the affirmative. And the Bill was committed to a Committee of the whole House, which was to sit the Friday following.  
On Thursday the 22th of May, John Wilson and Roger Beckwith Esquires, the two Yorkshire Justices of the peace, who were sent for into custody, for saying this was no Parliament; exhibited in the House a Petition under the Hands of Eight Justices of the peace of the North Riding of the County of York: certifying that they were all present at the Sessions at Thirske the first of May 1679, when John Wilson Esq; being desired to give his opinion whether the Act for Settlement of the poor of the 14 of Car. 2, which was to continue to the end of the first Session of the next Parliament was still in force; to which he answered, it was doubtful, in regard they had not yet made any Act, and is not a Parliament in Law, because no Record remains of it; to which it seems the other assented, and all the said Justices certify that neither of them did then speak any words derogatory to the Parliament.  
Now this doubt did arise by reason of the prorogation in the beginning of this Parliament before the Speaker was chosen; which seemed to make a Session.  
Hereupon the Commons Ordered that they should be discharged, paying their fees.  
But who should make these Gentlemen any Recompense for the trouble, charge, and injury they had sustained by this imprisonment, was a matter they were not then at leisure to consider. But in the interval of a Parliament, it may be worth their while to look into the authorities that enabled them to imprison their fellow Subjects upon a bare, and it may be false and malicious Suggestion, who are no members of their house. But if they shall not be pleased to consider of it themselves, the rest of the Gentry will, and take other Measures perhaps for the future; in regard that no man is secure of his Liberty in time of Parliament at this boundless rate of Privilege.  
On Friday 23 of May 1679, the House being informed that Sir Stephen Fox had paid several Sums of Money to some of the Members of the last Parliament, and that he had books of Accounts to evidence the same: first they ordered,  
That he should be immediately sent for to attend the House, and to bring with him all the Books and Papers of Accounts of any moneys he has paid to any Members of the last Parliament. And presently again  
Ordered,  That Sir S.F. do forthwith produce to this House his Leaguer Book, Cash Book and Journal; and his Receipts for money by him paid for secret Services, and that he be enjoined not to go out of the Company of the Members (they sent with him) before they return to the House. 
Ordered again,  That no Members departed the Service of the House until Sir S.F. and the other Members return. 
Ordered again,  That Sir F. Winnington do to morrow morning make a report of the informations given to the Committee of Secrecy, touching Money paid for Secret Services to the members of the last Parliament. 
Ordered again,  That Sir S. Fox do upon his Memory, name to the House such Members of the last Parliament, as he paid any money to for Secret Service. 
There is no Entry of the Persons by them named, but many Lists of them in writing were presently spread about the Nation, some of which had more Names, and others fewer, according to the affection of the Transcribers, and so the Honour of many an honest Gentleman, was underhand blasted; with the people especially, there being no way left to rectify this falsehood, but by repairing to Sir Stephen Fox for a Certificate, and that would not have been believed neither by their Enemies, whilst their friends did not need it.  
As I recommended one consideration before to our Parliament men, relating to our Liberties, so they may be pleased to take another along with them for our honours, for it seems if a man be imprisoned or accused by the Order of the Commons in Parliament, though never so wrongfully, he shall hardly obtain any relief; and therefore great care ought to be taken not to precipitate matters of this Consequence. Now Sir Stephen Fox might possibly have given a better account next morning in Writing, then thus hastily upon his memory; and there the Gentlemen accused, might have been heard what they could say for themselves, before they had been defamed to the whole Nation, and after that an exact account might have been given in Print, without leaving it to the Liberty of every man to add and diminish as he pleased. Such inconveniences as these, will ever follow hasty Counsels, which therefore ought to be avoided; if they be not, the injury will at one time or another be repaid with Interest.  
To conclude this matter, as there was never any Law to prohibit Parliament-men from taking the liberality of our Princes in time of Parliament, so there was the greater reason for it in this Parliament, which lasted too long, to the Ruin of many Gentlemen of small estate, who were Members of it; the custom of taking Wages being then wholly laid aside; and as this tended to make them odious to the People, so it reflected upon his Majesty: and therefore aught to have been pursued with great Tenderness, and care also aught to have been taken for the time to come, by allowing better Wages, and making it duly paid; without which, this thing will never be prevented.  
All which is said not to accuse Sir Stephen Fox or the Gentlemen that were accused by him, but to show what injuries may and will happen, as often as that great Body acts with too much warmth, and how difficult it is to redress what might easily enough have been prevented, which I desire may end in the honour of Parliaments, by making them Act with all possible reservedness and caution for the future.  
On Saturday, May the 24th, the Commons ordered an Answer to be returned to the last Message of the house of Peers, touching the Appointment of Tuesday the 27th of May, for the Trial of the five Lords in the Tower, with reasons why they could not proceed to the Trial of those five Lords, before judgement given upon the E. of D's. plea of his Pardon, and the point of the Bishops not Voting in any proceed, upon impeachments for Capital offences were settled, and the methods of Proceed adjusted, and that a Committee should be appointed to draw up these reasons.  
A Petition being exhibited the same day to the Commons by Sir Thomas Hare, John Trinham Esq; and others on the behalf of themselves, and the major part of the Freeholders of the County of Norfolk. Complaining of several rude and illegal practices, in Electing and Returning Sir John Hobart to serve in that Parliament, as Knight of the Shire for the said County of Norfolk; and the Petitioners having in their Petition set forth, that by reason of Printing and Publishing of the Resolves and Orders of the House, the Freeholders' of the said County, were affrighted and terrified.  
And a Motion being made that the said Petition might be rejected, the same was upon the question rejected.  
Sir Francis Winnington reported from the Committee of Secrecy, several Informations of Moneys paid for Secret Service to the Members of the last Parliament.  
Whereupon they Ordered, that one Mr. Knight, and Sir Richard Wiseman, should be immediately sent for to attend the House. And that the Speaker should Issue out his Warrant, for the summoning of such Witnesses as should be Named to him, by any Member of their House, touching Moneys paid for Secret Service.  
And then Adjourned the Debate of that affair till Tuesday Morning following; when his Majesty put an end to this and all their other proceed.  
On Monday the 26th of May, the Commons drew up reasons why they could not proceed to the Trial of the five impeached Popish Lords, till they had their demands in relation to the E. of Danby, and the Bishops; which are too long to be here inserted, not without some seeming reflections upon the Proceed of the Honse of Peers.  
But I need not interpose betwixt them, the Lords are better able to Justify and Vindicate their Cause against the Commons than I am; and it is fit I should leave it to them.  
Yet I cannot but take notice, they never gave any reason for their Vote of the 9th of May; That no Commoner whatsoever should presume to maintain the Validity of the Pardon pleaded by the E. of D. without the leave of their House first had and obtained, and that the Persons so doing, should be accounted betrayers of the Liberties of England. By which Vote it became impossible for the Lords to do the E. Justice; for his Plea being matter of Law and not of Fact, by the Law of the Land, he ought to have Counsel assigned him by the Lords, without the Interposition of the Commons, the Lords being his Judges, and the Commons his Accusers, and by consequence his Enemies. And it seems contrary to the Rules of Natural and Eternal Equity, that a man should have no means to defend his life, but what his Accusers will allow him: and I believe they themselves would never have submitted to this. Now Counsel he could have none if they were not Commoners (as they that made that Vote will I suppose allow,) all the Peers being his Judges, and so foreclosed from being of Counsel for him. And without Counsel, the Lords neither could nor ought to proceed against him, therefore the Commons had made it legally impossible to try the E. till that Vote were recalled, and this I take to be the true reason why their Lordships Ordered the Trials of the five Lords before his, which they did after this Vote, for before that time they were willing to have tried him first, as appears by their Journal.  
2ly. The Commons give no reason why the Bishops should not be allowed to withdraw upon leave, as they anciently used to do; for they do not deny, that anciently they use to withdraw upon Leave, though the Lords urged that, nor produce one instance, where they were excluded, but upon Leave, and with protestations entered. And therefore there seemed to be much Reason why the Lords should stick to their own Vote, and refuse to gratify the Commons in this point, to the damage of the Bishops.  
3ly. The Commons proceeded a little mysteriously with the Lords, under a general term of the Lords in the Tower; including the E. of D. by that term, though his Case was vastly different, both in matter of Fact, and the manner of the Trial. For the Lords yielded at the first, that the Bishops ought to withdraw from the Trial of the five Popish Lords and therefore that point ought to have been no further insisted on; yet still the Commons urged that the Bishops ought not to be present at the Trial of the Lords in the Tower, including the E. of D. in those general Terms, as before; which seemed liker a dispute at the Bar, than a Treaty betwixt two Committees of the Houses for an Accommodation.  
Now that the E. of Danby's case was vastly different from that of the five Lords appears from hence. 1. There is nothing charged upon the E. that is treason within the Statute of the 25th of Ed. 3. c. 2. nor any other Statute that was ever alleged, and so it must have been debated upon the Trial whether the Crimes were Treason or no, supposing the matter of Fact had been proved or granted; and of this the Bishops are Judges, as well as the Temporal Lords, and have ever had their Vote in all those Statutes that have made or declared what was, and what was not Treason, and particularly in the Statute above cited, which is the great and standing rule, and so ought not to be excluded here, but in the case of the five Lords it was otherwise, for their Treasons were apparently within the said Statute, if proved true. 2ly, The Is. plea was a mere Law point, viz. whether the Pardon was Valid or not, and the Bishops are Judges with the Lords Temporal in all points of Law brought before that House. 3ly. Though the Commons insisted that the Event was the same as upon Guilty or not Guilty. Yet this may be questioned, for it seems just, that if the Pardon had been overruled, the E. should have still been in the same case, as if it had not been granted, and so have been tried again upon the impeachment, and then might have demurred to the point in Law, whether the Crimes charged were Treason or no, before he had been condemned, and in this point perhaps, the Bishops had been Judges; and when both these points had been heard and overruled, then that the matter of fact should have been tried upon the Plea of Guilty or not Guilty, and then the Bishops should have been absent. And perhaps the Commons will find that the Earls resolution of abiding by his pardon will amount to no more than this, when ever he be tried, at least it seems reasonable it should not. For there is no reason a man should be hanged, because the Attorney General mistook in drawing his Pardon, or he in the manner of suing it out, without a Trial. If it be said that Consensus tollit Errorem, I answer, No man can consent to his own destruction, so as to foreclose him of all lawful means of saving his Life. If it be objected that this is too tedious a way of proceeding, I answer in the words of the Heathen, de morte hominis nulla est cunctatio Longa; it being easy to cut off a man's Head, and impossible to restore him to life, good consideration ought to be taken before it be done.  
It may be some will be ready to say a Fool's bolt is soon shot, and though this is true, yet, I know no reason why I may not speak my judgement as well as others; and if I be adjudged an enemy of the Commons of England for my pains, I cannot help it, only I have not meddled with the Validity of the pardon in all this, nor I think never will, and so I have not offended against that Vote.  
The Conclusion I shall draw from hence is, that the Lords had reason to put the Trial of the five Popish Lords first, and that the Commons necessitated them so to do, by that Extraordinary Vote, by starting a new Controversy about the Jurisdiction of the Bishops in all Capital causes; and by refusing them liberty to do as they always had done before, that is to withdraw upon Leave, with the usual protestations entered; all which things were not presently to be given up, nor could suddenly be determined.  
The rest of that day was spent in two Conferences, the one concerning the Habeas Corpus Act, and the other about the Trials; in which the Long reasons I mentioned were delivered.   

On Tuesday the 27th of May, The Habeas Corpus Bill was agreed at a Conference betwixt the two Houses.  
Then a Message was sent by the Lords to the Commons to acquaint them that his Majesty was coming in his Robes, who accordingly sent for the Commons, and having passed,  
1. An Act for the reingrossing the Records of Fines, burnt or lost in the late Fire in the Temple:  
2. An Act for the better securing of the Liberty of the Subject, and for preventing imprisonment beyond Seas. Which is that I call the Habeas Corpus Act for shortness. Which were all that had been got ready for his Royal assent in this Session of Parliament:  
His Majesty made a short Speech to this effect.  
My Lords and Gentlemen;  
I Was in good hopes that this Session would have produced great good to the Kingdom, and that you would have gone on unanimously, for the good thereof; but to my great grief, I see that there are such differences between the two Houses, that I am afraid very ill effects will come of them. I know but one way of Remedy for the present, assuring you, that in the mean time I shall show my sincerity with the same Zeal I met you here; and therefore my Lord Chancellor I command you to do as I have Ordered you.  
Who immediately Prorogued both Houses to the 14th day of August following.  
The news of this Prorogation of the Parliament, was no sooner spread about the Nation, but the cry was taken up by the zealous Impostors, that it was done of purpose to hinder the Trial of the Popish Lords: for as for the E. of D. the People were generally unconcerned what came of him. And dreadful Stories were told in Coffeehouses, Alehouses, Taverns, and Meeting houses of the danger of Popery, and what great favourers they had at Court, not sparing his Majesty.  
But this was not all, the Act for Regulating Printing, expiring with this Session, of which no care was taken, notwithstanding his Majesty recommended it so seriously to the Parliament by the Lord Chancellor, at the opening of it. The Nation became presently so pestered with a swarm of Lying, Seditious treasonable and scandalous Pamphlets, Papers and Pictures; that a man would have thought Hell had been broken lose. His Majesty, the Church, the Government, were represented every day by them in the most odious manner that spite, falsehood, and malice could invent; to beget a disaffection in the people to the Government, and to involve us in another Rebellion. And if any man presumed to Defend them, he was presently a Papist in Masquerade, a Tory or Tantivy man; and very often threatened with the Parliament. All which was done without doubt out of as pure kindness to his Majesty, and to beget honour to the Government, and tended as apparently to the Interest and Safety of the Protestant Religion, as the Jews Cries of Crucify him, Crucify him, did to the delivery of our Saviour out of the hands of Pilate.  
There was an Accident that began in this Session of Parliament, and received its occasional being from some Distempered Spirits. In March 1679, there was a Speech said to be made in the House of Lords by a certain 
* This Speech is Printed in a Pamphlet called An impartial account of divers remarkable Proceed in the last Session of Parliament. London 1679. folio.  Earl, and by the Dissenters and Commonwealth Party spread about the three Kingdoms with a mighty Zeal, which in Scotland was followed with the usual effects of such like Speeches, and in regard that it may administer much consolation to that Party to read it over again that were so well pleased with it before, I will reprint it here word for word.  
My Lords,  
You are appointing of the State of England to be taken up in a Committee of the whole House, some day next week. I do not know how well what I have to say may be received, for I never study either to make my Court well or to be popular; I always speak what I am commanded by the Dictates of the Spirit within me.  
There are some Considerations that concern England so nearly that without them you will come far short of safety and quiet at home: We have a little Sister, and she hath no Breasts; what shall we do for our Sister in the day when she shall be spoken for? If she be a wall we will build on her a palace of silver, if she be a door, we will enclose her with boards of Cedar. We have several Little Sisters without Breasts, the French Protestant Churches, the two Kingdoms of Ireland and Scotland; the Foreign Protestants are a Wall, the only Wall and defence to England, upon it you may build Palaces of Silver, Glorious Palaces. The protection of the Protestants abroad, is the greatest power and security the Crown of England can attain to, and which can only help us to give check to the growing greatness of France. Scotland and Ireland, are two doors, either to let in good or mischief upon us; they are much weakened by the Artifice of our cunning Enemies, and we ought to Inclose them with Board's of Cedar.  
Popery and Slavery, like two Sisters, go hand in hand, sometimes one goes first, sometimes the other, in at doors, but the other is always following close at hand.  
In England Popery was to have brought in Slavery; in Scotland Slavery went before, and Popery was to follow.  
I do not think your Lordships or the Parliament have Jurisdiction there, it is an Ancient Kingdom; they have an Illustrious Nobility, a Gallant Gentry, a Learned Clergy, and an understanding worthy People: but yet we cannot think of England as we ought, without reflecting on the condition they are in. They are under the same Prince, and the influence of the same Favourites and Councils; when they are hardly dealt with, can we that are the Richer expect better usage? for 'tis certain, that in all Absolute Governments, the poorest Countries are always most favourably dealt with.  
When the Ancient Nobility and Gentry there, cannot enjoy their Royalties, their Shreivaldoms, and their Stewardaries, which they and their Ancestors have possessed for several Hundreds of years; but that now they are enjoined by the Lords of the Council, to make deputations of their Authorities, to such as are their known Enemies.  
Can we expect to enjoy our Magna Charta long, under the same Persons and Administration of affairs? If the Council Table there can imprison any Nobleman or Gentleman for several years, without bringing him to Trial, or giving the least reason for what they do; can we expect the same men will preserve the Liberty of the Subject here?  
I will acknowledge I am not well versed in the particular Laws of Scotland; but this I do know, that all the Northern countries' have by their Laws, an undoubted and inviolable Right to their Liberties and Properties; yet Scotland hath outdone all the Eastern and Southern Countries, in having their Lives, Liberties and Estates subjected to the Arbitrary will and pleasure of them that Govern. They have lately plundered and harassed the Richest and Wealthiest Countries of that Kingdom, and brought down the Barbarous Highlanders to devour them; and all this without a most colourable pretence to do it. Nor can there be found a reason of State for what they have done, but that those wicked Ministers designed to procure a Rebellion at any rate; which as they managed, was only prevented by the miraculous hand of God, or otherwise all the Papists in England would have been armed, and the fairest opportunity given in the just time for the execution of that wicked and bloody design the Papists had; and it is not possible for any man that duly considers it, to think other, but that those Ministers that acted that, were as guilty of the Plot, as any of the Lords that are in question for it.  
My Lords, I am forced to speak this the plainer, because till the pressure be fully and clearly taken off from Scotland, 'tis not possible for me or any thinking man to believe that good is meant us here.  
We must still be upon our guard, apprehending that the Principle is not changed at Court, and that these men that are still in place and Authority, have that influence upon the Mind of our excellent Prince. that he is not, nor cannot be that to us, that his own Nature and Goodness would incline him to.  
I know your Lordships can order nothing in this, but there are those that hear me, can put a perfect cure to it; until that be done, the Scotch Weed is like Death in the Pot. Mers in Olla. But there is something too, now I consider, that most immediately concerns us; their Act of Twenty two Thousand men to be ready to invade us upon all occasions. This I hear, that the Lords of the Council there, have treated as they do all other Laws, and expounded it into a Standing Army of six thousand men. I am sure we have reason and right to beseech the King that that Act may be better considered in the next Parliament there. I shall say no more for Scotland at this time, I am afraid your Lordships will think I have said too much, having no concern there. But if a French Nobleman, should come to dwell in my House and Family, I should think it concerned me to ask what he did in France, for if he were there a Felon, a Rogue, a Plunderer, I should desire him to live elsewhere; and I hope your Lordships will do the same thing for the Nation, if you find the same cause.  
My Lords give me leave to speak two or three words concerning our other Sister Ireland; thither I hear is sent Douglas' Regiment, to secure us against the French. Besides I am credibly informed, that the Papists have their Arms restored, and the Protestants are not many of them yet recovered from being the suspected Party; the Sea-Towns as well as the Inland, are full of Papists: that Kingdom cannot long continue in the English hands, if some better care be not taken of it. This is in your power, and there is nothing there, but is under your Laws, therefore I beg that this Kingdom at least may be taken in consideration, together with the State of England: for I am sure there can be no safety here, if these doors be not shut up and made sure.  
Whether any such Harangue was made in that August assembly or not, I cannot say; but I am sure that all the Seditious and Treasonable Pamphlets that have been since Printed, are but flourishes upon this Text, and an extract of those that went before them, the very model of the last Rebellion, and probably the design of an other. But England and Ireland are not as yet ripe for so generous an undertaking. But to show you how matters passed in Scotland, I will Transcribe the very words of my Author, and leave the credit of them with him.  
By the very next post after this Speech was said to have been spoken, 
The Spirit of Popery, speaking in the Fanatical Protestants. pag. 73. London. 1680. fol.  Forty written Copies of it were sent from London to Edenbrough; and the fanatics grew so insolent and so daring upon it, that several Loyal Gentlemen, wrote up accounts, to what height of Insolences this Speech had blown up the Enemies of the Church and the Monarchy; and that they had just reasons to fear that very dangerous attempts, if not a downright Rebellion would speedily ensue thereupon: but those reports found not too much credit at London; where the world was made to believe by men (whose interest it was that they should not be credited) that they were but the inventions of the Duke of Lauderdale, for whose advantage in that conjucture, it was that they should be believed.  
My Author goes on that he is confident (such is his charity) he that made it, 
The Effects.  would not have done so, had he known the true State of Scotland, which few English men do, or foreseen the evil effects, which it immediately had, in encouraging the Covenanteers to Assassinate, Massacre and Rebel. For now they begin to look and speak big in Edenbrough; and many of them were heard and seen upon the Crown of the Causeway, who had sneeked about in darkness before. And as for the disaffected parts of the Country, they now displayed the Banners of Jesus Christ, (as they Blasphemously called their colours) at their Conventicles every where, and their Preachers now told them, that the time of their deliverance, and of Gods taking Vengeance upon his Enemies, was now at hand; only they must repent, and be strong, and of a great courage, and fight the Battles of the Lord. They also threatened in all places, such as they thought were seriously active against them, talking of great Changes and Revolutions in England, and in Public Places, dropped Lists of the Names of those men, whom they had a mind should fall by Heroical Hands. And in the first place naming Dr. Sharp the Archbishop of St. Andrews and Primate of Scotland, whom they meekly styled, That perjured Apostate Prelate Sharp. Threatening to handle him and the rest severely.  
Having spent a few Weeks in these godly Exhortations, animating each other to this good work, and being thereunto further encouraged by the Brethren in London, the third of May following, they began the work with the murder of the said Archbishop; and I will inform you of the manner of that Butchery in the words of the same Author.  
The Archbishop had been attending his Majesty's Service in the Privy Council at Edenbrough, from thence he went over into Fife, in the afternoon, on the Second of May 1679. That night he lodged at Captain Seaton's House, in a Village called Kennoway, which is in the Midway betwixt Bruntisland and St. Andrews. About Midnight as the People of the Town report, two men well mounted and armed, came thither to inquire if the Archbishop of St. Andrews was Lodged at Captain Seaton's; and as soon as they were informed that he was, they presently road out of the Town again.  
The next morning being the Third of May, several Parties of Horsemen were seen to traverse the Road betwixt Kennoway and St. Andrews, who doubtless were the Assassins', who watched for an opportunity to effect the Murder which they had long designed. But the Lord Primate who was a man of great Natural courage, and whom so many deliverances for almost Twenty years, from the hands of those bloody Zealots, had now brought to an entire confidence in God's Protection, took Coach about Nine of the Clock, without any presage or apprehension of danger.  
He had none but his Eldest Daughter to ride with him in the Coach, and only three Servants on Horseback to attend him; one of whom he had sent before he was assaulted, to pay his respects to a Person of Honour, by whose house he passed on his Road. He advanced on his journey in great security till he came to a little Country Village called Magus, two miles distant from St. Andrews betwixt Eleven and Twelve a Clock in the Forenoon.  
There he first perceived himself to be pursued by Eleven or Twelve men barefaced, well mounted, with Pistols cocked in their hands, and drawn Swords hanging in Strings from their Arms; as soon as he spied them, he bid his Coachman drive as fast as his Horses could gallop, but alas too late, for the Assassin furiously pursued him, and in their pursuit, shot at him several times in his Coach, running as fast as six good Horses could draw it. The Coachman (who discovered the Villains before his Lord, and had thereupon begged leave of him, but was not permitted to gallop away) had certainly outdriven them, if one Balfour of Kinlock, mounted on a very fleet bay horse, had not overtaken them; who not daring to attack the Coachman, because his Whip did fright his Sprightly horse, therefore rod up to the Postilion, whom he wounded with his Sword in the face, shot one of the foremost Horses, and hamstringed the other, and so stopped the Coach.  
By that time this was done, the rest of the Murderers came up, and one of them fired a Pistol or Blunderbuss so near his Breast, that his Daughter rubbed off the burning which stuck to his Gown. Then they called him by the Name of Dog, Villain, Apostate, Persecuter of the Godly, Betrayer of Jesus Christ and his Church, and bid him come out of his Coach, to receive what he deserved for his wickedness against the Kirk of Scotland.  
Upon this his Daughter got out of the Coach, and fell on her knees, begging her Father's Life; but they regarded neither her Prayers nor Tears, but threw her down several times upon the ground, trampled upon her and wounded her: which her tender hearted Father seeing, after much reproachful Language, and many Threaten, came meekly out of the Coach, and with calmness said unto them, gentlemans, I know not that I have ever injured any of you, or if I did I am ready to make you reparation; and therefore I beseech you to spare my life, and I promise I will never pursue you for this violence, and I pray you consider, before you bring the guilt of Innocent blood upon yourselves.  
The reverence of his Presence, and his undaunted Courage in addressing himself so resolutely and gravely unto them, surprised them, and made them stand a little while, as it were unresolved what to do; and one of them relenting, Cried to the rest, Spare these Grey Hairs: but their cruel Zeal overcoming their Natural Pity and Justice, paused not long before they replied, He must die, He must die. And then again calling him Traitorous Villain, Judas, betrayer of the Interest of Christ, Enemy to God and his People, said unto him, Thou shalt now receive the reward of thy Apostasy, and enmity to the People of God.  
Then seeing them determined to take away his Life, he begged a little while to pray, telling them, he would pray for them; but they scornfully told him, That they cared not for his Prayers, being sure that God would not hear so base a Dog as he was. Then looking steadfastly upon one of the Assassins', whom he seemed to know, he kneeled down before him, and said unto him, Sir you are a Gentleman, and I must beg my last favour from you, that since you are resolved that I must die, you would have pity upon my poor child here, and spare her life, and for this, Sir give me your hand: and thereupon stretching his hand towards the cruel man, he had for a return, a very great blow with a Shable, which almost quite cut off his Hand, and the Villain redoubling his Stroke, gave him another violent Wound upon the left Eye, which cut him two Inches above it, and one below; this Stroke knocked him down, but getting up upon his Knees again, he said, Gentlemen, it is now enough, you have done your work; and holding up his Hands (as well as he could) to Heaven, he fervently cried out, Lord Jesus, have mercy on my Soul, and receive my Spirit. While he was in this Posture of Devotion, they wounded him in his Hands which he held up to Heaven, and in other parts of his Body, till in a kind of composure he laid down his Head upon his Arm, saying God forgive you, and I forgive you all.  
These were the last words which he uttered, like an excellent Christian; after which they gave him no less than sixteen Wounds on his Head; some of them as they were going away, thought they heard him groan, which made them go back, and to make sure work, stir about his Brains in the Scull with the points of their Swords. His Head seemed to be all one Wound; and pieces of his shattered Scull, and Brains were some days after found on the Ground that Unhallowed Golgotha where he was slain.  
Having finished their long desired Murder, they made his Servants Solemnly swear not to discover them, and then bade them in derision take up their Priest, and having said so, road back to Magus, where they first assaulted the Coach; and one of them, by Name John Balfour of Kinlock, as he passed by that Town, was heard to say very audibly and distinctly, That now Judas was killed.  
A Proclamation being published in his Majesty's Name for the discovery of these abominable execrable Murderers, and search made among the Tenants and Heritors of the Shire of Fife, and the Inhabitants of Magus being examined upon oath; it was made apparent, that the bloody Assassins', and many others, who were strongly presumed to have been Abetters, and Contrivers of the Murder, were notorious fanatics, Frequenters of Field-Conventicles, and Followers of Mr. Welsh, and other Traitorous intercommuned and Rebellious Preachers; Nine of the Actors in this Tragedy were discovered by their Names and Surnames, which are as followeth.  
John Balfour of Kinlock, David Hackston of Rathilettet, George Balfour in Gilston, James Russel in Kings-Kettle, Robert Dingwall a Farmer's Son in Caddam, Andrew Guillan Weaver in Balmerinoch, Alexander Hinderson and Andrew Hinderson, Sons to John Hinderson in Killbrachmont, George Fleming, Son to George Fleming in Balbuthy.  
The rebellion interrupting the course of Justice against these miscreants for some time, the 20th day of September 1679, there was another Proclamation published for the apprehending those Nine, and all others that were in the Rebellion, and were Heritors or Ministers.  
But by this time the Murderers and Rebels, had fled the Kingdom, notwithstanding all imaginable care and diligence to prevent their escape; and whilst the Covenanting Army lay at Glascow, one of the Balfours, as a very credible Gentleman, who was then the Town, told me (saith my Author) openly boasted of the Murder as a glorious fact; and said holding up his Arm, This hand helped to kill the Fox. And five of the Accomplices, Complotters and Abetters of the Murder, chose to die, and be hung up in Chains upon the place, rather than confess the sinfulness of the action, by acknowledging it was a Murder or a Sin.  
The Fanatical Party, foretold it in several places, and the Morning before it was committed, one of the Assassins' like a Jesuit Consecrated to an Heroical Act, after a solemn Sacrilegious form, held up his hand, and swore, that That hand should kill the Arch-Prelate; upon which the Holy Sister his Hostess, kissed him. And it is notoriously known in Scotland, that he, who commanded the foot for Mr. Welsh upon Reupar Law (that famous Field Conventicle) owned that their Friends thanked God for the Archbishop's death, which neither they nor their abetters in either Kingdom will call Murder, when they have occasion to Speak thereof.  
My Author goes further, and shows how the Predecessors of these Godly Cutthroats Norman Lesly, John Lesley, Peter Carmichael and James Meluil Assassinated Cardinal Beton Archbishop of St. Andrews in his Castle there in cold blood, gravely, and with the preface of an harangue; which Knox commends, calling the Principal Murderer, a Meek man of God: an odd kind of Presbyterian meekness which our Saviour doth not commend.  
From thence he descends, and show their Principles both Anicent and Modern, upon which they build these bloody practices. He tells as Goodman Knox's Companion in his Discourse of Tyranny and Popery, pag. 30. hath these words, All men are bound to see the Laws of God kept, and to suppress and resist Idolatry by force. Nor is it sufficient for Subjects not to obey the wicked Commands of Princes; but they must resist them, and deliver the Children of God out of the hands of their Enemies, as we would deliver a Sheep that is endanger to be devoured by a Wolf. And if the Magistrates refuse to put Mass-mongers and False Preachers (now all Bishops and Church-ministers in their esteem are such) to death, the people in seeing it performed, show that zeal of God which was commended in Phineas.  
Hence all Kirk Writers since his Majesty's Return, such as Napthali, Jus populi, The Apologetical Narration, The Poor man's Cup, The History of the Indulgence (as he tells us) call the Bishop's Apostates, Perjured Prelates, a perjured Fraternity; Traitors to Christ, Enemies to his people, Idolaters, Backsliders. All which is meant of forsaking the Covenant, and Presbyterian Government, and is the very Language they murdered the Archbishop with; which shows they were not Jesuits but arrant Presbyterians that did the Wicked fact; and my said Author quotes this Passage from Jus Populi, pag. 415. The fact of Phineas was a Laudable Act of justice, and a precedent for Judges and Magistrates in all times coming, and that by his Example any Member of the Council (for Phineas risen from among the Congregation) might lawfully rise up and execute judgement on this wicked Wretch (the Archbishop) and his cursed Fraternity, who have brought by their Apostasy and defection from the Covenant, and cause of God, the wrath of God upon the Land.  
For the rest, I shall refer my Reader to that ingenious Author, from whom I had not Transcribed all this, but to prompt others to read him, and to Supply that Defect to them who cannot get that Book.  
The news of this Execrable and Barbarous Murder, was soon diffused all over England, and it may be all the rest of Christendom, and entertained by all People who were not poisoned with this Presbyterian Leven, with horror and deterstation. The rest began to qualify and allay it, with ill Characters of the poor man; or to divert it from the right Agents, by laying it one while upon the Jesuits, and another while upon the Tenants of the Archbishop.  
But they foresaw these things would not do their business, and therefore their friends in London did what they could to instigate an Address against the Duke of Lauderdale, which was the man they most hated and feared of all the world, and who if he were not removed would certainly prosecute and revenge this Murder; now so it fell out, that though not upon their solicitation, there was an Address Voted the 6th of May, which passed the Eighth.  
The Address which I think fit to be inserted here was as followeth.  
We your Majesty's most Loyal and Dutiful Subjects, the Commons in this present Parliament assembled, finding your Majesty's Kingdoms involved in eminent Dangers, and great difficulties, by the evil designs, and pernicious Counsels of some, who have been, and are in high places of trust and Authority about your Royal Person: who contrary to the duty of their places by their Arbitrary and Destructive Counsels, tending to the subversions of the Rights, Liberties, and Properties of your Subjects, and the alteration of the Protestant Religion established, have endeavoured to alienate the Hearts of your Loyal Subjects from your Majesty, and your Government. Amongst whom, we have just reason to accuse John Duke of Lauderdale, for a chief Promoter of such Counsels, and more particularly for contriving and endeavouring to raise jealousies and misunderstandings between your Majesty's Kingdoms of England and Scotland, whereby Hostilities might have ensued, and may arise between both Nations if not prevented.  
Wherefore we your Majesty's Loyal Subjects could not but be sensibly affected with trouble to find such a Person (notwithstanding the repeated Addresses of the last Parliament) continued in your Counsels at this time, when the affairs of your Kingdom require none to be put into such employments, but such as are men of known abilities, Interest and esteem in the Nation, without all suspicion of either mistaking, or betraying the true interest of the Kingdom, and consequently of advising your Majesty ill. We do therefore most humbly beseech your most sacred Majesty for the taking away the great Jealousies, Dissatisfactions, and Fears amongst your good Subjects, that your Majesty will graciously be pleased to remove the Duke of Lauderdale from your Majesty's Counsels in your Majesty's Kingdoms of England and Scotland, and from all offices, employments and places of trust, and from your Majesty's Presence for ever.  
This Address they presented to his Majesty the day following, to which his Majesty replied he would consider of it, and return an Answer.  
But in the mean time, it was doubtless sent after the Speech into Scotland, where it found all things rather necessitated to a Rebellion than disposed, the Murder of so illustrious a Person as the Primate of that Kingdom, and one of his Majesty's Privy Counsel there, was a Villainy not to be smothered. And the Proclamation published the day after the fact, for the discovery and apprehending of the Assassins, representing the Act (as it deserved with great detestation) had further alarmed the whole Party; who had as they thought, no other way to escape the deserved revenge, but by justifying the Murder with a Rebellion. And finding by this Address, that the House of Commons in England were in this critical moment, pressing upon their dreadful Enemy the Duke of Lauderdale, they took it for granted, God had espoused their cause; and if they could make a head in Scotland, they should be seconded out of England, hoping perhaps to be as well rewarded for this, as they were for beginning the former Rebellion, and so being pushed forward by their destiny and desperation on they went.  
On Tuesday, the 27th of May 1679, The Parliament was prorogued; and the Thursday following, which was the 29th of the same month, the Scotch Covenanters who knew nothing of it, began their Rebellion at Ragland in Scotland, to which place about fourscore men well mounted and armed, came and proclaimed the Covenant, and burned several Acts of Parliament, and affixed this following Declaration on the Market Cross.  
As the Lord had been pleased still to keep and preserve his Interest in the Land, by the Testimony of some faithful Witnesses from the beginning, so in our days some have not been wanting, who through the greatest of Hazards, had added their Testimonies to these who have gone before them, by suffering death, Banishment, Torturing, Fining, Forfeitures, imprisonments, etc. Flowing from cruel and perfidious Adversaries to the Church and Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ in the Land. Therefore we owning the Interest of Christ according to the word of the Lord, and the National and Solemn League and Covenant, desire to add our Testamony to the Testimonies of the Worthies that has gone before (though unworthy, yet hoping as true Members of the Church of Christ in Scotland) and that against all things that has been done prejudicial to his interest, from the beginning of the work of Reformation in Scotland; especially from the year 1648, to the year 1660, against these following Acts.  
1. The Act of Supremacy.  
2. The Declaration whereby the Covenants are condemned.  
3. The Act for Eversion of the established Government of the Church, and for establishing Prelacy, and for the Outing of Christ's Ministers, who could not conform thereto, by an Act Rescissory of all Acts of Parliament and Assemblies for the Establishment of the Covernment of the Church of Scotland, according to the Word.  
4. As likewise the Act of Council at Glasgow, putting that Act recissory in execution, where at one time, were violently cast out above three hundred Ministers, without any Legal procedures.  
5. As likewise the Act, appointing a Holy Anniversary Day to be kept, upon the 29th of May, for giving thanks for the upsetting of an usurping Power, destroying the Interest of the Church in the Land, which is to set up the Creature to be worshipped in the room of our Great Redeemer, and to consent to the assuming of the power that is proper to the Lord alone, for the appointing Ordinances in his Church, as particularly the Government thereof, and the keeping of holidays, and all other sinful and unlawful Acts Emitted and Executed by them.  
And for Confirmation of this our Testimony, we do hereby this day, being the 29th day of May, 1679, Publicly burn them at the Cross of Ragland most Justly; as they perfidiously and Blasphemously had burnt our Holy Covenants, through several Cities of the Covenanted Kingdoms. We judge none will take exception at our not subscribing this our Testimony, being so solemnly gone about; for we are ready always to do it, if judged necessary, with all the faithful suffering Brethren in the Land.  
They intended to have affixed this Declaration at Glasgow too, but were prevented by the King's Forces there.  
On the Sunday following, they Rendevoused upon London Hill being then. 14, or 1500 men, well armed and in good order, the foot commanded by one Weir, and the Horse by Robert Hamilton, one Patron, Balfour and Hackston; (these two last being of the number of them that murdered the Archbishop, and consequently most concerned to carry the Rebellion as far as they could;) being thus disposed and Ordered, one Captain Graham of Claver House, marched against them with a troop of Horse, and a Company of Dragoons, upon whose approach, the Rebels sent out two Parties to Skirmish with him, which he beat into their main body; and then they advanced with their whole force upon him: So that after a considerable slaughter of them, and the loss of his Cornet, two Brigadiers, and about eight Horse, and twenty Dragoons (his own horse being killed under him, and he mounting another) being so much overpowered in number, he made his retreat towards Glasgow, being in his way forced to fight his way through the Townsmen of Strevin, who were got together to oppose it, leaving ten, or twelve of them dead upon the place.  
On Monday the Second day of June, the Rebels in the morning attacked the City of Glasgow, at two several times, but all the Streets were so well Barricadoed by the Lord Ross, and the Soldiers there put into so good a posture, that they were beat off with considerable loss, besides many Prisoners that were taken, and thereupon the Horse and Dragoons in the Town sallied out, and pursued them upon their drawing off.  
In the Interim, the Council of Scotland, having first given an account of this Rebellion to his Majesty, published a Proclamation for the suppression of it; and that failing, Levied what forces they could to oppose them, by which means they were kept together, not daring to part to plunder; and their Number was also kept from increasing as otherwise it might have done. But yet the Council knowing the Rebels could not continue long together, would not fight them till his Majesty should send them orders so to do, and a general.  
His Majesty and the Council here resolved to send down his Grace the Duke of Monmouth, who had given good proof of his Courage in Flanders, and elsewhere; who undertaking the enterprise against the Rebels, went post into Scotland for that purpose.  
The Rebels in the interim having possessed themselves of Glasgow, grew insolent at first, and published a Proclamation in these terms.  
WE the Officers of the Covenanted Army, do require and command you the Inhabitants of the Burgh of Glasgow, to furnish us with Twenty four Carts, and sixty Baggage Horses, for removing our Provision from this Place to our Camp, wherever we shall set down the same, and to abide with us for that end, during our pleasure, under the pain of being reputed our Enemies, and proceeded against accordingly.  
And another thus.  
WE the Officers of the Covenanted Army, do require and command the Magistrates of Glasgow, to Extend and Banish forth thereof, all Archbishops, Bishops and Curates, their Wives, Bairns and Servants, and all other families and persons concerned in the King's Army, within eight and forty hours, after the Publishing hereof, under the Highest pains.  
You have seen before what bad Subjects they were, and these two will show what insolent Masters they proved, but their Dominion was not long.  
That which first amated them, was the news of the Prorogation of the Parliament in England, upon which they chief depended, and in all probability had never risen, but that they were forced into a belief, that they were sure on that side: not that I think the Parliament would have been any way serviceable to them, but they were made to believe so in Scotland, where any thing that looked that way, was magnified above its real bigness. But that being gone, and the rest of Scotland continuing quiet, or Arming against them, and their friends in Edinburgh, being kept from joining with them; they began to suspect the worst, and so fell a little from their first fury, and published this second Declaration for their Vindication.  
AS it is not unknown to a great part of the World, how happy the Church of Scotland was, whilst they enjoyed the Ordinances of Jesus Christ in purity and power; of which we have been deplorably deprived by the establishment of Prelalacy: So it is Evident not only to impartial persons, but to professed Enemies, with what unparallelled patience and constancy the People of God have endured all the Cruelty, Injustice and Oppression that the Will and Malice of Prelates and Malignants could invent and exercise. And being most unwilling to Act any thing which might import opposition to Lawful Authority, or engage the Kingdom in a War, although we have all along been groaning under the overturning the work of Reformation, Corruptions of Doctrine, Slighting of Worship, Despising of Ordinances, the changing the Ancient Church Discipline and Government, Thrusting out so many of our faithful Ministers from their Charges, Confining, straight Imprisoning, exiling yea and putting to death many of them, and intruding upon their Flocks, a company of insufficient and scandalous persons, and Fining, Confining, Imprisoning, Torturing, Tormenting, Scourging and Stigmatising poor people, Plundering their Goods, Quartering upon them rude Soldiers, Selling their persons to foreign Plantations, 
* 
Horning is Out Lawing. There is nothing like intercommuning with us; for if any man hold any correspondency with the offender, he is to be adjudged a Rebel of the same guiltiness; all which severities they themselves first set up and practised against others.  
The Burden of Issachar. Printed 1646. pag. 41, 42.   Horning and Intercommuning many of both, whereby great Numbers in every Corner of the Land, were forced to leave their Dwellings, Wives, Children, and Relations, and made to wander as Pilgrims still in hazard of their Lives; none daring to reset, harbour or supply (though starving) or so much as to speak to them, even upon death bed, without making themselves obnoxious to the same punishments, and these things Acted under colour of Law, in effect tending to banish not only all sense of Religion, but also to extinguish Natural affection, even amongst persons of the nearest Relations, and likewise groaning under the intolerable Yoke of Oppression in our Civil Interests, our Bodies, Liberties and Estates. So that all manner of outrages have been most arbitrarily exercised upon us through a tract of several years past; particularly in the year 1678, by sending among us an Armed Host of Barbarous Savages, contrary to all Laws and Humanity; and by laying on us several Impositions and Taxes, as formerly. So of late by a meeting of Prelimited and overawed Members in the Convention of Estates in July 1678, for keeping up of an Armed Force entrusted (as to a great part of it) into the hands of avowed Papists, or favourers of them; by whom sundry Invasions have been made upon us, and most exorbitant abuses, and incredible Insolences committed against us, and we being continually sought after, while meeting in Houses for divine Worship, Ministers and People frequently apprehended, and most rigorously used; and so being necessitated to attend the Lords Ordinances in Fields, in the most desert places; and there also often hunted out, and assaulted, to the effusion of our blood, and killing of some, whereby we were inevitably constrained either to defend ourselves by Arms at these meetings, or to be altogether deprived of the Gospel preached by faithful Ministers, and made absolute Slaves. At one of which Meetings, upon the first of June instant, Captain Graham of Claver House, being Warranted by a late Proclamation, to kill whomever he found in Arms, at Field Conventicles, making resistance, did furiously assault the people assembled; and further to provoke, did cruelly bind like Beasts, a Minister, with some others, whom he had that very same Morning found in Houses: and several being killed on both sides; they knowing certainly, that by Law they behoved (if apprehended) to die; they did stand to their own defence, and continue together; and there after many of our Friends and Countrymen being under the same oppression, expecting the same measure, did freely offer their assistance. We therefore thus inevitably, and of absolute Necessity forced to take this last Remedy; (the Magistrates having shut the Door by a Law against application, that what ever our Grievances be, either in things Civil or Sacred, we have not the Privilege of a Supplicant) do judge ourselves bound to declare, That these with many other Horrid Grievances in Church and State (which we purpose to Manifest hereafter) are the true Causes of this our lawful and innocent self-defence. And we do most solemnly in the presence of Almighty God the Searcher of all hearts, declare, That the true reasons of our continuing in Arms, candidly and sincerely are these.  
1. The defending and securing of the true Protestant Religion, and Presbyterian Government; founded upon the word of God, and summarily comprehended in our Confessions of faith, and Catechisms, and Established by the Laws of this Land. To which Kings, Nobles, and People, are solemnly sworn and engaged in our National and Solemn League and Covenant; and more particularly, the defending and maintaining the Kingly Authority of our Lord Jesus Christ over his Church, against all sinful Supremacy derogatory thereto, and encroaching thereupon.  
2. The preserving and defending the King's Majesty, his Person and Authority, in preservation and defence of that true Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdom, that the World may bear Witness with our Consciences, of our Loyalty; and that we have no thoughts or intention to diminish his just Power and Greatness.  
3. The Obtaining of a free and Unlimited Parliament, and a free General Assembly, in Order to the Redressing or foresaid Grievauces for preventing the eminent danger of Popery, and Extirpating of Prelacy from amongst us.  
This therefore being the cause we appear for, and resolve in Gods great Name to own, 
They are much more honest and ingenuous than our Dissenters, for that they speak frankly and freely what they mean to do; which the other deny in words, and prosecute in deeds as much as the Scots, as far as they durst.  thereby Homologating all the Testimonies of faithful Sufferers for the truth in Scotland these eighteen years by gone. We humbly request the King's Majesty would restore all things as he found them, when God brought him home to his Crown and Kingdoms; and if that cannot be obtained, than we hearty and humbly invite, entreat, beseech and obtest in the Bowels of Jesus Christ, all who are under the same 
* That is the Obligation of the Covenant.  Bonds with us, to occur in the Defence of this Country, Cause and Interest. And that they will not stand still and see not only us oppressed, but this foresaid cause ruined; Adversaries highly and proudly insult against God, and all good Friends of the truth discouraged. Yea, the Protestant Cause in Britain and Ireland, and even yourselves within a little time made a Prey of, or else forced when we are Broken (which the good Lord prevent) dreadfully to wrong your Consciences. Finally, because we desire no man's hurt or blood, We request our Country men, now the standing Forces of this Kingdom, some of them being our Friends and Kinsmen, not to fight against us; lest in so doing, they be found fight against the Lord; whose cause and quarrel we are sure he will own and signally countenance, seeing we fight under his Banner, who is the Lord of Hosts.  
I have taken the pains to transcribe this Long Declaration, not for any delight I take in it, but because it is an undeniable instance and demonstration, that the Kirk-men in Scotland did then intent to have renewed that War again that formerly brought this Nation to the very brink of Ruin, and was the means of the Barbarous Murder of his Majesty's Father, of the Banishment of our King and his Brothers and Sisters for twelve years; of the expense of 48 Millions of Money and Plate, and of the loss of one hundred thousand Lives by Fire, Sword and Famine: All which calamities were begun and carried on by these very men first in Scotland, by the encouragement of some factious men of our own Nation, and afterwards here in England, upon the same pretences. As any man may remember that is but fifty years old, and the rest may see by comparing this Declaration with those that were made then; and therefore I cannot but admire the Providence of God in preventing this Presbyterian Plot, by a Prorogation in the very nick of time, without which this Rebellion would in all likelihood have had much countenance from some in England, who encouraged it Underhand, upon pretences of Countenance from above, how groundless soever; nor had it ended as it did, and where it did, if they had got the first battle, or but been able to have kept the Field.  
But for the benefit of my Country Reader, who is not acquainted with the affairs of Scotland, let me observe two or three things for the better understanding of this Grand Cheat, and without which this doleful Story may leave great impressions of pity upon the mind of an Englishman, which these bloody Rebels of all the world do not deserve.  
The Reader than shall be pleased to understand, that besides this Rebellion; there was a former one at Pentland Hills, where these Covenanteers fought the King's Forces in ranged Battle in 1666, and in many of their Field Conventicles, there was weekly Meetings of Hundreds and Thousands of Armed men form into Troops and Companies, ready upon all occasions of probable capacity to fight against the King, for the King in Zion. And in 1676, they appeared so numerous, that the Privy Council of Scotland advised his Majesty to send English Forces to lie in readiness upon the Borders, and to order Viscount Granard to lie with an Army on the Irish Coasts, ready to be transported upon occasion; and likewise upon the Motion of the Marquis of Athol, to procure the Lords of the Highlands a Commission to march with their Vassals under the Command of his Majesty's Major General into the West, which descent of the Highlanders is mentioned in the Declaration, and Aggravated beyond truth or reason, by stilling them Barbarians; which those that knew these men aver they were not, (but behaved themselves very civilly) to prevent the Field Conventicles from running together into a general Rebellion; as they did this May. But to come to particulars, they had a Field fast near jedburgh in Tiveotdale toward the latter end of March 1678, where there were present 7 Preachers and 5000 people (the men being armed) to seek God for three things. 1. That he would be pleased to put an end to the persecution of his people in that Kingdom. 2ly, That he would have mercy on all those that took the wicked Bond, (that was not to suffer any Conventicles on their Lands) and give them grace to repent. 3ly, That he would bless with success those Noble Lords that were gone to London (to complain of the Duke of Lauderdale, and who procured the first Address against him, though to no purpose.) There was another in the March, the May following, where were assembled eight or 9000 People to receive the Sacrament, and renew the solemn League and Covenant, of which the Privy Council gave his Majesty an account. And another near Dumbar shortly after, where they fell upon the King's forces of the Basse, that went out to dismiss them; and killed one of the Soldiers, and wounded more. Finally, my Author who is a learned Gentleman, saith, if he should go on to enumerate all the Field Meetings, till that great one, which began the Rebellion this May, he might write a History. [The Spirit of Popery, speaking out of the Mouths of Fanatical Protestants; or the last Speeches of John Kid and John King, etc. pag. 11.  
The matter of fact being thus stated, the Reader need not wonder they were severely treated, when they suffered the pains of Treason and Rebellion; but besides those, they had committed a vast number of Massacres and Assassinations before they murdered the Primate, and this aggravated their sufferings. Now all the cunning of this Declaration lies in this, that they tell us what they suffered; and perhaps truly, but not a tittle of the case. Which is just as if all the Rogues in the Nation, should join and pen a complaint, ennumerating how many of them, since his Majesty's Return, have been Hanged, Quartered, Whipped, Branded, Transported, Pillored, Imprisoned, which never meant any hurt to his Majesty or the Government, but only to get a Living the best and easiest way they could. Now to one that is as little versed in our ways of Punishment as we are in the Scotch, it would seem a rueful Story; whilst an English man would smile, as knowing why they suffered all these hardships. I need not apply it, but shall add this, they have deserved ten times more than they have felt, as being the bloodiest Cutthroats in the world. So that in Scotland no man dare to offend them openly for fear of assassination, but such as either must by the necessity of their places, or else have good means of defending their Lives against them.  
Next I observe this Declaration is nothing but a large flourish upon the Speech, and drawn just at that lose general rate which that is, calling those Taxes and Punishments Arbitrary, which they acknowledge were according to several Acts of Parliament; and then pretending the persons that do constitute their Parliaments or States, are overawed. But then I must commend their ingenuity in this, that they do not (with the Commons of England) lay the blame of all this upon the Duke of Lauderdale, or their Ministers, but upon the total change of their Government and State both Sacred and Civil, and upon the Parliament of Scotland and the King; whom they supplicate with menaces to restore him into the same State he found them in; without which they were sensible, the removing of the Duke of Lauderdale, or any other of the great Ministers of State would signify nothing as to their Designs: which was as they plainly tell us, to set up the Presbyterian Doctrine and Church Government, to serve the King in nothing else, any further than he would serve them in that. And lastly to obtain a free and unlimited Parliament and Assembly, that is such as it might not be in his Majesty's power to dissolve or frustrate by prorogation; till they had extirpated Popery and Prelacy both together, which was freely and roundly to tell us what they would have, without canting and amusing us with general terms and hints, but then I must not deny they had swords by their sides to justify these demands, which our Gentlemen want, and I wish ever may do; but yet the Reader may observe that Speech that was so hugged in England, and the Scotch Declaration meant the same thing, though in different terms.  
Observe also, that they call the Presbyterian Doctrine and Government, the Religion established; though they own it to be taken away by a rescissory Act of Parliament; for they believe all those Acts that have or shall be made against it, are Null and Void, and the former Acts are still in force though repealed: which is an odd sort of Establishment, consisting in the fancy of the people that own it, and not in Law or Nature.  
They lay the stress of their Justification upon necessity, and yet own the greatest part of it to arise from hence; that they must be deprived of the Gospel preached by the faithful Ministers, and be made Slaves, if they did not rebel. Now as to their civil interest, they would be in the same State with their Country men, who are so far from rebelling, that they have several times chastised them for it, with a very little assistance from England. And as to their Preachments, I wonder in what part of the Gospel they learned to defend Christ's Religion by rebellion; but we must know this is pure Scotch, Calvinistical, Jesuitical Doctrine, begun by the Devil and his Vicar the Pope, not many hundred years ago: and for which Bellarmine acknowledges, there is neither Precept nor Example in the Bible, nor in all Church History till near a thousand years after our Saviour's time; and he gives this reason why the Gospel taught patience and submission, because the contrary would have ruined Christianity then, when but a few professed it, but tells us St. Paul would have taught otherwise if he had lived in our days. I shall not dispute how the Cardinal or the Scotch Gentlemen (who talk at the same rate) came to know this, but I say, it is equally destructive of any other Doctrine a man hath no mind to practise; as of this of submission to Princes, and suffering patiently for the truth without resistance. As suppose I have a mind to revenge, and they tell me of the Doctrine of meekness, and forgiving injuries and Enemies; if I reply, this Doctrine was adopted to the Infant state of Christianity, when Professors were few, and exposed to persecution, and could have got nothing by revenging their quarrels but ruin; but the state of things is otherwise now, and I may revenge myself with security both as to myself, and as to my Religion; and from thence infer that that Doctrine is ceased, and I am at liberty to do in that particular as I see cause; and that St. Paul would have taught so if he had lived in these times, I say if I should argue thus upon their principles, it could never be answered; and a man might say as much for any other Gospel precept, he had no mind to obey.  
But to return. The Covenanters in their first Declaration, date the rise of all their troubles from the year 1648, and that is true and worth a Note. You must know Charles the first had given them by the pacification all that they asked, and the long Rebel Parliament had sent them home loaden with thanks, Money and the spoils of England before our wars began 
* A View of the late Troubles. cap. 18. , but things going ill on the Parliament side, after the King had routed Waller in the West, and almost totally subdued the North by the valour of the E. of Newcastle; the Parliament having no other way to turn them, were forced to call in the Scots once more with Money and Promises, yea and Oaths too, to settle the Presbyterian Church Government here in England. These two things prevailing upon them, in they came, and that ruined the King and his Party, who at last surrendering himself to the Scots, they dutifully sold him to the Parliament for 300000 lb. as all the World knows; but the Chapmen fell out, and Independency prevailing at the same time in England, on it went with the same force, and ruined the poor Kirk of Scotland, and made this Covenanting Nation, the veriest Slaves in the world; and ever since, Presbytery there as well as in England have been in a feeble state: and they were oppressed in their civil Interests, Liberties and Freedoms, and made such Slaves by a standing Army of English, and two Forts which his Majesty hath since demolished, that a Scot in those days durst not have walked (as I have been told) with a Cudgel in his hand, and Parliament, general Assembly, or any other Convention, they were never to have more, nor any other Address but what they got by most humble Supplication, only they had no Bishops, so that if his Majesty should restore all things as he found them, when God brought him home to his Crown and Kingdoms, the Scots would have no reason to thank him for the favour.  
But in the interim, I wonder they can reflect thus upon the time, when their calamities began, which was the very year they sold his Majesty's Father into the hands of his Enemies, who basely murdered him; and not be confounded with horror and shame at the Villainy they then did; nor yet reflect upon the Justice of God which hath pursued them ever since through all the changes that have happened, and having first made their dear Covenanting Brethren of England to begin the Chastisement of them, hath gone on from time to time, to baffle all their attempts to recover their Lost Estate; and they have reason to believe he will do so, till the opinions and persons of that schismatical Confederacy be rooted out of the World.  
And here let our English Dissenters too be pleased to remember, they have done worse than the Scots; for they murdered that Prince which the Scots only sold, and by how much they have smarted less than the Scots, so much the more is behind, and the Justice of God will not be restrained by the Act of Indemnity, but he will certainly recompense them according to their deserts, with so much the greater severity, because they have abused the Lenity of his Anointed and his longsufferance.  
I shall add but one word more, and then see the Catastrophe of these Rebels; and that is an humble Request to the Loyal Scots, that they would not take this amiss, for I hearty applaud their fidelity to his Majesty, and acknowledge they deserve to partake of his Royal bounty and Princely favour equally with the English; and I wish them all that prosperity and happiness they can desire: for they are no otherwise concerned in the Covenanters, than the Church of England men are in the evil Actions of the English Dissenters.  
The 20th of June, the Duke of Monmouth who went Post into Scotland for that Service, went to the Army which the Council of Scotland had prepared for him, which lay then at a place called Blackburn, where he viewed and mustered all the Forces, and put all things in a readiness to encamp, the next day he marched with his Army to Moorhead, and the day following to Bothwell bridge. Where the Enemy lay about eight Miles distant from his second Camp.  
The place where they than were, was called Hamilton Park, and was well chosen, if it had or could have been well defended; for there was no passage to it but over Bothwell bridge, which they had well lined with Musqueteers, and Barricadoed with Stones, Cart Wheels, and the like.  
The Duke's Army marched in great silence and Order, and had been upon the Rebels before they had taken the Alarm; but that their foremost Guards discovered them by the light of their Matches. And so they put themselves into a posture of Defence.  
The Duke found the Rebels in two Bodies, half a Mile one from the other; the foremost Party which was the weakest in Number, lay near the Bridge, the other near their Camp, as high as the liitle Park; where they stood in their Orders and Ranks.  
Major Oglethorp, posted himself upon the first approach near the Bridge, with the Dragoons, and the rest of the Duke's Army drew up, upon a Hill fronting Hamilton Park, about a mile from the Bridge; the River being between the two Armies.  
As soon as the Duke came to Major Oglethrop's Post, there came out to him from the Rebels, one David Haine, and another of their Preachers, who presented to his Grace, the Declaration I have recited, Printed, and a Petition signed by Robert Hamilton their General, in the name of the Covenanted Army then in Arms; in which they prayed that the Terms of their Declaration might be made good, and that a safe Conduct might be granted to some of their Number, to address themselves to his Grace in this Matter.  
To which the Duke replied, that he would not treat with them upon their Declaration, the terms of which were contrary to the Fundamental Laws of the Land, and such as he would not, nor could grant; as indeed they were too high to have been offered after a Victory; much more in the first approaches of a General, with a better though smaller Army than theirs. But then he told them, that if they would lay down their Arms, he would receive them into the King's mercy. And with this Answer the two Preachers went back, desiring some time to consider; which the Duke granted them.  
About half an hour after, the Rebels sent a Paper by a Drummer, representing that they were informed that his Grace came from England, with terms to be offered to them, and they desired to know what he had to propose, that they might advise whether the Terms were such as they could accept of.  
Whether this were so or no, it was very imprudent in them, to send this Message before they had excused themselves in relation his first demands; and besides, this was a mighty slight to the General to demand an account of his private Instructions by a Drummer with a Paper; when as it had been fit to have sent two or three of the best Gentlemen in their Army to have asked this favour, with all the Courtship imaginable; though their Forces had been much stronger than they were. For this indeed was it that made them thus insolent, their Preachers had doubtless informed them, that the Duke's Army was less than theirs; as it is said it was. And hence they concluded very ignorantly, they might ask what they pleased, and have it.  
The Duke was not idle all this while, but had ordered his Cannon to be brought down from the Body of the Army, and Planted near the Bridge, and with them he had Drawn down some part of his Horse and Foot, whilst they were treating, and took no notice of what he did, or at least did not oppose it, so they were every moment in a worse condition and he was in a worse condition, and he in a better.  
So that being nettled with this contempt of theirs, he sent away their Drummer with this answer, that since they had not satisfied him, but rather trifled, he would receive no more messages from them. And to show them he was in Earnest, whatever they were, commanded his Cannon to fire; which it no sooner did, but the Rebels who were drawn up on the other side upon a rising ground near the Bridge, threw themselves upon the ground to avoid the shot. But those that were placed upon the Bridge, fired at first pretty briskly, but after five or six Cannon shot they ran away, those on the rising ground beginning first; as they were a sort of tumultuous people fit to begin then carry on a War.  
The Duke's men immediately seized the Bridge, and threw into the River their Barracadoes; where they took the only piece of Cannon they had, of which they had made no use; and then followed them up the Hill: but their Number being very small, the Rebels rallied, and faced them, but had not the courage to come down upon them. So the Duke's Party returned back again to the Bridge, and one shot of Cannon more, made the Rebels fly to their main Body, where they stood again. By which, one may see here was neither courage nor conduct in these men or their Commanders.  
In the mean time, the General passed the Army over the Bridge, and drew it up upon the rising ground which took some time, and at last a little before they were quite in Order, the Rebels advanced upon the Army in very good order; but espying the Cannon in the head of the Duke's Army, they immediately shifted their Order and opened in the middle, thinking it seems they were obliged to shoot straight forward, but the Cannon being turned upon them as they then stood, and discharged three or four times, they began to run again; their Commander Robert Hamilton being one of the first; and the Duke's Dragoons and the Highlanders Advancing upon them in this Confusion, it was a perfect Rout, and they fled all ways; the Duke's men pursuing them. In this Skirmish there were killed 7, or 800, and Eleven or 1200 taken Prisoners. The Horse were wholly broken, and those of the Foot that escaped, fled immediately to the Wood in Hamilton Park; where the only care was to secure them from flying. To which purpose his Grace drew up his Forces, and surrounded the Park, and sent Colonel Douglas with a detacht Party to ferret them out of the Wood Of the Duke's Party few men were lost.  
The next day, the Duke sent out several Parties to pursue those that were fled; marching himself with the Army to a Village within two miles of Strevine; and the twenty fourth of June, sent all the prisoners which were said to be 11, or 1200, upder the Guard of two Militia-Regiments, and Captain Strathan's Troop of Dragoons to Edinburgh; the Magistrates of which place, undertook to secure them with the Town Guards; and accordingly put them into an enclosure with high Walls round it, at the Back of the Grey Friar's Church.  
The next day, the Duke returned to Edinburgh, to consult with the Lords of the Council how to dispose of the Heretors and Militia-Regiments that had served his Majesty on that occasion against the Rebels, as also of those that were then on their march from the several Shires; seeing there was then no need of their further Service. Which affair being ordered, together with such other as he thought most necessary, he took Post-Horses, and returned to London.  
Thus ended the Scotch Rebellion, with the Common fate of such ill grounded enterprises; it made them weaker and more hated, and strengthened and confirmed the lawful Authority of his Majesty; it being the nature of the Vulgar to loath and despise the Innocent when unfortunate; much more Rebels and Traitors.  
But then these Zealots like their Predecessors who ruined the Jews, and Josephus informs us, by their cruelty and furious bloody devotion, had bespoke the detestation of all sober men; not only by their barbarous assassination of the Primate, which was the occasion of this Rebellion, but also by their insolence and unaccountable rage and madness during the short time it lasted. Of which I will give a few instances.  
They Barbarously treated the dead Body of one Graham an Officer, 
The Spirit of Popery. pag. 47.  whom they killed at that Conventicle which began the Rebellion upon the account of his Name only. They committed insufferable Insolences in the Houses of the Regular Ministers and Loyal Gentlemen as they marched along the Country to Glasgow, Stabbing, Cutting, and Gashing his Majesty's Picture wheresoever they found it; particularly in the House of the Laird of Hags, executing that Treason they had entertained in their hearts upon his Effigies, because his Royal Person was out of their reach; foolishly at once betraying and disappointing their disloyal designs. They behaved themselves barbarously in the house of the Archbishop of Glasgow, where they burned his Books, cut in pieces his best Hang and Furniture, and almost killed a Gentlewoman with blows, who was left to keep the House, only for saying these words; Gentlemen, I hope you'll remember that you are in the Archbishop's House. They sacrilegiously entered the Cathedral of Glasgow, and finding a Tombstone over the Two Children of the Bishop of Arguile with an Inscription of a Modern date. They digged up their Bodies, run them through with their Swords, and left them lying above the ground.  
And even after they were beaten, 
An Account of the Vidory; Printed at London.  one of the King's Soldiers, going into a Country house belonging to one of these Covenanters for a little Meal, as he stooped down to take it out of a Chest, was by the Master of the House stabbed through the Back, for which unmanly Murder, he was immediately apprehended, and shot to death. Which (as the Author saith) shows the cruel and merciless disposition of that sort of people.  
To which if you add the two insolent Proclamations I have mentioned already; it will be no wonder the City of Edinburgh received the news of their defeat with the greatest joy imaginable; there being nothing to be heard there, but joyful acclamations, Ringing of Bells, and Roaring of Cannons from the Castle, and good store of Bonfires besides, all men dreading to fall into the hands of such Godly Villains, and therefore rejoicing at their Ruin.   

The Conclusion.  
And now my dear Country men, if you will but be pleased to reflect seriously and impartially upon what I have written with great pains for your information; I doubt not but you will conclude with me; that as never any Prince treated a People with more Candour and Lenity than his Majesty did upon this juncture, so there were some that made very unsuitable returns to his goodness; and plainly discovered that the peace of the Kingdom, was not so truly aimed at by some of them, as it was intended by him. Notwithstanding their loud pretences of preserving and settling the Protestant Religion, which is inseparably annexed to, and bound up in the other.  
How far they employed their time in the great concerns of the Nation, how far their Proceed were calm and peaceable, and how far they tended to the curbing of the motions of those unruly Spirits which did endeavour to disturb them, I shall leave also to your and their serious thoughts.  
I have all along followed the Printed Journal of this Session of Parliament, transcribing for the most part the very words; except they were too long, and then abbreviating them with all the fidelity imaginable: but when all is done, I advise you to read the Original too.  
If I seem too sharp in any of my reflections, I desire you would consider that it is impossible for flesh and blood to be unconcerned, when a man's Prince, his Religion, his Liberty, Estate, and life is at the Stake; and all in danger to be ruined by the knavery of some, and the folly of others.  
I have not catched at all opportunities to make them neither; but have left scope enough to my Reader to add his own, where I have spared mine, which he may do with more safety than I can.  
And lastly being sensible of the infirmities of mortality in general, and of my own in particular; I submit myself entirely to wiser men, having had no other design in this, then to preserve the Protestant Religion by Law established, and the Civil Government, as much as in me lieth, by showing how they have been endangered by others besides the Papists, which will appear more fully also, if any occasion shall present itself, of speaking further upon this Subject hereafter.   
FINIS.   

The THIRD and LAST Part OF THE ADDRESS TO THE FREEMEN AND FREEHOLDERS' OF THE NATION.  
By the same Author.  
LONDON, Printed for George Wells, at the Sun in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1683.   

To all the Loyal Persons in the Nation, who Addressed to His MAJESTY to Thank Him for His late Gracious DECLARATION.  

GENTLEMEN,  
THis and the two former Parts of this Work were all written at once, though they have happened since to be published at several times, and were occasioned by those many Generous and most Loyal Demonstrations you every day than gave of your Attachment to His Majesty's Interest, and the Established Government both in Church and State; for the truth is, till I saw you rise up so generally, and declare so hearty what your intentions were, I durst not think of opposing that Torrent, that then seemed to bear down all that stood before it, and threatened the rooting up of the Monarchy.  
But when you came forth, and with a Loyalty and Courage becoming English-Men, tell your Sovereign however you have of late been represented to him and the World, you were resolved to maintain His Royal Authority, the Church and the Government, and the Lawful Succession too, in the State they were now Legally settled, against all opposition whatsoever, and to that purpose freely and sincerely offer him your Lives and Fortunes to Command when necessity should require; I than saw there were more Thousands then I thought of that were resolved never to bow the Knee to the schismatical Calves either at Dan or Bethel; or submit to another Hogan Mogan Commonwealth; and then I perceived that my former fears, how just soever they might seem before, were yet too great, for there were (or at least might be) more for us then against us.  
But then when I considered your quality, and the places you enjoyed in the Government, I raised my hopes yet higher, and I concluded a people who had such Loyal, such Religious, such Free and Generous Persons entrusted with the Government of them, could hardly miscarry in the end, though for a time popular Storms might toss them.  
I thought also that God himself had again respected his beloved Daughter the Church of England; for which I was before more concerned then for myself: and that he had declared himself the second time for the Family of his Servant the Illustrious Royal Martyr; For I could not ascribe so universal and unusual Concurrence of Men of different Humours, Educations, and degrees to any other cause then the Divine Providence inspiring them with a Spirit of Unity, Loyalty, and Resolution.  
Yet observing that there was a considerable number of Freemen and Freeholders in the Nation to whom Heaven had not yet vouchsafed that favour, who went wrong out of Ignorance and incogitancy rather than Faction or Disloyalty, and being an idle person, I thought I could not possibly better employ a part of my time, then in Addressing to them, to reduce and inform them, and as much as in me lay to render them like you; and also to confirm such as might possibly yet stagger if another Temptation should befall them.  
So that Gentlemen, is was from your example, I took Courage to Write, and for your sakes Chief have I since ventured to publish what I have written, that I may in some sort justify your Numerous Addresses, and therefore I humbly beg your leave to Dedicate the whole Work to you who indeed first gave it life.  
It may possibly seem strange to some of you to find an Epistle Dedicatory in the end, 
Eusebius puts the Dedication of his Ecclesiastical History in the beginning of the tenth and last Book of it.  as it were of a Work; but the thing hath been done before, and the truth is, I would not venture at a Dedication till I did see whether it would be received in the World, and now it is, I am sorry I have nothing better to present you with whose Names deserve to be Registered to all succeeding Ages, and your Encomium written by the most Elegant Pen the Christian World affords.  
But Gentlemen, it is not my design to Create a high opinion of you, in yourselves, but to excite you to go on and perfect the good Work you have begun, for that is the thing the Factious please themselves in, viz. That however you seem now, when time shall be, you will unsay all again, and join with them as hearty as any other against the Church and State, and this they have published in print; and that I may not seem to slander them, I will Transcribe the very words of one of them.  
No applications of this Nature to the regnant person are to be esteemed of any great Weight or Significancy; 
An Impartial Account of the Nature and Tendency of the late Addresses, Sect. 2.  if you do but consider the result of the many Addresses Three and Twenty years ago to Richard Cromwell, and how they only served to render him secure till he was undermined and supplanted, for all the Sixteen Hundred Thousand that vowed to live and die by him, not so much as one man drew a Sword for him when he came to be laid aside. I acknowledge that there is great difference betwixt an Usurper and a lawful Prince, (he might have added also, and betwixt a parcel of men that had sworn and forsworn themselves as often as occasion required, and betrayed thereby all parties one after another, and such Addressors as these who applied themselves to their lawful and rightful Sovereign to whom they were true when his 1600000 Rebelled, first against their Natural Prince, and when they had prevailed against him by Perjury and Violence, they made use of them one against another, till at length they ruined themselves too) Yet that (as he goes on) detracts very little in the present Case from the Importance of the Consideration which I have suggested, seeing the least that we are to gather from it is this, that no Addresses contrary to the Interest and general Humour of the Nation (which he supposeth these were) are to be accounted of any value for a Prince to sustain himself upon. And if there be nothing else to secure our late Addressors to his Majesty (which he grants there is, they being his Natural Subjects, and ever Loyal to him) but their promises and protestations in these papers, he may be as much disappointed, should he trust to them, as the former Gentleman after the like Security. Thus far my Author, but he ought to have considered, Richard was turned out by the Army against whom these Addressors could not have protected him if they would, which added to the former of the temper of the different Addressors to the several Parties, and their very distant or rather opposite positions, which he takes notice of, the one being an Usurper, and the other a lawful Prince, will make the two cases so totally unlike; that no consequence can be drawn from the one to the other, much less that bold one, that because Richard was laid aside without any resistance made by the Addressers, therefore none is to be expected from these.  
But the truth is, though you be never so sincere, yet you may be overpowred by force, and then all your protestations in these Papers will have no other effect then to betray you to ruin when ever these Godly Richardians can get the mastery over you; to prevent which it is absolutely necessary to back your said Loyal Declarations with effectual supplies when necessity requires, and in the Interim to take all the care imaginable to win off as many as you can of the Freemen and Freeholders of the Nation from siding with such men as my Author, in the next Election of Parliament-Men: and because I could do little more, I writ these three small discourses for that end, and how meanly soever I have performed my part in it, I beg your acceptance of my good intentions, and that you would in your several Stations promote this Work which is so absolutely necessary, by more effectual means.  
Amongst which I am persuaded none would succeed better than an Universal Execution of the Laws against the Dissenters, Especially those against Conventicles, for these are the Seed-places where factions are nursed up till they may be strong enough to grapple with and overturn the Government of Church and State, and to this end the Oxford Act would be more subservient in Corporations, then that of the 22d of his now Majesty's Reign. For if the Teachers were once removed out of these places, though but to a distance of Five Miles, they would not so easily poison the small Freemen with Rebellious principles; and those that they have already seduced would in time become more tractable.  
One other means I would recommend to you, is the Communicating the Loyal discourses that are every day printed to your Neighbours, which is done much more usually by the Dissenters by the other sort, so that you shall sometimes find a Seditious Libel to have passed through so many hands, that it is at last scarce Legible for dirt and sweat; whilst the Loyal answer stands in a Gentleman's Study as clean and as neat as it came from the Press. But if the meaner sort of men might but hear both the Parties, the Advantage the Government gives to the Loyal side, added to the strength of their Reasons, would certainly in time turn the Scale that way; and then they would be zealous too for the Government, when their Reasons and Consciences were once convinced that their Interest and Duty lay there.  
And another is, the keeping (as much as is possible) of Factious men out of all places of Trust, Power, or Profit; which when they have once gained, they constantly employ these private advantages to the public damage. Had this been duly Attended upon his Majesty's Return, and practised ever since, we had not been in the danger we now are of being ruined the second time by them: but alas, they had plundered the Nation for 20 years together, and the Act of Indemnity made all this Illgotten wealth their own, and with it they purchased the far greatest part of the places of profit, whilst the poor Caviliers were excluded because they had nothing to give; and the rich because it was a shame to take any thing of them. And thus the Factious with the spoils of the Royal Party put themselves once more into a Capacity to ruin the Government, and having thus got much more wealth than they had before, they procured a great part of the places of Trust and Authority to be put into their hands too, and many Loyal persons turned Whigs in revenge and out of discontent.  
But that which of all other things would the most speedily and effectually secure the Nation from a relapse into misery and confusion, is a surrender of the Charters of the Corporations into his Majesty's hands, and the taking out of new ones with such restrictions as he and his Council thinks fit. Nor can I imagine why this should be scrupled, it being the only way that can secure them long in that Vast and disproportionable Privilege they now have of sending up Burgesses to the Parliament, which as they had it at first from the Crown, so it was in danger to have been lost when the Government fell into O. C's. Hands; and will go near to be lost in the Next Rebellion, and therefore it befits them, of all men, to Secure the King's Authority, which is the foundation of theirs.   

Gentlemen,  
You may perhaps not thank me for thus offering my Advice before it was asked; 
The impartial account of the Nature and Tendancy of the Addresses.  but if you please to reflect Seriously upon what I have said, and also upon the Indignities the Author of the Pamphlet I mentioned have Cast upon you, it will soon appear reasonable to do all that is in your power to preserve yourselves out of the hands of such insolent men. And this is not to be done by Addressing to the King only, (though that was well done too) but by addressing yourselves to root out Faction by all the Lawful Means God in his Providence shall afford you: and if you be once resolved on this, no man's Counsel will be refused in a business of that Consequence, that it Needs the United Hands and Heads of the whole Nation to effect it.  
But that I may obtain your belief the better in relation to what concerns the Author I just now mentioned, I will transcribe some Passages out of him, Section the 7th, he tells us, The Number of the Subscribers (to the Addresses) is not to so Considerable as to bear any proportion to those who are against them; for tho' a few busy people have made a great noise and buzz in several places of the Kingdom, yet all of them put together, make not so great a Number as we have seen not long since to one Petition for a Parliament. Now doubtless this his Neglect and Scorn of your Paucity and Fewness, (as he words it) as it proceeds from hence, that you were for the most part the Governors, or at least the Freemen or Freeholders that Addressed, when the Rabble and their Children Petitioned, so it is intended to provoke his Myrmidons to fall upon you, and teach you more respect to his Leviathan The Multitude.  
This he prosecutes further, Section the 8th, where he tells us, Tho' the Clergy and many of the present Commissioners both Civil and Military, and the Magistrates of several of the Corporations had not only Interested themselves in Countenancing the Addresses, but been Sticklers for them as for the Great Charter or the Petition of Right, and some of them had been Knighted merely for that Service, (as he Contemptuously calls it) yet could not all this prevail with or bring over any great or valuable Number to join in them. The truth is, it was early days then, but I believe the Gentleman had enough at last, and it is no wonder that men of the quality he reckons up, should not be Numerous.  
Yet Section 9th, he tells us, Your quality was as Inconsiderable as your Number, being such as for want of Years (their Party are always of Age if they can but tell their Names) or Poverty were never Capable of Giving a Vote in Election of Members to Sat in Parliament, and (a few excepted) the rest made up of the Scum and Refuse of the Places where they live. Were all his Petitioners Worshipful Gentlemen, Learned Statesmen and Lawyers, or Sound Divines, etc. though the Order was, Care should be taken the Subscribers should be numerous, though they were neither Gentlemen, nor so much as Freemen? But he goes on, Norwich, whence we have been alaramed with the greatest Noise, yields but a small Number of persons either of Estate or Usefulness, whose hands were Annexed to the Paper which was sent up. Yet this small number of Poor, Useless? people, were the Governors and Common Council of one of the Richest as well as Loyallest Cities of the Nation.  
Section the 10th he saith, That your Moral Conditions were agreeable to your Civil, men Popishly inclined. Abhorrers of Petitions, or guilty of one or other offence which the late Parliaments were about calling them to an Account for: the rest were little Bankrupt Tradesmen, Scandalous and disgraced Attorneys: men whose folly made them pragmatical and impertinent, or whose prodigality and ambition forced them to look for preferment above their merit. So that did but his Majesty know, (and Value the Judgement of the Petitioners) he would esteem it a reflection upon his Honour, and an Aspersion upon the Wisdom and the Equity of his Proceed, to be either Approached or Thanked by them. Yet this is a little more modest, than for a parcel of such men to come forth and tell him against his Declared 
* By Two Proclamations, one of the 11th day of Decemb. 1679. for Proroguing the Parliament till the 11th of Novemb. following. And the other Published the 12th day of Decemb. 1679. against These Tumultuous Petitions, as contrary to the Common and Known Laws of the Land: and tending to promote Discontents amongst the People, and to raise Sedition and Rebellion, etc.  Resolution, That it was necessary to suffer the Parliament to Sat presently: for this was to Teach him. And you may from this Character perceive what Treatment you must Expect from these Gentlemen if ever they get an Advantage against you.  
Section the 11th he tells us, Your Politics were equal with your Morals; for can any man believe (saith he) that the Mayors, Headboroughs, Aldermen, Bailiffs, Burgesses and Freemen of Ripon, Wigan, Windsor, Chatham, Hazelmeere, New-Sarum, etc. are Competent Judges what the late House of Commons did legally or illegally? etc. Yet this is not altogether so difficult, as 'tis to tell when it is fit a Parliament should Sat, and when it is not fit, because this depends on certain known and fixed Rules, which the other doth not, but is to be judged by the present state of Foreign and Domestic Affairs; things that are known to few men. Then he goes on and tells us, The Learned Gentlemen of the Gown were at least as well qualified to give their sense and opinion about these matters, as Country Mercers, Innkeepers, Tailors and Thatchers (You must know, the London Tradesmen are next Neighbours to his Learned Gownsmen, and so are Excepted by the Addition of the word Country.) And yet he tells us, Those refused to meddle with Addresses, etc. But, Sir, did any of them Sign your Petitions, I pray! if they did not, to use your own words a little varied, 20000 hands, to your Petitions, will not make that impression on the Minds of Modest thinking men, as their being Cast out too by the Benchers and Barristers of the Inns of Court will.  
He Concludes, Sect. 22. with this Threat, That as you must Expect that the judgement which you have passed upon persons and things, will at one time or another come under a review; So matters which have either been misrepresented by you, or in reference to which Parliaments (you know which he means) have been Arraigned, may before then, come to be so well understood by his Majesty, and all things so well Adjusted between Him and his People, that you (the Addressers) may neither find yourselves able to decline, nor be in a condition to Control the Jurisdiction of the next Parliament, to which, he saith, he shall at present leave you. And you may be sure he expects it will be such an One as the Last were, and then he thinks he shall not need to wish you a worse punishment.  
At this Insolent rate you have been treated in Print, and what can follow but the Utmost Revenge this worst sort of Men can inflict upon you, if ever they get you again under their power. I have read, That in the end of the last War there was a Motion made at a Council of War, for a general Massacre of all the principal Malignants, as they then styled the King's Party, and that it was Carried in the Negative by a few Votes; and Considering the Rage, Malice and Dispair of these men to accomplish their Traitorous Designs of Subverting the Government any other way, now the Kingdom hath taken the Alarm, and not only Addressed, but Abhorred their Association too, it is but reasonable to Expect it will not be again overruled if Ever they be in a Capacity to put it to the Vote the Second time: which God prevent.  
My Intentions were to have ended this Epistle here, it being but too long already; but there is one Passage in this Pamphlet I judge absolutely necessary to be Considered, the words are These; 
Sect. 2.  Tho men are to be esteemed capable of knowing their own Wants, Fears and Dangers, and aught to be justified in begging those means of Relief and Redress which the Law hath provided for them; yet every one is not to be accounted Sufficiently qualified to Determine concerning the Reasonableness and Legality of Parliamentary Proceed and Resolves; nor is any Number of Men whatsoever Empowered to Umpire differences between his Majesty and his Great Council. This is the pretence that justified the last War, and as long as it stands for a Maxim at this lose rate it is here penned, will justify Ten thousand one after another; and therefore it cannot but be worth a small parcel of your time to Inquire and Consider how much truth or falsehood there is in it.  
And in the first place it cannot be denied, but that every man ought to have the Liberty to propose his own personal Wants, Fears and Dangers to his Superiors, and to be allowed thereupon to beg such Redress as the Law hath provided: but then to infer from hence, that he hath an Equal right or ability to Consider of the Public and National Wants, Fears and Dangers, and to beg the Enacting of New Laws, or the Repeal of Old Laws, for the removing of them: or, which is all one, the Calling, or Sitting, the Continuance, or Changing, of Parliaments to that purpose, is so gross a delusion, so full of Danger, and doth so immediately tend to Sedition and Rebellion, Especially if Multitudes of Factious men may be allowed to pretend what Fears, Wants and Dangers, they please, and then in a Tumultuary way to beg what Redress they think fit, by Petitions signed by 40, 50, or 60 thousand men at a time, that it was prohibited by an Act of Parliament upon Experience of the Mischief it hath done, 
13 Car. 2. cap. 5.  and the foresight of what it will do as often as it is used, it being destructive to any Government whatsoever.  
As to the Second Proposition, It is to be acknowledged, That every one is not to be accounted Sufficiently qualified to Determine concerning the Reasonableness and Legality of Parliamentary Proceed and Resolves; But then 'tis not fit to infer from thence, First, That no man is so qualified; nor Secondly, That it is impossible but that all their Proceed should be Legal and Reasonable. Nor Thirdly, That any man ought to approve of, and submit to them, whether they be so or no. For though it is most certain, there are but few men are so qualified; yet it is as Certain, that some men even amongst the Addressers were, if many Years Sitting in Parliament will qualify a person of great abilities for it: And it is no less certain, 
That of 1640, 1649, 1653, 1656. in none of which, Except the first, was there any Royal Writ at all. Lord Chancel. Speech, May the 8th, 1661.  That the Proceed of Two or Three Parliaments within the Memory of Man, have been not only Unreasonable and Illegal, but Traitorous and Rebellious; and we are not sure but that we may have more such, if God be not the Mercifuller to us: and if any such should happen to be, and we should join with them, though but out of a Modest Opinion that we are not sufficiently qualified to Determine concerning the Legality and Reasonableness of Parliamentary Proceed and Resolves; yet it would neither Excuse the Gild, nor prevent the Punishment that is due by Law to them who shall Rebel against the King, though in Obedience to a Parliament.  
To the Third, That no Number of Men whatsoever is Empowered to Umpire betwixt his Majesty and his Great Council; may be answered, That there is an ambiguity in the word Umpire, and it may be taken not only different, but contrary ways, and therefore it ought not to have been used in this place.  
And Secondly, That if any difference should happen to arise betwixt him and them, we ought not to resist the King, nor to assist his Great Council against him with Force and Arms, though the King should be in the Wrong, and they in the Right; for that is Determined in Parliament already. 
13 Car. 2. cap. 6.   
Thirdly, It is true, That no Number of men whatsoever have any authority to hear and determine their Differences in a Judicial way, so as to compel them to submit to their judgement; for then that Number of men should be Superior both to King and Barliament; but all this notwithstanding seeing the House of Commons Appealed to the People by Printing their Votes, etc. and the King by publishing his Gracious Declaration, why might not the Addressers, so far approve of His Majesty's Proceed, as to Thank Him for the Satisfaction he had given them, and to promise him to stand by him with their Lives and Fortunes, which they were bound to do however.  
Fourthly, It may be answered, That besides the Differences betwixt the King and the Commons, and the Lords and Commons, there were some Differences betwixt the Commons and some of them that Addressed afterwards; they had Imprisoned several Gentlemen and other Subjects which they conceived then (as perhaps they do still) were Illegal and unreasonable Proceed, and they were as capable of Knowing their want of Protection, and as sensible of the Dangers, and Fears of further Oppression as other men, and therefore they ought to have been Justified if they had begged those means of Relief and Redress which the Law had provided for them; but yet they Patiently and Silently Expected the Issue till GOD put it into His Mejesties' Royal Breast (in whose hands are the Hearts of Kings) to declare these their Proceed ARBITRARY; and might they not then rise up and Thank their Sovereign for the Favour he had shown them? It is hard to conceive upon this Man's principles they might not have Petitioned His Majesty for Relief and Redress before this time, but yet no man did it.  
And in Relation to the Differences betwixt His Majesty and the Commons, and the Upper and the Lower House, what necessity is there that the Addressers should approve of them; for though the Commons were their Representatives and trusties, the King is their Sovereign, and the Lords are not Aliens and Foreigners, but the Two highest States of this our Native Country: and although the Addressers pretend no Authority over that Supreme Court of Jurisdiction, yet what reason is there why they may not approve of what the Lords have done well, though the Commons will not?  
Upon the whole therefore I crave Leave to Conclude, That the Addressors in General have done nothing but what may be fairly Justified, and was necessary to Satisfy his Majesty and the World, that there was a Considerable Part of the Nation did not approve of what was done in the Names of the whole by the Commons in Parliament: and if it be the Duty of every English man to fight for his King, if occasion require, against any Party that ever shall hereafter pretend to have the Authority of both or either of the Houses to back them, 
13 Car. 2. cap. 6.  as I humbly conceive is most plain, then why may not they right his Majesty with their Pens, who must do it with their Swords; why may they not Approve his Cause as well as Defend it?  
And if this be not allowed, Any King of England may be Deposed and Murdered as the late King was; for if there be a Blind Obedience due to all the Votes of Parliament, 
13 Car. 2. cap. 1. §. 2.  and no man may in any Case judge them Illegal and Unreasonable; then must all men absolutely Submit to them, and obey them; and the Consequence is, if any future Parliament shall Vote any future King, or or Monarchy itself a Grievance to the Nation, and those that stand by them Enemies to the Kingdom, if no man may Contradict such a Vote, nor any Number of Men how great soever Umpire betwixt the King and his Great Council; that is, Defend him against his Parliament, the effect will Certainly follow; and as this is the natural Tendance of these Principles as we saw in the Late Troubles, so I can conceive no other cause why they should be now again insinuated into the Heads of the Rabble.  
For these Men who pretend to reverence the Three Last Parliaments at such a Prodigious rate, 
The late Long Parliament though filled with Danby his Pensioners, The Modest Vindication of the Two last Parliaments, p. 11.  do traduce that which went immediately before most abominably; and those who are so tender of the Votes of these, care as little for the Established Laws of the former, as I do for the Decrees of the Council of Trent, or of the Synod of Dort: So that it is plain, it is not respect to Parliaments as Parliaments, that makes them thus obsequious; but as made up of such a Sort of men, and Driving on such Designs and Interests.  
To return then, gentlemans, from this long Digression, which I have inserted only to Justify You, I will Conclude, That as you have begun bravely, so you must go thro' with the business, or Expect a Revenge from the Opposite Party equal to their Rage; and though I Know you do not fear them, yet I would Advise you not to be too Secure of them, but let your Vigilance, Industry, and Application to all Sorts of Men, be equal to theirs at least; and than it is Ten thousand to one, you shall never try either theirs or your own Valour, and as your Case is better, so let it inspire you with more Resolution to Stand and Fall with it; and his Most hearty Prayers for a good Success upon all your Loyal Undertake and Designs, shall never be wanting, who is   
Your most Devoted Servant.   

THE Third Part OF THE ADDRESS TO THE FREEMEN and FREEHOLDERS' OF THE NATION.  

HIS Majesty by the Blessing of GOD having Suppressed the short Scotch Rebellion, which in great part miscarried by the timeing of it, though no human foresight on their part could have prevented that, His Majesty first Proroguing and then Dissolving that Parliament which seemed to be the occasion of it, with such Secrecy and Quickness, that their Friends at London could give them no previous Notice of his Intentions so to do: So that besides the total disappointing them of all that Countenance, Aid and Assistance they promised themselves from England, many of their Friends at home, whose Crimes being less, had not the same necessity, or whose Zeal was not of that fiery temper with theirs, and therefore were prudently resolved (though they wished well to the design) yet not to hazard their sweet Lives and Fortunes in it till they saw what Success these first Venturers had, who hearing of the Prorogation of the Parliament, and being doubtless admonished by their London Friends at the same time not to stir during this short Recess, (as they then thought it would be) laid by all thoughts of Joining with them and Augmenting their Numbers, and the Privy Councils in both Nations attending solely to that business, it was Extinguished almost as easily as it began.  
Upon which His Majesty by his Royal Proclamation Dissolved this Parliament, and Issued out Writs for another to Sat at Westminster the Seventeenth day of October, 1679. Hoping his Subjects duly reflecting upon the Miscarriages of the Last House of Commons, and the Danger the Nation had so narrowly escaped of Being involved in another destructive Intestine War, at a time when the Victorious Arms of France hung like a dreadful Cloud over our heads, and the High Discontents of the Popish Party, which were inflamed and enraged both by the Discovery and Prosecutions of the late Plot, lay broiling in the Bowels of the Nation, would proceed with more Prudence and Caution in the Next Elections, and send Him up men of Better Tempers, or that at least these Gentlemen by that Act, seeing He was resolved to keep the Reins in his own hands, and to let them Sir or Dissolve them according as they behaved themselves, would thereby be kept in better awe for the future, and make use of a little more calmness in their Proceed, if it were but to continue their Being.  
But alas, His Majesty soon found himself deceived in his Expectation, the common people who see with other men's eyes, and follow as they are led, and that is for the most part, the wrong way, were easily persuaded to believe in the first place that this Parliament was Prorogued and Dissolved only to prevent the Trial of the Popish Lords in the Tower; though the Not Trying of them was one of the greatest Causes that Moved his Majesty to it, as appears plainly both by the Journals of both the Houses, and his Majesty's Speech in the Conclusion of that Session of Parliament; and although these Five Lords were brought to the Bar, and the Commons summoned to give in Evidence against them that very day that they were Prorogued, they refused to do it.  
And on the other side, the Malcontents rejoiced greatly in it, being well assured that the same Men would be chosen again, and so made use of this Dissolution as a means to incense the People against the King and the Government, and to increase the real or pretended fears of Men by their Loud Clamours against French Pensioners, Popery, Arbitrary Government, and the like, which both in discourse and Print (the Press being now at Liberty from its former restraint) they objected with equal Confidence and Falsehood against the Loyal Gentlemen that had opposed them.  
But besides these general Charges, they made special use of two things that fell out in the last Parliament, and that had a mighty influence upon the Minds of the populace and other Unthinking men. The first of which was to represent all those Gentlemen of the House of Commons who had Voted against the Bill for Excluding his Royal Highness the Duke of York, as Papists, or at least Popishly affected; and for my part, I believe it was the principal Motive of bringing in that Bill: for it is scarce possible but that they must see, after that Second Declaration that his Majesty made in that very Session concerning the Succession: and the House of Lords refusing to join with them in the first of these Votes that introduced that Bill, that they should never be able to get it pass into an Act, but then they might easily foresee however it would be a powerful means of inciting the People against all that should oppose it, and prevail with them to pass a Sentence upon them as Popishly affected at least, if not downright Arrant Papists; and herein they had great part of their design, and there was no Motive more frequently used than this, and for the most part it was driven a little higher and urged against his Majesty too, as by the buy, thus, What, will you give your Voice for— who is a Papist, and Voted for the Duke of York in the last Parliament, who is an Arrant Papist, and the King is little better. Which words were actually spoken by one of that Party, and Sworn upon him at his Majesty's Suit, and for which the party was Fined Five hundred Marks in the Kings-Bench. And by this Sole Argument they prevailed to Exclude almost all those Gentlemen, and to fill up their places with men of their own principles, and traduced his Majesty, the Court, and all the Ministers of State, and almost all the Gentry and Loyal Clergy too for endeavouring to have these men chosen again.  
The Second Thing that they made great advantage of, was the pretended discovery of Sir S. Fox of the Pensioners in the Long Loyal Parliament; which discovery being hastily made, and No Record of it being entered, they took the Confidence to Add to it whomsoever they were pleased to have so thought, by the small Freemen and Freeholders', and that was a Number it may be double and triple to that Sir S. mentioned; however I am sure that the Written Lists that were then spread abroad, and which were all of Equal Authority, or pretended to be so, did not agree, some having more Names than other, and I am well assured that some Persons Named were not Pensioners, nor could be so; and therefore I believe Sir S. never said they were; but they were added by the Transcribers, according to their private Interests or Passions, but they made the People believe they knew who would be Pensioners too, which was somewhat difficult, and led the diffidence to that height, as to Exclude, as far as they could possibly, not only all the Courtiers and other Persons who had any Places of Profit and Advantage under his Majesty, but their Relations too; and Wanted not much that they had Excluded all those who bore any honorary Employments or Offices, such as Deputy-Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace. So that nothing now recommended a man so effectually for a Parliament-man, as that he had not been thought fit to be trusted in the least by his Majesty or their Neighbour Gentry; or having been so, had been turned out: all which were applauded as Men not to be bought, Enemies to the Court, and Ministers, and therefore true Friends to the Protestant Religion and the Country. All which tended (as they said) to the Advancement of his Majesty's Service, and to the increasing the Love of the People towards him and the Government, and he was a hardhearted man who called the Sincerity of their Loyal intentions in question.  
These two being added to all the Ill ways they had made use of in the former Election, no wonder if his Majesty was not Satisfied with the Returns, when he faw by them what men he was to meet in his next House of Commons. Whereupon his Majesty Prorogued them at the day of their meeting till a further time, and so kept them from meeting to Sat till the 21th. of October, 1680. And now let us see how they behaved themselves in this Interval. Wherein I shall desire the Reader's Excuse if I do not relate things in that precise order they fell out, it being nothing material to my purpose.  
His Majesty's Intentions of Proroguing the Parliament from time to time, so as not to permit a Session till the time he had designed, which was a Year, being once known, the great Contrivers of all our Disturbances, who met, and ordered all things in Clubbs and close Cabals, fell into the greatest Passion imaginable, they had carried things to that height, out of design to force the King to Dissolve that Parliament, or yield more than he could either spare or recall; but then they had made their count he could not continue long without another Parliament, and the quick choice, and the temper of the Men generally Returned was, 
Appeal from the Country to the City.  as they gave out in their Pamphlets, according to their hearts desire: But then if they might be dissolved or prorogued when ever they came to Redress the Grievances of the People, that is, when ever his Majesty pleased to think it Expedient, and especially for so long a time, the heat the People were then in might cool, other thoughts might arise, the fears of an immediate Execution of the Plot upon them, might appear (as they knew they were) vain and . His Majesty might Recover his Estimation with his People, and show he was able to Subsist without present Supplies from a Parliament; and which grieved them most of all, he might in this time Root up the Relics of the Scotch Rebellion in such manner, that no assistance would afterwards be to be had from those Northern Brethren, what need soever they might have of them; which is as good as confessed by the Author of the Appeal to the City.  
To prevent these and several other dreadful Consequences of this Nature, they cast their heads what course they should take, the way of Pamphlets was slow and uncertain, and they had almost Cloyed the Appetite of the Nation with that Crude sort of Rebellious and Disloyal Discourses, which served rather for the divertisement to Idle men, than gave them any great Advantage, at least for the present; and they had need, in this affair, of some very quick and powerful Expedient, that might work upward upon the King, and downward upon the People.  
Neither could they then bethink themselves of any better remedy than to revive the old way of Tumultuous Petitions, signed by all sorts of people, and that in vast Numbers. The first of which sort, as I believe, 
An. 1603. C. His. Book 9 Pag. 7.  was the Mille manus Petition Presented to King James; Tho as Fuller acquaints us, there was only 750 
* But after this the Author saith other Petitions were set a foot about the same time for Abolishing Episcopacy, and setting up Presbytery; To which no Hand that had five Fingers, was Refused; and that George Lord Goring, than a Boy, set his hand to one of them, in the right (I believe) of his Mother, a good Lady much Addicted to that Party. Fuller. Ib. pag. 24.  Preachers hands set to it, and those Collected out of 25. Counties. Yet afterwards, Especially in the beginning of the Last Rebellion, when they had any great Design to bring about, which they had reason to expect would be opposed; Next to bringing great Numbers of mean and tumultuous people down to White-Hall and Westminster-Hall, with rude and loud Clamours to Say over again what they had first inspired into them: This I now mention of Sending into the City of London, and the Remoter Corporations and Counties, of Petitions, Complaints, Remonstrances and Declarations to the King, or both or either Houses of Parliament, 
13 Car. 2. cap. 5.  for alteration of Matters established by Law, redress of Pretended Grievances in Church or State, or other public Concernments was one special means they often made use of, and that with great Success, These Petitions, as the Learned Dr. Hammond tells us, 
Vind. of the Liturgy, Sect. 28. cap. 2. Short View of the late Troubles, p. 83, pro 81.  were for the most part framed and put into the People's hands even in set prescribed forms, and then committed to certain Confiding men, who carried them to the places appointed, and there solicited as many as they could possibly to Sign the same, not regarding so much the Quality as the Number of the Subscribers, who for the most part were mean Mechanics, Illiterate ignorant Countrymen, Servants, Apprentices, Journeymen and Children; which Petitions they after delivered with great Numbers of People to the King or Parliament, and were designed by them that then set them afoot, not so much to persuade or entreat, as to terrify and compel, every Petitioner being as it were Listed to force, if he could not otherwise obtain his desire. And accordingly this way was made use of, when either the King or the Major part of either House would not be drawn otherwise to Comply with these Republicans; 
Short View of the Late Troubles, pag. 85, 86. 89. 234.  and afterwards when they came to be employed against them, or to cross their humours or Interests, they discountenanced them as much as they could; though all this would have been too little, if they had not made use of Arms against these bold Suitors, the Apprentices of London, July the 26. 1647. shutting up the Commons Doors, and Compelling them to yield the City the Ordering of their own Militia; and also to pass a Vote, 
Ibid. 248. Ib. 282, 283.  That the King should be admitted to come to London to Treat; which though it were sufficiently revenged, yet when afterwards Essex and 
* May 26, 48.  Surrey Petitioned again for a Peace in that manner, they sent the Guards to beat them away; whereupon divers were wounded, and some slain. And as to the Kentish-men, who by their Grand Jury about the same time had framed a Petition for Peace in the Name of the whole Shire, they by the Committee for that County prohibited the same, by a Printed Paper published in all the Churches, Branding it to be SEDITIOUS and TUMULTUOUS, and saying, that They would hang up two in every Parish, that were promoters of it, and Sequester the rest. Which was to declare themselves Abhorrers with a Vengeance.  
Yet this Unruly Engine was the only tool our Sober Protestants could at this time think powerful enough to Compel his Majesty to recede from his declared Resolution, and permit the Parliament to Sat forthwith; and the method they used was precisely the same that had been employed against his Majesty's Father of Blessed Memory, viz. these Petitions were drawn by their Clubbs and Cabals in London: or some say only transcribed from an Old 41. Copy, and then sent down by trusty men who had five shillings per Centum, for procuring hands, and 
* The Instructions were, That it mattered not tho they were neither Gentlemen nor Freeholders', but that they (the Procurers of Subscriptions) should get as many Hands as they could.  that of all Sorts and Ages, Degrees and Qualities; not caring who they were, so the Number was great: And I have been told this Story from Credible hands, One of these Procurers coming to a Godly Weaver in Essex to get his hand to the Petition, bethought himself that the Weaver had a Boy to his Son, and asked if he would not Subscribe too? Yes, replied the Weaver, if he were at home, but he is now gone with a Cow to a Neighbour's Bull. That is nothing, said the Petition-Monger, I can set his hand. Which he accordingly presently did, and made the poor Boy become an humble Supplicant to the King, when he thought of nothing less. But I must confess they varied in one thing from the Old method; for they did not present them as heretofore by the hands of great Multitudes of the Petitioners, but sent them by some few persons of the better sort, which was a Civility was not so much paid to his Majesty, as his Guards, who might have endangered these Gentlemen Orators Skulls, if they had made as bold with the Son, as their Predecessors did with the Unarmed Father.  
For my part, when I reflect seriously on this Stratagem, I cannot persuade myself they had any great hope to prevail upon the King by it; who too well remembered what ill Consequences had followed this way of proceeding in the Reign of his Father, to Countenance it in his own, by granting any thing that was so asked. And therefore I conceive the Cunningest of them had these further ends in it: First, to Engage men by these Subscriptions to be more fast to them, and their designs. Secondly, To Try whether the People might be brought to Tumult if they had occasion for it. Thirdly, To incense them the more against the Government if these Petitions were denied, by representing it as a personal injury to them, every man being Naturally more fond of his own than another's Counsel. Fourthly, to show the Number and Strength of their Adherents. Fifthly, To make them known each to other, to which end the Odd Phrases, Whining Tones, Devout shrugs of old, and the Green Ribbans of late, were taken up also.  
But whatever the design was, his Majesty having the Authority of a Statute on his side wisely provided in better times, had the Address to disappoint this Project; 
13 Cor. 2. c. 5. as also by the Judgement of all the Judges, 2 Jacobi.  First, by a Proclamation, which prohibited this 
* Practice.  Exercise as Illegal and Tumultuous, and tending to Sedition and Rebellion. Secondly, by discountenancing and sharply reprehending those that were so silly as to present them. Thirdly, by encouraging another Sort of persons who upon better grounds were as ready to detest and abhor them in a more Regular and Legal way; and these being for the most part men of Authority in their Country, so quelled this manyheaded Hydra, that the triple Cordial of a Commons Vote have not been able since to Revive it: And so I shall take my leave of it, till I come to those Votes and the proceed upon them.  
In the Interim, I desire my dear Countrymen, they would reflect Seriously upon what is here said, and remember what fruits they reaped of this pernicious seed the last time they were prompted by this Sort of men to the use of it, and how they Treated the Surrey and Kentish men for using it to a purpose for which it was never designed, the procuring PEACE.  
His Majesty therefore Prorogued the Parliament from the 17th of October, to the 26 of January, and then meeting them in Person and making a Gracious Speech to them, Prorogued them to the 15th of April, and then to the 17th of May, and from thence to the First of July, and so on to the 22d. of the same, and thence to the 23d. of August, and from thence to the 21. of October, 1679. when he declared they should finally Sat according to his former Resolution; which the Petitions had more confirmed him in.  
In the Interim several things happened worth the taking Notice of, as giving us some Light into the Designs of the Commonwealth Party and the Temper of the Dissenters, by which we may Judge what we shall meet with at their hands if ever they prevail again.  
The first I will Instance in was their Treatment of the London Apprentices. Some of them had been busy in Burning the Pope, and after that had been drawn in to Sign the Petition; but finding they had disobliged others by it, 
L'Estrange's Narr. of the Plot, pag. 15. 4 to.  to give some Satisfaction, they gave Notice in Print, That they would burn the Rump the 29th of May following; and this was taken for such an affront, by the Young Gentlemen of that Old Family of Rumpers, that presently all the Prentices were made Traitors, Conspirators, most of them said to be Papists, for which several of them were Imprisoned, and it was much grief of heart to the Merciful Rumpers too, that they were not Hanged; and one of them, with great regret, told the following Parliament, That he thought Cap. Tom. was at Tangier, 
Exact Collection of Debated. p. 112.  who should have headed the Apprentices Mutiny in London; and if (saith the Gentleman) I be not misinformed, is a Captain too for that intended Eminent Service. A Sad Story if it was true, and there was no misinformation in the case some where or other: but this was only meant for a Kind Reflection on the Government, which is grown of late strangely in Love with Mutinies, and doubtless made Capt. Tom, a Captain there not only to reward him for his Eminent Intended Service in London, but to put him into a Capacity of promoting a Tumult or Mutiny there too. Upon this Occasion I am shrewdly tempted to remember some of the 41. Tumults and Mutinies in behalf of the Rump; but because they were not Popish but Puritan Mutinies, and for the Service of the Commonwealth of England, I will forbear it: Only I will give the World a Caution not to be mightily Surprised, if afterwards the Late Addressing Apprentices be clawed away for Papists and Mutineers too, If there be not too many of them.  
In the beginning of May, his Majesty had two or three Fits of an Ague, which went off again without any great hazard to his Life; yet this occasioned some considerable Events. In one of the Fits there was some tampering among his back-Friends for the Proclaiming his Grace the D. of M. King, in case his Majesty should die of that Sickness.  
About that time, that there was a Pamphlet Printed to make out a Title for him too, pretending to some Strange Discoveries to be made of a Black Box, that should do the D. much Kindness; but though his Majesty and the Privy-Council took all the Care imaginable to discover the Author of this Black Box-discourse, it could not be found: And to prevent the Ill Effects of such Rumours for the future, his Majesty Published a Declaration the 2 d. of June, 1679. which tho it hath been already printed, and is Long, yet because it may be very hard to produce it some Years hence, I will take the pains to Insert it here, from the Gazette of the 7th of June, 1680.  
CHARLES R.  
WE cannot but take Notice of the great Industry and Malice wherewith some men of a Seditious and Restless Spirit, do spread abroad a most False and Scandalous Report of A Marriage or Contract of Marriage, supposed to be had and made between Us and one Mrs. walter's, alias Barlow, now Deceased, Mother of the present Duke of Monmouth, aiming thereby to fill the Minds of Our Loving Subjects with Doubts and Fears, and if possible to divide them into Parties and Factions, and as much as in them lies, to bring into question the Clear Undoubted Right of Our True and Lawful Heirs and Successors to the Crown. We have therefore thought Ourselves Obliged to Let our Loving Subjects see what steps We (cut of Our Care of them and their Posterity) have already made, in order to Obviate the Ill Consequences that so dangerous and Malicious a Report may have in Future Times upon the Peace of Our Kingdoms.  
In January Last was Twelvemonth, We made a Declaration written with Our Own Hand in the Words following.  
THere being a False and Malicious Report Industriously spread abroad by Some, Who are Neither Friends to Me nor the Duke of Monmouth, as if I should have been Either Contracted or Married to his Mother: and though I am most Confident that this Idle Story, cannot have any Effect in this Age, Yet I thought it my Duty in relation to the true Succession of this Crown, and that future Ages may not have any pretence to give disturbance upon that Score or any other of this Nature, to declare, as I do here declare in the presence of Almighty God, That I was never Married, nor gave any Contract to any Woman whatsoever, but to My Wife Queen Catherine, to whom I am now Married. In Witness whereof I have set My Hand at White-Hall the Sixth of January 1679.  
This Declaration I made in the Presence of 

CHARLES R.  
W. Cant.  
H. Finch, C.  
H. Coventry,  
J. Williamson.    
To strengthen which Declaration, We did in March following (which was March last was Twelvemonth) make a more Public Declaration in Our Privy Council, written likewise with Our Own Hand; and having caused a true Transcript thereof to be Entered in Our Council Books, We Signed it, and caused the Lords of Our Privy Council then attending Us in Council, to Subscribe the same likewise; and We Ordered the Original to be kept in the Council Chest, where it Now remains. The Entry whereof in the Council Book is in these words following,  
At the Court at White-Hall, March 3 d. 1679.  
Present  
The KING'S Most Excellent Majesty.  

Lord Chancellor,  
Lord Treasurer,  
Duke of Lauderdale,  
Marquis of Worcester,  
Earl of Ossory,  
Lord Chamberlain,  
Earl of Sunderland,  
Earl of Clarendon,  
Earl of Essex,  
Ear of ,  
Earl of Craven,  
Earl of Aylesbury,  
Lord Bishop of London,  
Lord Bishop of Durham,  
Lord Maynard,  
Mr. Vice-Chamberlain,   
His Majesty was this day pleased to Command that the Declaration hereafter following be Entered in the Council-Book, it being all Written and Signed by his Majesty's Own Hand, in a Paper which his Majesty this day delivered at the Board, to be Kept in the Council Chest, viz.  
FOR the avoiding of Any dispute which may happen in time to come concerning the Succession of the Crown, I do hereby Declare in the Presence of Almighty God, That I Never gave nor made any Contract of Marriage, nor was Married to any Woman whatsoever, but to My present Wife Queen Catherine now Living.  
White-Hall the Third day of March, 1679. CHARLES R.  
His Majesty Commanded us who were present at the making and Signing this Declaration, to attest the same.  


Finch, C.  
Danby,  
Lauderdale,  
Worcester,  
Ossory,  
Arlington,  
Sunderland,  
Clarendon,  
Essex,  
,  
Craven,  
Aylesbury,  
H. London,  
N. Durham,  
W. Maynard,  
G. Carteret.    
In April Last We found the same Rumour not only Revived again, but also Improved with New Additions, to wit, It was given out, That there was a Writing yet Extant, and lately produced before several Persons, whereby the said Marriage or Contract at least, (for the Report was Various) would appear, and that there are several Lords and others yet Living, who were pretended to have been present at the said Marriage. We Knew full well that it was Impossible that any thing of this should be true, (there being Nothing more Groundless and False then that there was any such Marriage or Contract between Us and he said Mrs. Welter's alias Barlow) Yet We proceeded to call before Us, and caused to be Interrogated in the Council such Lords and other persons as the Common Rumour did Surmise to have been present at the pretended Marriage, or to Know something of it, or of the said Writing. And Though it appeared to all Our Council upon the Hearing of the said Lords and other persons severally Interrogated, and upon their denying to have been present at any such Marriage, or to Know any thing of it or of any such Writing, That the Raising and Spreading of such a Report so incoherent in the several parts of it, was the Effect of deep Malice in some few, and of Lose and Idle discourse in others, Yet, We think it Requisite at this time, to make Our Declarations above recited more Public; and to Order the Same (as We do hereby with the Advice of Our Privy Council) to be forthwith Printed and Published. And We do again upon this Occasion call Almighty God to Witness, and Declare upon the Faith of a Christian, and the Word of a King, That there was never any Marriage, or Contract of Marriage had or made between Us and the said Mrs. Welter's alias Barlow, the Duke of Monmouth's Mother, or between Us and any Woman whatsoever, Our Royal Comfort Queen Catherine, that now is, Excepted.  
And We do hereby Strictly Require and Command all Our Subjects whatsoever, That they presume not to Utter or Publish any thing contrary to the Tenor of this Our Declaration, at their Peril, and upon pain of being proceeded against according to the Utmost Severity and Rigour of the Law.  
Given at our Court at White-Hall the Second day of June, in the Two and thirtieth Year of Our Reign.  
On the 15th of the same Month of June, Mr. Attorney General by his Majesty's Command, moved in the Court of Chancery, That these Declarations might be Enrolled and made a Record of that Court, for the preservation of them; and in order thereunto, the Rords, and others of his Majesty's Privy Council, who were present when his Majesty made and Signed those Declarations, (and were Now in Court) being desired to Attest the same: They did it upon their Oaths; as did likewise the Clerks of the Council; and than it was Ordered, That the said Declarations should be enroled accordingly.  
And when about this time his Majesty had sent the Duke of Monmouth to reside for some time beyond the Seas, that he might not be made a Stolen to these men's ill designs, they wrought so much upon him, that he returned without his Majesties Leave, and all his Places which were of great Value as well as Trust, Power, and Honour, were taken from him.  
In the Last Parliament at Westminster, the 10th day of January, 1680. The Commons past these Votes.  
Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this House, That James Duke of Monmouth hath been Removed from his Offices and Commands, by the Influence of the Duke of York.  
Ordered, That an humble Application be made to His Majesty from this House, by such Members thereof, as are of his Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, to desire his Majesty to Restore the said James Duke of Monmouth to his said Offices and Commands.  
Now let it be Considered, That there was not the least regard had to the Duke of Monmouth or his Interest, till this day, in all that Session of Parliament; and now when it was said they should be Prorogued, and all the reason in the world to believe that a Dissolution would follow, the last day in probability they were to Sat, his Majesty being also disobliged by the Votes about the Revenue; so that it could not be Expected that almost any thing could be granted; and when they could not Hope to see any effect of it, they passed these two Votes. For what might be expected from it, let his Grace the Duke of Monmouth, and all the World Judge.  
I have heard some men insinuate, that the Duke of Monmouth was sent into Scotland, (though there was no need of him) that by that Defeat of the Dissenters, he might be rendered odious to their Partisans here in England, and so be turned out of all his Places, and No man Concern himself for him; he having, as they would insinuate, no Friends in England but they.  
To which I answer, That it ought to be Considered, that on the one Side his Majesty, who is the Father of the Duke, appears, whom all the World (his worst Enemies not Excepted) acknowledge to be a Prince of a Godlike Goodness and Clemency to his very Enemies; and on the other Side a Company of Men who have given large Demonstrations that they are Enemies to Monarchy itself; and therefore not likely to be over-kind to any of the Royal Family, but for ill Ends, and such as the Duke hath no reason to promote, if he did perfectly Understand them.  
Now let any man reflect upon this, and then pronounce as his Reason shall direct him, whether his Majesty, or the Anti-Court Party were likeliest to design the Ruin of the Duke; that is, A Kind Father, or an Enraged and disobliged Enemy: To say here, as they commonly do, That his Majesty was imposed upon by Crafty men, contrary to his Natural Goodness, to Consent to the Ruin of his Son, is to Exalt his Goodness to the destruction of his Prudence, and represent him to the World as merely passive, a Person easy to be deluded and abused; the contrary of which is most apparent by his Actions, though it should be granted, that (as a Man) he hath some few times been deceived.  
Amongst the Various Tricks and Projects that were then Set a foot, or Continued, there was none that pleased so well, as a Custom which was taken up since the Expiring of the Acts for the Regulating of Printing, viz. to Print Weekly Intelligences or News-Books. Concerning which his Majesty published this following Proclamation the 17th of May.  
WHEREAS it is of great Importance to the State, that all News Printed and Published to the People, as well concerning Foreign as Domestic Affairs, should be agreeable to Truth, or at least Warranted by Good Intelligence, that the Minds of his Majesty's Subjects may not be disturbed or amuzed by Lies or vain Reports, which are many times raised on purpose to Scandalise the Government, or for other indirect Ends: And whereas of Late many Evil-disposed Persons have made it a Common practice to Print and Publish Pamphlets of News, without Licence or Authority, and therein have vended to his Majesty's People, all the Idle and Malicious Reports that they could Collect or Invent, contrary to Law; the Continuance whereof would in a short time endanger the Peace of the Kingdom, the same manifestly tending thereto, as has been declared by all His Majesty's Judges unanimously: His Majesty therefore Considering the Great Mischief that may ensue upon such Licentious and Illegal practices, If not timely prevented, Hath Thought fit by his Royal Proclamation, (with the Advice of his Privy Council) strictly to prohibit and forbid all persons whatsoever to Print or Publish any News-Books, or Pamphlets of News not Licenced by his Majesty's Authority. And to the Intent all Offenders may Know their Danger, and Desist from any further proceed of this Kind, His Majesty is graciously pleased hereby to Declare, That they shall be proceeded against according to the Utmost Severity of the Law: And for that purpose His Majesty doth hereby Will and Command all his Judges, Justices of Peace, and all other his Officers and Ministers of Justice whatsoever, That they take Effectual Care that all such as shall offend in the Premises, be proceeded against and punished according to their demerits.  
There was scarce any thing more Clamoured against than the Proceed upon this Proclamation, as if all the Liberties of the Subject in England had Consisted in this, that they might be deluded and abused, terrified and affrighted, flattered and enticed, by whosoever had the Impudence to Undertake it, and that Weekly.  
These Sorts of Newsmongers in the Interim are indeed nothing but a sort of State Tale-bearers: Now to make the Mischief more Apparent, to any man that is fond of this Sort of Trash, let them but consider what would follow in a private Family, if the Master of it should permit this Sort of Vermin to Act at Liberty what Feuds, Heart-burnings, Fears, Distrusts and Mutual Hatreds would arise; so that no man could be able to maintain the Peace of his own house, if he might not punish nor turn out such persons. Now the same Consequences, only much worse, must needs follow in a City, Country, or Kingdom; for in a private Family the truth of things may be easily found out, the Parties being together; and yet 'tis a mighty trouble to peaceable people to be always contending and proving against others: but in the other instance it is impossible oftentimes for an innocent person to represent his Innocency, or disprove his Accuser. Now if it be true of the meanest private person, That A Good Name is to be valued as a man's Life, how much more reasonable is it that the Estimation of Princes, and Great Men should not lie at the Mercy of a company of Mean Scribblers? It is usually said, Malice speaks well of no body; but to be sure if that be tainted with ambition and faction, the very poison of Asps will be shot out upon the Governors that oppose and hinder their wicked Intentions and Designs.  
Nor is all this a Speculation, but an Experimented Truth, the same Sort of Men by the same ways, in the Memory of Vast Numbers of Men, once before Ruined this Kingdom, and brought his Majesty's Father to the Block; as He Himself hath Elegantly described it in his Eikon Basilike, Cap. 15. Part of which is as followeth.  
IF I had not my own Innocency, and God's Protection, it were hard for Me to stand out against these Stratagems and Conflicts of Malice, which by Falsities seek to oppress the Truth, and by Jealousies to supply the defect of Real Causes, which might seem to Justify so  Engagements against Me.  
And indeed the worst effects of upon Hostility come short of these Designs: For I can more willingly Lose my Crowns then my Credit; Nor are my Kingdoms so dear to Me as My Reputation and Honour.  
Those must have a Period with my Life, but these may Survive to a Glorious Kind of Immortality when I am dead and gone: A good Name being the Embalming of Princes, and a sweet Consecrating of them to an Eternity of Love and Gratitude among Posterity.  
Those Foul and False Aspersions were Secret Engines at first employed against My People's Love of Me: That Undermining their Opinion and Value of Me, my Enemies, and theirs might at once blow up their affections, and batter down their Loyalty.—  
If they had been my Open and Foreign Enemies, I could have born it; but they must be my own Subjects, who are, next to my Children, dear to me.—  
The Noise of my Evil-Counsellors was another useful Device. For those, who were impatient any men's Counsels but their own should be followed in Church or State; who were So Eager in giving Me better Counsel, that they would not give me Leave to take it with Freedom, as a Man; or Honour, as a King; making their Counsels more like a Drench that must be poured down, than a Draught which might be fairly and leisurely drank, if I liked it.  
I will not Justify beyond humane Errors and Frailties myself, or my Counselors: They might be subject to some miscarriages, yet such as were far more Reparable by Second and better thoughts than those enormous Extravagances, wherewith some men have Now even wildred, and almost quite Lost both Church and State.  
The Event of things at last will make it evident to my Subjects, That had I followed the worst Counsels, that my worst Counsellors ever had the boldness to offer to Me, or myself any Inclination to use; I could not so soon have brought both Church and State in Three Flourishing Kingdoms to such a Chaos of Confusions and Hell of Miseries, as some have done; out of which they cannot or will not in the Midst of their many great Advantages, redeem either Me or my Subjects.  
I cannot suffer so much in Point of Honour, by those Rude and Scandalous PAMPHLETS, (which like fire in great Conflagrations, fly up and down to set all places on like flames) as those men do; who pretending so much to Piety, are so forgetful of their Duty to God and Me: by no ways ever Vindicating the Majesty of their King against any of those who contrary to the Precept of God, and Precedent of Angels, speak evil of Dignities, and bring Railing Accusations against those, who are honoured with the Name of Gods: but 'tis no wonder if Men not fearing God, should not honour their King.  
Thus far That Illustrious Saint and Martyr, who felt the Heat and suffered the Scorching; first, of those Tongues that are set on fire by Hell; and after of these Pamphlet-Flakes and Sparks which raised such a Fire in His Three Kingdoms, as occasioned his Ruin, and Murder; and the Banishing of his Wife and Children, and were likely enough to have ended in the total and everlasting Ruin of the English Church and Nation.  
And can any man believe it reasonable that his Son our present Most Gracious Sovereign, should sit still and Suffer Himself and his Ministers, his Judges and his Officers both Civil and Military, to be represented to his People in the most Odious Manner that Malice can invent, and a Thousand false ridiculous Lies and Slanders to be vented against him and them! No surely, it can never be expected; and were not another Rebellion designed, it would never be desired: Thus the Last began, and thus the Next must begin. We have the Testimony of His Majesty's Father and our own Remembrance for the one; and we are Sensible how far things are Advanced of late that way, for a proof of the other. And if these  Religious Liars think it reasonable that for fear of the Unjust reproach of Asserting Arbitrary Government, the hazard should be run of having no Government, I hope they will find themselves deceived, and I am sure his Majesty hath not one Loyal Subject in all his Three Kingdoms that is not of this mind.  
My Lord Coke in the Pleas of the Crown tells us, 
Cap. 93. Inst. leg. Aluered. Cap. 28.  That the Law before the Conquest was, That the Author and Spreader of False Rumours amongst the People had his Tongue cut out, if he redeemed it not by the Estimation of his Head: And surely the Printing of such is not a less but a greater Crime, and deserves a greater punishment.  
And in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
Anno 1581.  one Stubbs had his Right hand Cut off for writing a Libel against the Queen, as Camden tells us; which Stubbs was Brother in Law to Carthwright the famous Puritan Preacher in those days.  
By a Statute made the 3 Ed. 1. Cap. 33. it was Enacted, That from thenceforth none should be so hardy to Tell or Publish any False News or Fales, whereby Discord or Slander may Grow between the King and his People, or the Great Men of the Realm; And he that doth so, shall be taken and kept in Prison until he hath brought him into the Court which was first Author of the Tale. Which is confirmed, 2 Rich. 2. Cap. 5. And again, 12 Rich. 2. Cap. 11. with this addition, That if the Offender, could not find his Author, He should be punished by the Advice of the Council. Both which Statutes are still in force: though those of the 1 & 2 P. M. Cap. 13. & 1 Eliz. 6. upon which Stubbs was punished, are Expired. So that here is no Need of Arbitrary proceeding to punish such Disorders, when a due Execution of these Old Statutes might do the business.  
The 22. of June, 1680. The Rebel Scots endeavouring to renew their Rebellion, 21 persons Assembled, and after a Solemn Procession and Singing of Psalms, Published and affixed on the Cross at Sanchar a Paper, wherein they declare for themselves, And all that will Adhere to them as the Representatives of the true Presbyterian Church and Covenanted Nation of Scotland, they do disown Charles Stuart who has been Reigning, or rather Tyrannising on the Throne of Britain these Years past, as having any Right or Title to, or Interest in the Crown of Scotland or Government, as Forfeited several Years since by his Perjury and Breach of Covenant with God and his Church, and Usurpation of his Crown and Royal Prerogatives therein, etc. So they proceeded to Excommunicate and Depose his Majesty, and 70 Persons took up Arms against him, the chief of which were Donald Cargile, and one Hall, who were Actually in the Last Rebellion.  
These men swore either to other, That if any person who should join with them, should afterwards submit to the King upon any account whatsoever, or own him for their King, the rest should Butcher the Party so submitting. So that several of them being taken, and upon Trial found Guilty of this Horrid and Divillish Conspiracy, chose rather to Suffer as Traitors, than to own their King, or ask a Pardon from him, as fearing a worse Death from their fellow Conspirators, than the Law would inflict upon them.  
Now I would desire my Countrymen to Consider Seriously, whether the Popish Tenants are worse than these Presbyterian Doctrines; and whether his Majesty is not as much in danger to fall by the hands of one of these reformed Assassinates, as by a Consecrated Jesuit.  
On Thursday the 21. of October, 1680. The long Expected and impatiently Desired Parliament met at Westminster; And I will now attend it, to see whether it were such as answered the hopes of these Petitioners, who had boasted of it as a Masterpiece, and which was to Confound all they were pleased to Call Popery. Which Parliament his Majesty began with this Speech.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
THE several Prorogations I have made, have been very advantageous to Our Neighbours, and Very Useful to Me; for I have employed that time in making and perfecting an Alliance with the Crown of Spain, suitable to that which I had before with the States of the United Provinces, and they also had with Spain, Consisting of Mutual Obligations of Succour and Defence.  
I have all the Reason in the World to believe, that what was so much desired by former Parliaments, must needs be very grateful to you now: for though some perhaps may wish these Measures had been taken sooner, yet no man can with reason think it is now too Late; for they who desire to make these Alliances, and they who desire to break them, show themselves of another Opinion.  
And as these are the best Measures that could be taken for the Safety of England and Repose of Christendom, So they cannot fail to attain their End, and to spread and improve themselves further, if Our Divisions at home do not render Our Friendship less Considerable abroad.  
To prevent these as much as may be, I think fit to renew to you all the Assurances which can be desired, That nothing shall be wanting on My part to give you the fullest Satisfaction your Hearts can wish, for the Security of the Protestant Religion, which I am fully resolved to maintain against all the Conspiracies of Our Enemies, and to Concur with You in any new Remedies which shall be proposed, that may Consist with the preserving the Succession of the Crown in its Due and Legal Course of Descent.  
And in Order to this, I do recommend to You, to pursue the further Examination of the Plot, with a strict and impartial Enquiry. I do not think Myself Safe nor You neither, till that Matter be gone thro' with; and therefore it will be necessary that the Lords in the Tower be brought to their speedy Trial that Justice may be done.  
I need not tell you what danger the City of Tangier is in, nor of what Importance it is to Us to preserve it. I have with a mighty Charge and Expense sent a very Considerable Relief thither; but Constantly to maintain so great a Force as that War will require, and to make those New Works and Fortifications, without which the Place will not be long Teneable, amounts to so Vast a Sum, that without Your Support it will be impossible for me to undergo it. Therefore I lay the matter plainly before You, and desire Your Advice and Assistance.  
But that which I Value above all the Treasure in the World, and which I am Sure will give Me greater Strength and Reputation both at home and abroad then any Treasure can do, is a perfect UNION amongst Ourselves.  
Nothing but this can restore the Kingdom to that Strength and Vigour which it seems to have Lost, and raise Us again to that Consideration which England hath Usually had.  
All Europe have their Eyes upon this Assembly, and think their own Happiness or Misery as well as Ours will depend upon it.  
If We should be So Unhappy as to fall into such Misvnderstanding among Ourselves, as should render Our Friendship unsafe to trust to, it will not be Wondered at, if Our Allies should begin to take new Resolutions, and perhaps such as may be Fatal to Us.  
Let Us therefore take Care that We do not Gratify Our Enemies, and Dishearten Our Friends by any Unseasonable Disputes.  
If any such do happen, the World will see it is no fault of Mine; for I have done all that was possible for Me to do, to Keep You in Peace while I live, and to Leave You So when I die.  
But from so great Prudence and so good Affections as Yours, I can fear Nothing of this Kind; but to Rely upon You all, That You will use Your best Endeavours to bring this Parliament to a Good and Happy Conclusion.  
The Lord Chancellor made no Speech at all, His Majesty giving himself the whole Trouble of this Affair, hoping his Words would the more be Considered by them, and the business the more zealously pursued.  
The House of Commons being returned, and a Motion made, That William William's Esq; should be chosen Speaker; It was Resolved in the Affirmative, Nemine Contradicente; who forthwith made two Speeches in the House, which are Printed in the Votes, one to Excuse himself by reason of his insufficiency, by reason of the difficulty both of the Place, and Things to be transacted. But that being refused, he made a Second, which showed more the temper of the Man; and is as followeth.  
Gentlemen,  
I Tremble when I reflect under what difficulties Learned, Experienced, and Wise Men have Laboured in this Chair: Yet I am not afraid of their Precedent who impaired their Estates and Health, no nor of them who lost their Lives in this Service. These are a Sacrifice I own my Country. But when I suffer myself to think that some Gentlemen have Maimed their Reputation in this Trust, these Thoughts are dreadful to me, and must yet strike deeper with me, unless you that called me hither shall please to Stand by me, Cherish and Support me in all the difficulties of this Place. I have it by your Courtesy, and shall hold it at your Pleasure; and I have this to Secure me, If I fall, I fall into the Hands of Gentlemen that made me what I am in Your Service.  
I doubt not but you will remember, your own Minister, your own ONLY, your own ENTIRELY, placed in this Service without Seeking, without Recommending: I expect No Boon, but your Grace and Favour to departed as I came, when you shall please to Command me, without repenting.  
Some have said these Speeches were never made in the House, but added afterwards to the Votes; tho it's possible they might be designed: but that is nothing to the purpose. In my poor Judgement this last Speech is liable to many great Exceptions, and for which he would certainly have been eased of this Laborious and Dangerous Employment under any Prince but the Mildest of Men with whom he had now to do.  
First he might have treated his Predecessors in that Chair with more respect, than to take notice of them that had Maimed their Reputation; which as they were not many, so that thought might with more Humility and Candour have been kept to himself; and the rather, because one present had had the Misfortune to be represented disadvantagiously in the latter end of the former Parliament; and this looked more like an insulting Bravado, than a Modest Excuse. It had been good he had taken the Lord Verulam's Counsel, Essay the 11. Use the Memory of thy Predecessor Fairly, and Tenderly; for if thou dost not, it is a Debt, will Surely be paid, when thou art Gone.  
In the Second Paragraph he flies higher, and is not content to tell them that he is their Minister, without he added, Only, and Entirely. Now another man would have left out these words, or have added something to them, to declare his Loyal Intention to his Prince too, whose Minister the Speaker is more properly than the Houses, whose Place he holds there, and from whom he hath his Authority, though he hath his Nomination from the Commons; nor is he a Speaker at all till the King hath approved of their Choice.  
His Majesty to avoid any Contest about a Speaker, had it seems not Recommended any Person to them, as is usual; and he takes Notice of that too, but in such a manner, as looks more like a Triumph over his Majesty, than any thing else, as having gained that point upon him by the last Contest, when he tells them he was placed in that Service without Seeking, without Recommending: And in the Next place he tells them, He Expects no other Boon, but by their Grace and Favour to departed as he came, without repenting. He may possibly prove a Prophet, and as he seems to scorn his Prince's Favour, so he may ever want an opportunity of Refusing it.  
On Friday the House of Commons attended his Majesty with their Speaker, where he that hath entered two Speeches to the Commons, is not pleased to Enter that which was made to his Majesty, but only tells us that he made claim by Humble Petition in the Name of the Commons of England in Parliament Assembled, of the Ancient Rights of the Commons for them and their Servants in their Persons and Estates, to be free from Arrests and other disturbances; in all their Debates to have Freedom and Liberty of speech; and as occasion should require, to have Access to his Majesty's Person. Which was allowed by the King.  
But though he hath not been pleased to Print his own Speech, there was one given out for the Information of the People in Writing, which was as followeth.  
May it please Your Majesty,  
THE House of Commons have been pleased to Make use of ME for their Speaker, and Have presented me for Your Majesty's Approbation. It is a Place of great Weight and Pains: Both by my Education and Profession I have been always used to Labour and Industry, Therefore I will (by Your Majesty's Approbation) endeavour to discharge the Trust reposed in me.  
If this were the Preface to the Three Demands or Petitions, I cannot blame him for not Printing it, no more than I can commend him for making one so totally different from what used to be said on such occasions.  
But a man may smile to see how finely the man had digested and put over all his trembling fears in one Night's time, when he called to mind his Education and Profession, which he had totally forgot the day before, and now having considered better, did not think it was fit to ask his Majesty to discharge a person so wonderfully qualified for the Place, as all other had done before him, being, it seems, not so sensible that by their Education and Profession they had been used to Labour and Industry.  
And 'tis pretty to see how his Majesty's Approbation is put into a parenthesis; as if one should say it was Needless, and scarce worth the ask, and the Sense of what he was to speak would have been perfect without it.  
But such was his Majesty's Goodness, that he easily passed over these things, though they were apparent encroachments upon his Royal Prerogative, and such too as another Prince would have stomached. He sought the good of his People more than any thing, and for that cause bore these disorders.  
On Monday the 25. of October the Lords sent down an Address they had made to his Majesty for the Pardon of all such persons as should come in and discover any thing further of the Plot within two Months; and with it his Majesty's Answer, which was as followeth.  
HIS Majesty hath Considered of the Address made by the House, and is so willing to Encourage all persons who know of any Treasons and Conspiracies against his Person and Government, that he will cause his Royal Proclamation to Issue, declaring, That he will fully Pardon and Secure all persons who shall make such discovery, not Only during the space of Two Months as is desired, but at any time after, whensoever such discovery shall be made.  
The next day the Commons resolved to make an Address to his Majesty to the same purpose.  
And Mr. Dangerfield the discoverer and great Agent in the Meal-Tub Plott, which was a Silly design of the Papists to turn their Plot upon the Presbyterians, mentioning Sir Robert Peyton, a Member of their House, in this Information.  
They referred it to a Committee to Examine the Matters touching Sir Robert Peiton, and to report the same to the House: And then Resolved Nemine Contradicente,  
That it was the Opinion of their House to proceed effectually to suppress Popery, and Prevent a Popish Successor.  
On Wednesday the 27th of October, they agreed the said Address, which was as followeth.  
WE Your Majesty's most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, the Commons in Parliament Assembled, being highly Zealous for the preservation of the Protestant Religion, Your Majesty's Sacred Person and Government, and resolving to pursue with a strict and impartial Inquiry the Execrable Popish Plot which was detected in the Two Last Parliaments, and has been Supported and Carried on by potent and restless Practices and Machinations, especially during the late Recesses of Parliaments, whereby several persons have been terrified and discouraged from declaring their Knowledge thereof; most humbly beseech Your Majesty, That for the Security of such persons who shall be willing to give Evidence, or make further Satisfactory Discovery concerning the same to this House, Your Majesty would be pleased to Issue Your Royal Proclamation, assuring all the said persons, of your Gracious Pardon, if they shall give Evidence, or make such Discovery within two Months after the date of such Proclamation.  
There was two Exceptions taken to this Address by others, Tho I find none made in the House, viz.  
The first was, That in the height of their Zeal they forgot to tell his Majesty what Protestant Religion they meant or desired to preserve, for there being in England many not only several but contrary Religions, which yet may be Comprehended under that General term of Protestant. Some of which are worse than Popery, they were not to be preserved but Suppressed, if it might be; Except they intended in opposition to Popery to uphold all the Heresies and Schisms that arose in the late Rebellion amounting to near Eightscore, as they have been counted; but than it had been better to have called them Protestant Religions: for it is a perfect piece of Nonsense to call these Contrary and Contending Factions, who do mutually endeavour to Ruin each other, though they are now Combined as much against the Religion that is Established, as against Popery, and to Act against it with more fury than they do against Popery; I say it is Nonsense to call these Conjointly Religion, when if there be or ever were any such things as different Religions in the World, these are such, and they are as Contrary to the Religion established, and each to other as they are to Popery.  
Hitherto the Parliaments had always qualified that lose general word, with such terms as these, Established, or by Law Established, or the like; and sometimes not so much as mentioned the Word Protestant, which is very improperly affixed to any Party of the Reformed Religions of England, there being perhaps never a Lutheran in England, to take it strictly.  
But we shall see afterwards that it was not a Casual or Accidental omission here, but as these Protestants at Large had advanced the greater part of these Commons into that high dignity, so they were resolved, to lift them up above the Church and Laws by way of Reward, though the Peace of the Nation and the Government were Ruined by it.  
The Second thing objected was, That they Tacitly and Injuriously reflected upon His Majesty in their Pretences, That during the Recess of Parliament, several persons had been terrified and discouraged from declaring their Knowledge of the Plot. As for the Recesses, Prorogations and Dissolutions of the Parliaments, they were apparently forced upon the King much against his Will by the unreasonable Heats, Feuds, and Irregularities of the Commons, and so the King was not to be blamed; and all that would Inform any thing concerning the Plot in these Intervals had been as Kindly used by the King and Council, as they could have been by the Parliament. So that this was, as I said, an Injurious Reflection upon His Majesty and the Government, and was an Argument of an ill temper, and could not but disgust his Majesty.  
Their limiting their Petition of Pardon to only such persons as made any Discovery to their House, was looked upon as much restrained; for if the Discovery were really and effectually made, what matter was it to what house or person it was made. But it may be this might not be intended by them for any such purpose as the limiting of the thing to them, though in effect it did so, and therefore I shall pass it over.  
From this Address the House proceeded to the Votes about the Petitions; which were as followeth.  
Resolved, Nemine Contradicente. Which shows the Strength of the party, and not the Consent of the whole House.  
That it is, and Ever hath been, the Undoubted Right of the Subjects of England, to Petition the King for the Calling and Sitting of Parliaments, and Redressing of Grievances.  
Resolved, N. C.  
That to traduce such Petitioning (howsoever managed, for so it must signify, or else it will conclude nothing from the Other as a Principle) as a Violation of Duty, and to represent it to his Majesty as Tumultuous and Seditious, is to betray the Liberty of the Subject, and Contributes to the Design of Subverting the Ancient Legal Constitutions of this Kingdom, and introducing Arbitrary Power.  
Ordered,  
That a Committee be appointed to inquire of all such persons as have offended against these Rights of the Subjects.  
Resolved,  
That an Address be made to his Majesty, declaring the Resolution of this House to Preserve and Support the King's Person and Government, and the Protestant Religion at home and abroad.  
This last seemed to sweeten the Crudity of the former Votes, and to Countenance and Justify one of the greatest disorders that Contributed to the Ruin of his Father.  
As to their first Vote, which is their Principle, it is granted modo & forma as they have set it down.  
But the Second is too general, and an Undeniable foundation for Rebellion, as hath been Experimented: for all the Controversy was here about the manner of Petitioning, viz. Whether a few private men might agree upon a Petition, and then send Emissaries abroad to procure Hundreds and Thousands of Ignorant people to Subscribe it, and then tender it to his Majesty, as it were by the Number to fright him into a Compliance with them against his declared Resolution to the Contrary: if this might be allowed, the Liberty of the Subject would soon eat up the Prerogative of the King, and disorder this or any other Government in the World.  
In the Reign of Henry the Seventh, one Thomas Flammock, 
Lord Bacon 's Hist. of H. 7.  a Lawyer, thought he could make a Rebellion and never break the Peace; and the People of Cornwall being discontented about some Subsidies granted to the King, he persuades them that it was not good they should stand like Sheep before the Shearers, but put on Harness and take Weapons in their hands: yet to do no Creature hurt, but go and deliver the King a Strong Petition, for the Laying down of those grievous Payments, and for the Punishment of those that had given him that Counsel, and to make others beware how they did the like in time to come: And he said for his part, He did not see how they could do the Duty of true Englishmen and good Liege-men, except they did deliver the King from such Wicked ones, that would destroy both him and the Country; or in the Language of our days, introduce Arbitrary Power.  
And accordingly 16000 men armed, assembled, and marched from Cornwall to Black-Heath in Kent Modestly and Quietly enough, Except that at Taunton in Somersetshire they killed, in fury, an Officious and Eager Commissioner for the Subsidy, whom they called the Provost of Perin: but by that time they came at Black-Heath, they Threatened either to bid Battle to the King (for now the Seas went higher than his Councillors) or to take London within his View; imagining themselves, there to find no less fear than wealth. And accordingly they persisted, till the King having drawn out his Forces and Surrounded them, he fought them, and killed 20000, and took all the rest Prisoners.  
Now I would Know whether this Strong Petition was Justifiable, and whether if any body in our days should persuade a Number of Men to Act this over again, it would be an offence against the Rights of the Subjects, to abhor such Petitioning as a Violation of Duty, and represent it to his Majesty as Tumultuous and Seditious, or rather plainly Rebellious; and it would be worth the while to try whether Flammock's Strong Petition may not be Justified by these Votes, as they now stand penned: for it doth not appear that any sort of Petitioning whatsoever, may be opposed by the Votes.  
But it may be replied, That here were no men in Arms in the case of the Petition in hand; but what then, if there should be for the future, these Votes will Justify them too; for if the People may Petition for the Calling or Sitting of a Parliament, or Redressing of Grievances, when and howsoever they please, and no man may hinder them, than is Honest Old Father Flammock's Strong Petition, which was for the Redress of two Notable Grievances, fairly Justifiable, if it were now to be acted over again: But if the People be allowed to Petition, but not any way, it had been fit to have told us, and them, what manner of way they were allowed to Petition, as well as for what; for that was the main thing in question.  
But seeing they were not so kind to the People, I will try if I cannot direct them into a better course the next time they shall have an Occasion to Petition the King for the Calling and Sitting of Parliaments, and Redressing of Grievances. And to that purpose I will here insert a whole Act of Parliament.  
XIII Car. 2. Cap. V.  
An Act against Tumults and Disorders, upon pretence of Preparing or Presenting Public Petitions, or Addresses to His Majesty or the Parliament.  
WHEREAS it hath been found by Sad Experience, That Tumultuous and other Disorderly Soliciting, and Procuring of Hands by private persons, to Petitions, Complaints, Remonstrances and Declarations, and Other Addresses to the King, or both, or either Houses of Parliament; 1. For Alteration of Matters Established by Law. 2. Redress of pretended Grievances in Church or State: 3. Or other Public Concernments, have been made use of, to serve the ends of Factious and Seditious persons gotten into power, to the Violation of the Public Peace, and have been a great means of the late Unhappy Wars, Confusions and Calamities in this Nation. For preventing the like Mischiefs for the future.  
Be it Enacted by the Kings Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Consent of the Lords & Commons assembled in Parliament, and by the Authority of the same, That no person or persons whatsoever, shall from and after the First of August One thousand six hundred sixty and one, solicit, labour or procure the getting of Hands, or other Consent of any persons above the number of Twenty or more, to Petition, Complaint, Remonstrance, any Declaration or other Address to the King, or both, or either Houses of Parliament, for alteration of Matters Established by Law, in Church or State, Unless the Matter thereof have been first Consented unto, and Grdered by Three or more Justices of the County, or by the Major part of the Grand Jury of the County, or Division of the County, where the same matter shall arise, at their Public Assizes, or General Quarter-Sessions; or if arising in London, by the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Commons in Common Council assembled; And that no person or persons whatsoever shall repair to his Majesty, or both or either of the Houses of Parliament, upon pretence of presenting, or delivering any Petition, Complaint, Remonstrance or Declaration, or other Addresses, accompanied with Excessive Numbers of People, 
* Nor.  not at any one time above the number of Ten persons, upon pain of Incurring a penalty not exceeding the Sum of One hundred pounds in Money, and Three Month's Imprisonment without Bail or Mainprize for every offence, to be prosecuted at the Court of Kings-Bench, or at the Assizes or General Quarter-Sessions, within Six Months after the Offence committed, and proved by two or more Credible Witnesses.  
Provided always, That this Act or any thing therein contained, shall not be Construed to Extend to debar or hinder any person or persons, not exceeding the Number of Ten aforesaid, to represent any public or private Grievance or Complaint to any Member or Members of Parliament after his Election, and during the Continuance of the Parliament, or to the King's Majesty, for any Remedy thereupon to be had, or to Extend to any Address whatsoever to his Majesty by all or any of the Members of both or either Houses of Parliament during the Sitting of the Parliament, but that they may enjoy their Freedom of Access to his Majesty as heretofore hath been used.  
Now had this Act of Parliament been pursued, I believe there would have been no Controversy in this case; and there was great reason it should, 
* Because.  By reason of the Unquietness of the Times, when every thing seemed to tend to the renewing of those Calamities the Act mentions in the Preface, and was made to prevent.  
But supposing it had been never so Regular, what reason can be assigned why one part of the People should be freer to Petition for any thing, than the other was against it, if one party may for the instance Petition the King to change his Mind after he hath declared it in any cause, why is not the other part as free to desire him not to change? now that which may seem a public Grievance to one County or Place, may be a great Advantage to another, and they are totally debarred of all means of Maintaining their present advantage, if they may not Counter-Petition.  
But in this case here the persons that Petitioned were private men, and contrary to the express Letter of this Act, solicited hands in an irregular way; and such sort of hands, as besides their Number, were of No Consideration; for the directions that they sent with the Petitions, were, That it mattered not whether they were Gentlemen, or so much as Freeholders', so they were Numerous. Now let any man consider whether it be reasonable that a company of Rude Country Clowns, and a parcel of Pragmatical Apron-men, should contrary to his Majesty's Proclamation pretend themselves wise enough to Advise his Majesty when the Parliament should Sit. But if it be alleged, That there were others besides these: why were not these totally left out? why was there such care that the Subscriptions should be so Numerous? did these small Folk add any weight to the Advise? No surely.  
On the other Hand, they that appeared against them were Parliament-men themselves, Justices of the Peace, Grand Juries at Assizes and Sessions, Common-Councels and Magistrates in Corporations, men full as likely to Understand what was fit to be done, and as Unlikely to betray the true Liberties of the People on the one hand, or to invade the just Prerogatives of the Crown on the other; but then these were men true to the Religion and Government by Law established; and the Petitioners were of the same sort, for the most part, with them that had brought on the former Calamities by this and other such specious and popular pretences, to the ruin both of King and People, Prerogative and Liberty: and therefore the more justly suspected to be playing over the Old Game.  
Thus much may suffice concerning the Votes; And now let us see how they proceeded against the pretended Offenders. And in the first place Sir Francis Withens, a Member of their House, being accused on this Account as an offender against the Rights of the Subject, who was not then present, It was  
Ordered,  
That Notice should be given him to attend in his place the next Morning.   

On Thursday October 28.  
Sir F. Withins appearing in his place, It was ordered that the Clerk of the Peace for Westminster should attend the House the next Morning at Ten of the Clock with the Roll of the Orders for the Last Easter Sessions for the City of Westminster.  
Then they fell upon an Information which had been given the House against Sir Robert yeoman's of Bristol, and Sir Robert Cann, a Member of the House, That they did in October 1679, Publicly declare, That there was no Popish Plot, but a Presbyterian Plot.  
Which was attested against them by Mr. Row, Swordbearer of Bristol, and Sir John Knight a Member of the House. Sir Robert Cann being to make his defence, Uttered several Reproachful and Reflecting words against Sir John Knight, for which he was called to the Bar, and received a Reprehension on his Knees, and then being ordered to withdraw, they Voted he should be committed to the 
* Where he lay till the 8th of Novemb. & then was discharged.  Tower, and Expelled the House; and that Sir Robert yeoman's should be sent for in Custody of the Sergeant attending their House.  
This weighty affair took up the whole day, and it had been well spent, if the Popish Plot had been made one jot the plainer, or the Presbyterian Plot ever so little taken off by it; but the World was full as well satified of the truth of the former before, notwithstanding what these Gentlemen had said to the Contrary; and much confirmed in the truth of the latter, by this Violent, if not Arbitrary way of proceeding against them.  
For if these Gentlemen had offended against any Law, why were they not prosecuted in a Legal way, where they might have made a Legal defence, and have received a Legal Sentence? But here they had nothing but bare affirmations, without any witness to defend them; and a Sentence founded upon this as sharp, chargeable, and dishonourable as was possible. If this be the Liberty of the Subject, and these men our defenders from Arbitrary Government—  
On Friday October 29. Sir George Downing having obtained Leave to bring in a Bill for wearing of the Woollen Manufacture of England; The House Ordered that Dr. Tongue should be recommended to his Majesty for the first Considerable Church-Preferment that should happen to become void in the Kingdom. And then the Speaker Reported his Majesty's Answer to the Address concerning Pardons, which is recited above; which Answer was,  
THat he did intent to direct such a Proclamation, and was resolved not only to prosecute the Plot, but Popery also, and to take Care of the Protestant Religion Established by Law; and if We join, and the Lower House go on Calmly in their Debates, without heats, He did not doubt but to beat down Popery and all that belongs to it.  
This Answer will stand upon Record against them, and Posterity will certainly give them their due for Neglecting this Mild Admonition of this Meek Prince. But to go on, Mr. Harboured Reported the Address for the Support of the King's Person and Government, and the Protestant Religion both at Home and Abroad. Which was as followeth.  
WE Your Majesty's most Dutiful and Obedient Subjects the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled, Do with most Thankful Hearts Acknowledge, not Only Your Majesties many former Royal Declarations of Your Adherence to the 
* What Protestant Religion? why are not the words by Law Established, here, as well as in his Majesties Answer above?  Protestant Religion, in the Preservation and Protection thereof, but Your further Manifestation of the same in Your Gracious Speech to both Houses at the Opening of this present Parliament, in which Your Majesty is pleased to Command us strictly and impartially to prosecute the Horrid Popish Plot, without which we do fully assent to Your Majesty's great Judgement, That neither Your Person nor Government can be Safe, nor your Protestant Subjects, It being part of the very Religion of Popery, where it can obtain, to Extirpate all Protestants both Prince and People; which hath caused in the Times of Your Royal Ancestors since the Reformation, that great Care to oblige the Subjects against their return to the Papal Yoke, in the very same Oaths wherein they Swear Allegiance to their Prince. And as Now the Eyes of all the Protestant Kingdoms and States abroad are upon us, and looking upon Your Majesty as the Royal Head of so many Protestant Countries, cannot but hope, upon a Happy and Solid Security in our Religion at Home, That your Majesty will be the greatest Protection to them, from whom we may expect a Mutual Assistance, as being involved in the same Common Danger: So we do humbly assure your Majesty, That we shall be always ready to preserve your Majesty's Person and Government, and to Support the 
* What that by Law Established, or another As contrary to it as Popery is?  Protestant Religion both at home and abroad: And do Humbly beseech your Majesty, to Esteem all persons whatsoever who shall otherwise represent Us to your Majesty, as those who design to divide between the King and his People, and to defeat the Meeting and Sitting of Parliaments, That those Popish Designs may succeed, which they well know cannot otherwise prosper. And this they have made undeniably Evident in the Interval of Parliaments, by Contriving, with unparallelled Insolence, a most Damnable and Wicked Design to transfer their own Crimes upon so many of your Majesty's Loyal Protestant Nobility and Gentry, hoping thereby to destroy those who with the greatest Zeal and Integrity endeavour to prosecute them.  
The Effect of this Specious Address to possess the People, what Stout Champions the Presbyterians are against Popery, and to Involve all them that had appeared against them, as Papists or Favourers of Papists, and to let the World know what a horrid opinion they had of that Silly-impossible-Meal-Tub-Sham Plot: And Certainly the Popish Party were much to blame to Lay their Treasons to the Presbyterians, who have too many of their own to answer for without this Accumulation of guilt from others Crimes. But as to their boast of their Great Zeal and Integrity in endeavouring to prosecute the Popish Plot, we shall be better able to judge of it in the Conclusion of this Session of Parliament.  
Then the House Proceeded to Examine Sir Francis Wythens business, and it appearing by Witness and his own Confession, that he had presented an Address to his Majesty, expressing an Abhorrency to Petition his Majesty for the Calling and Sitting of Parliaments, they Voted him a Betrayer of the Undoubted Rights of the Subjects of England; and ordered him to be Expelled the House for this High Crime, and to receive his Sentence at the Bar upon his Knees. Which he submitted to.  
Observe how they misrepresent this Gentleman, the Address he presented was drawn by the Bench at Easter Sessions for Westminster, and related only to that Petition, and that Parliament, in those Circumstances; now as they word the business, it must signify that the Address was against All Sorts of Petitions, for the Sitting of Parliaments, in the plural Number; which is foul play to misrepresent the Matter of fact in a thing so lately done and well Known to every body in the very place where they Sat: but it was necessary it should be so worded, to Justify the Severity of the House, if that would have done.  
This was the Second Member of Parliament they Expelled in a way that was looked on as Arbitrary, and unexampled; and this was the use they made of His Majesty's Advice to proceed Calmly, and without Heats.  
On Saturday the 30th of October, They passed a Vote,  
That the Votes of their House should be Printed, being first Perused and Signed by Mr. Speaker, who was to Nominate and Appoint the persons to Print the same.  
From these Printed Votes I have Extracted what hath gone before and shall follow after; and to them I appeal for the truth of this Narrative of their Proceed: and but for this Vote it might have been difficult to have known what they had done, so as to have charged them: By them also I have been encouraged to speak my Mind more freely of this, than of the former Parliaments; for this Printing their Votes could be designed for Nothing but to enable the People to pass a Judgement on their Actions; one of which Number I am.  
Their next Vote was, That they would proceed to the full Examination of the Popish Plot, in order to bring the Offenders to Justice.  
And then they Nominated a Committee to Inspect the Journals of the Two last Parliaments; and Report their proceed relating to the Popish Plot; and Ordered  
An Address to his Majesty for the Letters, Papers and Evidences which have been delivered to the Privy Council relating to the said Plot.  
This Afternoon they Waited upon his Majesty with their Address for the Preservation of his Person and Government, etc.  
On Monday the First day of November, Mr. Secretary Jenkins told the House, the Papers they had Addressed for, had been sent to the Committee of the House of Lords for Examination of the Plot, the 24th of October.  
The Bill for wearing of Woollen, was also read and committed.  
Then the Speaker Reported the King's Answer to their Address for Preservation of his Majesty's Person, and the Protestant Religion; which was as followeth.  
I Thank you very hearty for your Zeal for the Protestant Religion: and I assure you there shall be nothing wanting on my part at Home or Abroad to preserve it.  
Sir Francis Winnington Chairman of the Committee for Inspecting the Journals of the Two last Parliaments concerning the Proceed relating to the Popish Plot, reported a general abstract of the same; which was Ordered to be perfected, and that they should inspect those of the House of Lords for the same time.  
Then one Hardwich a Linen-draper, being accused of some Misdemeanours against one Signior Francisco, a Witness in the Popish Plot, was Ordered to be sent for in Custody of the Sergeant Attending their House to answer the same. This was to punish a man before they knew whether he were guilty or no, upon a bare Suggestion.  
On Tuesday the 2 d. of November, A Bill for prohibiting the Importation of Irish , was read and committed.  
And then one Harnage was ordered to be brought to the Bar for abusing Francisco Ferria.  
And then they Voted an Address to his Majesty for a pardon for Dangerfield, and that he would take him and Mr. Dugdale, Mr. Prance and this Signior F. Ferria into his Royal Care and Protection.  
But these were small matters to what follow.  
Resolved Nemine Contradicente,  
That the Duke of York's being a Papist, and the Hopes of his coming such to the Crown, hath given the greatest Countenance and Encouragement to the present Designs and Conspiracies against the King and Protestant Religion.  
Resolved, That in defence of the King's Person and Government, and of the Protestant Religion, this House doth declare, That they will stand by his Majesty with their Lives and Fortunes, and that if his Majesty shall come by any violent death, (which God forbidden) they will Revenge it to the Uttermost upon the Papists. (who ever did it.)  
Resolved,  
That a Bill be brought in to disable the Duke of York to Inherit the Imperial Crown of this Realm.  
On Tuesday the 3 d. day of November, the Lords sent down an Act they had passed for the better Regulating the Trials of the Peers of England, to which they desired the Concurrence of the Commons; and it was read the same day and committed.  
Mr. Harnage being then brought to the Bar, was continued in Custody of the Sergeant during the Pleasure of the House. Not one tittle being inserted concerning the Nature of his Misdemeanour.  
The Committee for Examination of the Journals were also appointed to inspect the Impeachments against the Lords in the Tower, and the proceed thereupon. And they were also to prepare Evidence against the said Lords. And in the mean time they Voted,  
Resolved Nemine Contradicente,  
That a Bill be brought in for the better Uniting of all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects. This was now a New Name for a Toleration, as I will make it appear.  
Ordered,  
That Sir Tho. Whitegrave and Mr. Birch of Stafford Apothecary, and Lieutenant Ellis be sent for in Custody of the Sergeant, to answer to the Charge given against them by Mr. Dugdale.  
Ordered,  
That Herbert Herring be sent for in Custody, etc. for a Notorious Breach of Privilege by him committed against Mr. Colt a Member of their House; No account how or when being given.  
But Jeremiah Bubb was only Summoned to appear at the Bar to answer for a Breach of Privilege committed against Mr. Colt.  
The Bill for Prohibiting the Importation of Irish  was read the second time, and committed.  
And Leave was given to bring in a Bill for the Exportation of Leather.  
On Thursday the 4th of November the said Bill was read the first time, and Ordered a second reading.  
And then Mr. Secretary Jenkins Reported his Majesty's Answer concerning the Informers against the Popish Plot; which was, That Care had, and should be taken of them.  
Ordered,  
That a Committee be appointed to inspect the Act entitled, Trade Encouraged, made in the 15th Year of his Majesty's Reign, and to bring in a Bill for prohibiting of Scotch  at certain Seasons.  
And then after some Debates and Votes concerning Elections, of which I shall take no Notice.  
The Bill for disabling the D. of York to Inherit, was read the first time and committed.  
Ordered,  
That a Committee be appointed to Inspect the Laws that are in being, touching the Maintenance of the Poor; and to bring in a Bill or Bills for Regulating and preventing the increase of the Poor in this Kingdom.  
On Saturday the 6th of November it was Ordered, That a Committee be appointed to Inspect the Law concerning the Anniversary Reading of the Narrative of the Gunpowder-Plot in Churches, on every Fifth day of November, and to Report the same to the House.  Resolved N. C. That it is the Opinion of this House, That the Acts of Parliament made in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James against Popish Recusants, Ought not to be Extended against Protestant Dissenters. 
It would have been well if we had been told why they ought not to be Extended to all that break them, one as well as another. And then how it should be possible to distinguish these two Sorts of offenders one from the other, the offence being Exactly the same, though the cause be a little different: And then thirdly, if a Bill had been brought in for that purpose, for the Votes of the House of Commons are no binding Expositions of Law, nor I hope never will be. Lastly, this Vote was needless, if the Bill of Union went on; and to no purpose if it did not; as I suppose they understand Now.  
Ordered,  
That a Committee be appointed to prepare and bring in a Bill for Repeal of all or any part of the Act of Parliament made in the 35th Year of the Reign of Queen Eliz. Cap. 1. Printed in the Statute Book of Pulton.  
This was a severe Act against the Dissenters, and they were Now to be Countenanced and Encouraged to the utmost; for what end and purpose is not difficult to be guessed, by their Insolence against the King and Government.  
A Bill for Exportation of Cloth and other Woollen Manufactures into Turkey was read the first time and committed.  
The Bill to disable the Duke of York was read the Second time, and committed to a Committee of the whole House, with a Resolution declared that it should Extend to the Person of the Duke of York Only; and that Committee was appointed on the next Monday Morning at Ten of the Clock: And accordingly it was that day Debated, and some Clauses added to it.  
On Tuesday the Ninth of November his Majesty sent the Commons another Message by Mr. Secretary Jenkins, which was as followeth.  
CHARLES R.  
HIS Majesty desires this House, as well for the Satisfaction of his People as of Himself, to Expedite such Matters as are depending before them, relating to Popery, and the Plot; and would have them rest assured, That all Remedies they can tender to his Majesty, conducing to those Ends, shall be very acceptable to him; Provided they be such as may Consist with preserving the Succession of the Crown in its Due and Legal Course of Descent.  
On Wednesday the 10th of November, A Bill for Regulating the Elections of Members to Serve in Parliament for the House of Commons, was read the first time, and ordered to be read the second time.  
And the same day the Bill for prohibiting the Importation of Irish  was read the third time and passed, and sent up to the Lords.  
Now let the Reader observe, there was not one Public Bill passed through the House of Commons in all this time, but this; and yet no Bill was more opposed than this: but here the priyate Concerns of the North and West Country Gentlemen were Engaged, and therefore they carried it on Might and Main against all opposition; but as for any Bills against Popery, they took no care or thought: for that against the Duke of York may perhaps be made to appear to be of another Nature than was pretended, and rather against any thing than Popery.  
The same day the Lords sent down to the Commons a Bill which they had passed, for Freeing the City of London, and his Majesty's Court and the Parts adjacent, from Popish Inhabitants, and providing against other Dangers which may arise from Papists. To which they desired their Concurrence.  
Note, That this Bill had been sent down from the Lords before, and the Commons had lost the opportunity of passing it, as you will see they will in this Session also, though there were Tragical representations made of the Danger the City and Nation were in from the Vast Numbers of them which were Seated in and about the City of London: The truth is, it was not convenient to lose any thing that might serve to fright the People, and much better to have Papists in London for that purpose, than to have them sent elsewhere, and lose the means of Fermenting the Rabble. But if men were not as willing to be or at least seem to be cheated, as others are to delude them, they would soon perceive whose interest it is to keep them in Fears and Jealousies, and after discharge their Bug-bears, or turn their rage another way.  
The same day they Voted an Address to his Majesty, in answer to his last Message.  
And that they would proceed in the prosecution of the Lords in the Tower, beginning with William Viscount Stafford.  
On Thursday the 11th of November, 1680.  
A Bill to prevent the offences of Bribery, and Debauchery, in Elections of Members to Serve in the Commons House of Parliament, was Read the first time, and ordered to be read again the Monday following, with the Bill for Regulating Elections of Members to Serve in the said House, formerly mentioned.  
This day the Bill against the Duke of York was read the third time, and passed; The Title whereof was resolved to be, An Act for Securing of the Protestant Religion, by Disabling James Duke of York to Inherit the Imperial Crown of England and Ireland, and the Dominions and Territories thereunto belonging. And it was ordered that the Lord Russel should carry it up to the Lords, for their Concurrence.  
The Bill sent down by the Lords for Freeing the City of London from Popish Recusants, was read the first time on Friday, 
12. Nou.  and Ordered a second reading in a full House.  
This day the Commons sent a Message to the Lords, to Acquaint them with their Intentions to begin with the Viscount Stafford, and to desire them to appoint a Convenient time for the Trial, and that the Lords in the Tower might be Confined and kept from holding Correspondence with one another, as persons impeached and committed for High Treason by Law ought to be.  
The Lords answered, As to the latter part of this Message, They had taken Care already in it; and as to the former, They appointed Tuesday the Thirtieth day of the same Month.  
And they further resolved to Address to his Majesty for a Sum of Money for defraying the Charges of Summoning of Witnesses and other Expenses Incident to the Prosecution and Trials of the Lords in the Tower, and appointed Mr. Charles Clare to Receive and Expend the same; for which purpose his Majesty gave Order that 100 l. should be Issued out of the Exchequer.  
On Saturday the 13th of November,  
Sir Robert yeoman's being upon his own Petition called to the Bar, he Acknowledged his offence, and was ordered to receive the Censure of the House upon his Knees; to which he submitted, and was discharged, paying his Fees.  
The Lords returned the Bill against Importing of Irish  agreed to Commons the same day.  
The City of London having Petitioned the House against Sir George Jeffereys their Recorder, and it being referred to a Committee, they passed this Vote,  
Resolved,  
That this Committee is of Opinion, That by the Evidence given to this Committee, it does appear that Sir George Jeffereys, Recorder of the City of London, by traducing and obstructing Petitioning for the Sitting of This Parliament, hath betrayed the Rights of the Subject.  
To which the House agreed, and Ordered, That an Humble Address be made to his Majesty, to remove him out of all Public Offices; and appointed a Committee to draw up the same. As if it had been likely his Majesty would have so far complied with them, as to have punished the Recorder for obeying his Laws and Proclamation, against a Tumultuous and Seditious Sort of men.  
But however his Majesty might Act, they had another aim in this, for they Voted, That the Members of their House that Served for the City of London, should communicate this Vote and Resolution of their House, to the Court of Aldermen for the City of London.  
This was a sure way to bespeak a Party in the City to Join with the House against the Abhorrers.  
They further Ordered, That this Committee should inquire into all such persons as have been Advising, or Promoting of the late Proclamation, styled, A Proclamation against Tumultuous Petitioning.  
Thus having passed thus far without any check from any person, they thought they might proceed as far further as they pleased. And it is very probable that they were spurred on to this by their Friends and Enemies; the one designing to make them Terrible; and the other, being willing to make them Hated. However, I am sure they they became more hated than feared by this and many other such proceed.  
As the Parliament, that is, the Commons, Courted the City, so the City was as kind to them, and Calling a Common Council, Voted an Address to his Majesty to declare their Loyalty; and to Petition him that the Parliament might Sat until Protestantisme was Secured; I believe they might mean innocently, though I am well Secured that this would have perpetuated them to the End of the World, if some amongst them might have been Judges of the time when this great work was perfected.  
But this did not Edify with his Majesty, who penetrated to the bottom of these little Projects, and was not overpleased with this Correspondency betwixt this and the Commons, remembering what ill effects this Conjunction had in the Reign of his Father. So he Advised the Common-Councel to meddle with those things that lay before them, and assuring them, That he would Labour to maintain the Protestant Religion as it was Established by Law; (which was more than they desired,) he dismissed them.  
On Monday the 15th day of November.  
A Bill against the Importation of  from Scotland was Read the first time, and Ordered a Second Reading the Saturday following at Ten of the Clock.  
This day was delivered the following Message to the Commons.  
CHARLES R.  
HIS Majesty did in his Speech, at the Opening of this Session of Parliament, desire your Advice and Assistance, in relation to Tangier: the Condition and Importance of the Place obliges his Majesty to put this House in mind again, That He relies upon them for the Support of it, without which it cannot be much longer preserved. His Majesty doth therefore Earnestly Recommend Tangier again to the due and speedy Consideration and Care of this House.  
A Debate thereupon arising in the House, they Voted, That they would proceed in the Consideration of this Message the next Wednesday Morning at Ten of the Clock.  
A Bill sent down from the Lords, Entitled, An Act for the better Regulating the Trials of the Peers of England, was Read the Second time, and Committed upon the Debate of the House.  
This day the Bill for Disabling the Duke of York was Read the first time in the House of Peers; and the question being put, Whether it should be read again? the House divided.  

noah's, 63.  
Yea, 30.   
So it was Thrown out; the Bishops all appearing against the Bill, Except three, for which some of the Commons Reflected upon them, with great Liberty, as if no body could be for the Duke but he must be for Popery.  
The House of Commons taking notice of this, were so discomposed, that they Adjourned themselves on Tuesday Morning, and did nothing that day.  
And the day following meeting in a very bad and discontented humour, and taking into Consideration the Message about Tangier, They Resolved upon an Address to his Majesty upon the Debate of the House, Humbly representing to him the dangerous State and Condition of the Kingdom.  
And then it appearing that George Earl of Hallifax had been very Active in the House of Lords against the Bill for Disinheriting the Duke, they Resolved also upon another Address to his Majesty, to remove the Earl from his Majesty's Presence and Councils for Ever. And this was all they did the Second day after. The House being in a perfect Fret, and the Country-Party Heating themselves by their Speeches to that height, they were scarce able to Consider what was fit to be said or asked.  
And now that the Peers of England have passed their Judgement concerning this Bill, I will add some short Reflections upon the Bill, which I shall shall submit to my Reader, as it is fit I should.  
First, Then, I do acknowledge it is a great affliction to any Protestant Country to fall into the Hands of a Popish Prince; and worse for England then for most other, because of the great and implacable Malice the Jesuits and the whole Church of Rome have ever born to the Religion Established amongst us, which is more easily defended against them, than any other Reformed Church, as being founded upon greater Antiquity, and more conformable to the Primitive Church of the Three or Four first Centuries, then either the Church of Rome, or any of the Reformed Churches in these Western Parts of the World: and therefore they of the Church of Rome Have left no stone unturned, to Subvert her, employing all their own Wit and Power against her ever since the Reign of Queen Elizabeth began; and sticking neither at Perjury, Treason, Murder, nor any other Villainy that they thought might conduce to that End: and when God had by his Gracious Providence defeated all these their Damnable Projects, They Transformed themselves into the shapes of our own Protestant Dissenters, and so promoted a Rebellion which ended in the seeming Ruin of this Religion and Government, to their mighty Content and Satisfaction; but though his Majesty at his Return re-settled this Church, yet they did not give over, but by a Toleration by spreading Pamphlets written in the Style of the Dissenters, and so very acceptable to them, by discouraging all that opposed our Intestine Divisions, and a multitude of such other frauds, they have in Twenty Years time so shaken her foundations again, that his Majesty can hardly now preserve and uphold her against the Popish Party on the one hand, and the Dissenters on the other.  
So that if this poor persecuted Church should fall into the hands of a Prince of their Communion, She is to Expect whatever the most Enraged Malice armed with his Authority, can inflict upon her, and She hath all the reason in the world to expect the Dissenters will join with them to afflict and ruin her. Not out of any Kindness to Popery, but out of an implacable hatred they two have Conceived against her. So that I must and will Conclude the Church of England hath the greatest reason in the world to dread that day that shall put her into such hands.  
But yet still with this limitation notwithstanding, that by Avoiding one Mischief, she should not plunge herself into a greater; that is, by flying a Persecution from men, to fall into a Rebellion against her God and Saviour, by whose Providence Kings and Princes (of what Religion soever they be) rule; and by whom they have in all Ages been so Ordered, Disposed and Governed, as He in his Divine and Holy Wisdom Saw most Expedient for the Prosperity or Chastisement of his Church, to the greater increase of her Glory and Happiness in the world to come.  
Two things I will lay down as Undoubted Rules or Maxims.  
1. That the Kingdom of England is an Hereditary Kingdom or Monarchy, which for many Ages hath gone to the Next Heirs, be they Males or Females, of the Blood Royal; without any Election or Consent of the People, otherwise then by acknowledging their Lawful Right derived from God, by their Blood to them.  
The Second is, That this Hereditary Monarchy was set up at first, and hath been since upheld and maintained by the Providence of God.  
From which two I will infer this Conclusion, That who ever shall attempt to alter this Right of Succession without a manifest revelation, (which is not now to be expected) is a Notorious Usurper upon the Right of the Person who is to Succeed, be the pretence for it what it will; and a Rebel against that Providence which gave him that Right.  
Nor will all the Ancient Rebellions, Usurpations and Disorders, which have happened in this Kingdom, Justify them that shall begin them again.  
Now if it should please God so to order it, that the Duke should at his Majesty's Death be the Next Heir to his Crown; I cannot see how any humane Power shall prevent his Succession to it, but by encroaching upon his Right, and by rebelling against the Divine Providence that gave it to him.  
So that be the Inconveniences that shall follow upon such a Succession what they will or can be, we must submit to them upon pain of Rebellion against both God and his Anointed our Lawful Prince. And then let any man be judge whether it is better to fall into the Hands of a Popish Prince, or into the Hands of an Angry God, who is a Consuming fire; and who is not bound by any Act of Parliament from afflicting a Sinful and Rebellious People.  
So though the Church of England hath all the reason in the world to dread such a Prince, yet she will have greater reason to dread a Rebellion against him, because it runs her upon the Divine Vengeance, and is directly contrary to her Principles, and the Practice of the Apostles and Primitive Church, and is plain downright Popery. So that I conclude Neither She nor any of her Children, will be guilty of it, come what will come.  
But this is not all, we are already Sworn to Bear Faith and true Allegiance to the King's Highness, 
The Oath of Supremacy.  His Heirs and Lawful Successors, and that to our power we shall assist and defend all Jurisdiction, Privileges, Pre-Eminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the King's Highness, his Heirs and Lawful Successors, or United and Annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm; of which that of an hereditary Succession is one of the principal; and we are Sworn not only to his Majesty, (whom God Long Continue) but also to his Lawful Successors: with which Oath none but they that have that Right can dispense; for this being a promissory Oath made to them as well as him, when their Rights shall fall, his Majesty cannot remit their Right, nor any of them another's; but they have Every of them in their respective degrees and orders an indispensable Right confirmed to them by this Oath. Nor would they cease to be Lawful Successors in the Sense of this Oath, though a Law were made to prevent, bar, or cut off their Succession; because all that is meant by the word Lawful, in this place, is to be understood by the common Rules of Succession Settled by the Common Law of England; viz. the Eldest Son or Daughter before a Younger of the same Sex, etc. Now if his Majesty cannot do it, much less can the Lords or Commons do it, because they are all within the obligation of this Oath, and it is unreasonable that men should dispense with their own promissory Oaths to others; for this would destroy all Faith and Confidence amongst men, and pull up the very Roots of all Society and Government. Nor can any man imagine that this Oath was made in favour of a Protestant Successor only, H. 8. being a Popish Prince, in whose time it was Settled at first. And the same in effect is Sworn by the Oath of Allegiance with this binding Clause, I do believe, and in my Conscience am resolved, that neither the Pope, nor any other Person whatsoever, hath power to absolve me of this Oath or any part thereof, which I Acknowledge by good and full Authority to be lawfully Ministered unto me. And by this Oath we are also bound to bear Faith and true Allegiance (not only) to his Majesty, (but to) his Heirs and Successors, and Him and Them to Defend to the Utmost of our power, etc. Which is to be understood according to their several and respective Rights, and at such times as they shall grow and accrue to them and every of them. And although this Oath was Introduced by a Protestant Prince, yet is not made to him as a Protestant, but as Lawful and Rightful King of this Realm; and who ever is So, hath and must have Right to impose it upon us, be his Religion what it will. So that besides the former Sin of Rebellion against the Providence of God, Here is an Apparent and Unavoidable Perjury in this Case to Aggravate the other. And surely no good Religious man will run upon these two Hideous Sins deliberately, to avoid any temporal affliction whatsoever.  
So that were the Case just such as it is represented by the Author of the Character of a Popish Successor, It would not Justify the Excluding of such a Successor as he hath described, by Force and Arms, against his Right and our Oaths to the Contrary, though we were never so certain to Succeed in the Attempt. But then that wicked man has most falsely represented things to us, and So as it is impossible they should ever prove in the Event, if we do not give occasion for it by an improsperous Rebellion; nay I believe I may say if we should.  
First it is agreed by All the World, That there are Ten Protestants for one Papist thro' all the Dominions of England; So that if such a Successor should attempt to Extirpate them; the bare refusing to aid or assist him in such an enterprise, would render it impossible.  
Secondly, All our Laws are in favour of that Religion that is Established, which could never be Repealed but in Parliament; and it is morally impossible to have a Parliament the major part of which will not be Protestants, who will never Consent to ruin themselves.  
Thirdly, The Revenue of such a Prince will not bear the Charge of so great an Army as will be necessary to reduce the People to a Religion so generally detested and hated as this is.  
In answer to this, there is Two things pretended. First, That he may have Foreign Aids; And Secondly, That he will have means to deter or allure many from the Protestant Religion to his own.  
As to Foreign assistances, no Prince will dare to admit so many as shall totally overpower his own People, because than they will be able to ruin him, as the Saxons did the Britain's; and he may be sure they will do it. So that this is a ridiculous Supposition in a Prince of our own Nation that hath No other Dominions but these.  
As to any Number of People that he may be able to bring over to his Religion, they will be very inconsiderable in proportion to those that will never be brought over, though we suppose the Number greater than it is like to be; for that some men have got a way of Reproaching all they hate with the Name of Papists, because there is none more hated than that; yet even for that case the Number must be small, being very unwilling to List themselves in a hated Party, Except they may have great Advantages by it; which are not to be afforded to many (in proportion to the rest) in one King's Reign, in so small a Kingdom as England.  
Thirdly, The very attempting this with Force and Violence, will drive so many people out of the Nation, that the Prince will destroy both his Revenue, and Security; which we may believe no man will do for his own sake.  
To this we may add, That it is three to one whether we have any such Prince. Who but God can tell whether ever the Duke shall Survive his Majesty. Whether, if he do, he shall be the Next Heir; and whether, if he be So, his Interest, the Grace of God, or mere humane inconstancy, may not work upon him to return to that Religion he was first principled in, and for which his Royal Father most Gloriously Laid down his Life.  
And after all this, Supposing he should Succeed and be Zealous for his Religion, and Suppose that to be Popery; there is no necessity that he must Act all the worst Principles of Popery to the Utmost degree. I am sure it is not usual so to do, though the difficulty be not so great as here it will be.  
And after all, doth not the Providence of God govern the Popish as well as Protestant Princes? Is the Arm of the Almighty shortened that he can neither Deliver nor Support his Church? or hath he forsaken her in her Old Age, who preserved her with So much Care and Power in her Infancy under Heathen Princes for above Three hundred Years? and under Arrian Princes (which were as bad as the worst Papists) a long time after that. Do we believe this Protestant Religion is acceptable to him? Are the far greatest part of them that profess it, Sincere or False in their pretences? If all these be answered one way, we have Something to rely upon that is more Steady, than the Faith and Religion of Princes. If in the other, it will be but a folly to pretend to Secure by humane Arts, that which God is resolved to destroy.  
But the reason upon which the Bill of Exclusion is built, is worse than the thing. First they Vote, That the Duke's being a Papist, and the Hopes of his Coming such to the Crown, hath given the greatest Countenance and Encouragement to the present Designs and Conspiracies against the King and Protestant Religion.  
They Vote the Duke a Papist, which is more than any man living can tell but himself; and if it should be granted that he is So, what then? Then this hath given the greatest Countenance and Encouragement to the present Designs and Conspiracies against the King and Protestant Religion; and then the Conclusion is, That therefore he must be disinherited. To me it seems better Logic to say, Then all possible Care and Art is to be employed to reduce him back to our Church; whereas this way of proceeding with him can end in nothing but the enraging and exasperating of him against the Protestant Religion.  
But then the Duke's being a Papist hath not given the greatest, nor, if we may believe Mr. Oates, hardly any Encouragement to the Plot: for he tells us, 
Article 60.  that when he urged, That he feared the Death of the King would scarely do the business and effect the Design, unless his R. H. would pardon those that did the business, and stand by them in it. Keines replied, That the Duke was not the Strength of their Trust; for they had another way to effect the setting up the C. R. etc. And if James did not Comply with them, to pot he must go also. And Article 29. If the Duke shall set his face in the least measure to follow his Brother's footsteps, his Passport was made to Lay him asleep. And Article 24. They the Jesuits aver, That although the Duke was a good Catholic, yet he had a tender affection for the King, and would scarcely be engaged in that Concern; and if they should once intimate their Designs and Purposes unto him, they might not only be frustrated of their Design, but also might lose his Favour. Art. 16. He saith he putting this question, What if the Duke should prove Slippery? They replied, His Passport was ready when ever he should Appear to fail them. And page the 64. He tells us, He (the Pope) hath ordered, That in case the D. of York will not accept these Crowns as forfeited by his Brother unto the Pope, as of his Gift, and settle such Prelates and Dignities in the Church, and such Officers in Commands and Places Civil, Naval, and Military, as he hath Commissioned, Extirpate the Protestant Religion, and in order thereunto Ex post facto; Consent the Assassination of the King his Brother, Massacre of his Protestant Subjects, Firing of his Towns, etc. by Pardoning of the Assassins', Murderers and Incendiaries, that then he also be Poisoned or destroyed, after they have for some time abused his Name and Title to Strengthen their Plot, etc. All which Passages in his and other of the Narratives show plainly the D. being a Papist was not the greater, nay it was hardly any encouragement to the Plot: and though some of them have gone farther than Mr. Oates, yet that shows the Jesuits had different opinions of His R. Highness; and therefore had no assurance: but if the Plot upon the Life of the King had succeeded, he might have revenged it upon them though he were of their Religion as they believed.  
But because these things may be disputed both ways, Suppose I should grant the Hopes of his Coming a Papist to the Crown, did really give the greatest Encouragement to the Plot; will disinheriting him defeat those hopes? No, but it will rather whet them on to do their utmost to Murder the King to prevent or revenge that injury to the Duke: and of this the House was so sensible, that the same day they passed this Vote, they Added to it this that follows.  
Resolved N. C.  
That in Defence of the King's Person and Government, and of the Protestant Religion, this House doth declare, That they will Stand by His Majesty with their Lives and Fortunes; and that if his Majesty shall come by any Violent Death, (which God forbidden) they will revenge it to the Utmost upon the Papists.  
This latter Vote they have annexed to the former every time they have passed it, which shows they are sensible Revenge and Despair are full as likely to push them on, as Hope, to this Horrid attempt: and in that case this Vote will never hinder them, but it may encourage the Scotch Assassins' to do it if they can; Knowing the Papists are to Suffer, who ever doth the fact.  
So that to me it seems the Reasons upon which the Bill is founded, are weak and unconcluding, and that no Malice could have Contrived a more effectual way to hasten those Calamities upon us it pretends to prevent, and to ascertain what is full as likely never to happen without it.  
So I conclude the Lords did well and wisely in rejecting the Bill, and the Bishops in joining with them so to do.  
And now I will proceed with the rest of the Votes, having made this short Digression to Express my thoughts on this great affair, which I submit to the Judgement of wiser men; and shall willingly retract or amend any thing if I have erred; for I seek nothing by all this but the Peace and Prosperity of my Country.  
There being little done of importance on Thursday the 18th day of November, the next day the Commons fell upon the business of the Abhorrers of the Petitions; and began with the Grand-Juries for the Counties of Somerset and Devon, which had both detested and abhorred the said Tumultuous Petition. So they Ordered, That Sir Giles Philips and William Coleman, being the Foremen of the said Grand-Juries, should be sent for in Custody of the Sergeant at Arms attending their House, to answer at the Bar of their House, for Breach of Privilege by them committed against their House.  
Before in Sir George Jeffereys' Case, it was for betraying the Rights of the Subject, and Now 'tis become a Privilege of Parliament for the People to Petition by Hundreds and Thousands for the Sitting of a Parliament. At this rate of Proceeding, there will be Privileges of Parliament enough at last.  
At the same time they ordered Captain William Castle and Mr. John Hutchinson, and Mr. Henry Walrond, the two last being of the said Grand-Juries, to be Sent for in Custody too. So this was a pretty handsome beginning.  
But the next day they found that Mr. William Stawell was Foreman for the Grand-Jury for Devon, and not Mr. Coleman, so they ordered his Name to be put out of the Warrant, and Mr. Stawell's to be put in. This shows with what heat and haste they managed this affair.  
But why should the Foremen of the Grand-Juries be sent for, rather than all or any of the rest; the Foreman having no more Authority than the Last man, nor being any way enabled by his place to Help or Hinder any thing, but being Concluded by the Major part, be his own Opinion what it will? but they could not tell who promoted this affair, and therefore Right or Wrong, Singled them out to be made Examples, not thinking it convenient to send for the whole Number, who yet, were punished in these; and not only they that suffered, but every Gentleman in the Nation suffered in them; their Liberties being at the Mercy of every Corporation, who when they please may send Tailors, Grocers, etc. to enjoy these exorbitant privileges, and Send for the best Knights and Gentlemen in England, for not, having paid respects great enough to them.  
The Bill of Importation of  from Scotland was read the second time, and Committed.  
Then they proceeded in the business of the Abhorrers, and Voted, That one Thomas Herbert Esq; should be sent for in Custody, for prosecuting John Arnold Esq; at the Council Table, for promoting the said Petition, and procuring Subscriptions.  
To him they added Sir Thomas Holt, Sergeant at Law, and Mr. Thomas Staples, as Betrayers of the Liberties of the Subject.  
The same day one Eld was discharged out of Custody; who had been taken for not Making a good Search for Arms at the Lord Aston's House at Taxall in Staffordshire. Notice being taken that he was a Sober Protestant, (what that means I must leave to my Reader; for I never heard that any sort of Protestants made Drunkenness, or Debauchery, or any other sort of Insobriety a part of Protestantisme, and I should have liked it better if it had been a Confiding Man,) and an Enemy to the Popish Faction: It were worth the while to inquire how he stood affected to the Puritan Faction.  
On Monday the 22 of November,  
Two Bills for Regulating Elections were read the second time, and Committed to a Committee to unite or divide them as they should see cause.  
The day following Sir Thomas Holt petitioning the House, was called in and Censured upon his Knees, and Discharged.  
The same day a further Address was Voted, to Petition his Majesty to remit a Fine of 500 l. that had been set upon Mr. Benjamin Harris, for Printing Seditious Libels. Such men were not to be discouraged, in an Age when so few were to be found, who would undertake that dangerous Employment for the good of the Nation.  
The same day a Bill was brought in for Repeal of an ACT made in the 35 of Eliz. Cap. 1. Against Seditious and Disloyal Sectaries and Conventicles; this Bill passed both Houses, but was taken away, before it was Signed by the King. So that Statute Escaped then; to the terror of those Protestants.  
There having been a design to Indict the Duke of York for a Popish Recusant in Trinity Term this Year, and the same being prevented by the Court of Kings-Benches discharging the Grand-Jury before they had found the same, the House made this Vote,  
That the discharging of a Grand-Jury by any Judge before the end of the Term, Assizes or Sessions, whilst Matters are under their Consideration, and Not presented, is Arbitrary, Illegal and Destructive to public Justice, a manifest Violation of his Oath, (what Oath) and is a Means to Subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom.  
Resolved, That a Committee be appointed to Examine the Proceed of the Judges in Westminster-Hall, etc.  
On Wednesday, November 24.  
After Orders for the sending for George Bell an Attorney at Law, Arthur yeoman's, William Jordan, John Laws, and Henry Aulnett, for Breach of Privilege of Parliament, without assigning wherein; Order was given to bring in a Bill,  
1. To Supply the Laws against Bankrupey.  
2. And another to take away the Court held before the Lord President and Council in the Marches of Wales.  
Then the Bill for Repeal of the 35 Eliz Cap. 1. was read the Second time, and Ordered to be engrossed.  Ordered, That an humble Address be made to his Majesty from this House, by such Members thereof as are of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, to desire his Majesty to give Orders, That all Protestant Dissenters, who are prosecuted upon any Penal Laws made against Popish Recusants, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and King James, may be Admitted to a Composition in the Exchequer, without paying any Fees. 
Which was granted by his Majesty.  Ordered, That Leave be given to bring in a Bill declaring that those Laws shall not be Extended to P. Dissenters; and that it be referred to the Committee appointed to bring in the Bill for the better Uniting of his Majesty's Protestant Subjects. 
The Attorney-General being ordered formerly to attend, and This day Called in and Examined touching the Manner of Issuing forth of the P. styled, A Proclamation against Tumultuous Petitions, and Giving an Account to the House, That Sir Fra. North Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas, was Advising and Assisting in the drawing up and passing of the said Proclamation; and a Debate thereupon arising in the House, they Resolved N.C. That it was sufficient Ground for the House to proceed upon an Impeachment against him for High Crimes and Misdemeanours; and order taken for an Impeachment accordingly.  
Thus the Dissenters are encouraged to go on and break the Laws, and the Judges punished for Executing them.  
On Thursday the 25 of November, Nothing Extraordinary was done, but the Exhibiting Articles against Edward Seymour Esquire, formerly Speaker of the House; to Each of which he being required to make a distinct answer, there arising a Debate upon the first Article, the whole was adjourned to the next day.  
Samuel Verdon Under-Sheriff of Norfolk, was ordered to be sent for into Custody, upon a Complaint of several Crimes and Misdemeanours by him committed: For a Notorious Breach of Privilege of Parliament by him committed against their House; No such thing being mentioned in the Complaint.  
Friday, Novemb. 26. The Bill of Repeal of the 35 of Eliz. was read the third time, and passed.  
And the House resolved to Impeach Mr. Seymour upon 4 Articles, and appointed a Committee to draw up those Articles accordingly, and Referred it to them to consider of Precedents concerning the Committing of Members to Custody when Impeached in Parliament.  
On Monday the 29 day of November, the House attended his Majesty with their Address concerning Tangier; which being very long, I will not trouble the Reader with it at Large.  
The whole is a Tragical representation of the Advantages that Popery had gotten over the Religion and Government, Assisted (as they tell us) by the Treachery of perfidious Protestants, which must be the Dissenters, by whose assistance they obtained the Toleration, broke several Sessions of the Long Loyal Parliament, if Coleman's Letter to Monsieur Le Cheese may be Credited; and it may truly be averred, that the Papists have not obtained any Advantage without the Dissenters, nor the Dissenters without them.  
They say further, That the ACT of Parliament enjoining a Test to be taken by all persons admitted into any Public Office, and intended for a Security against Papists coming into Employment, had So little effect, that either by dispensations, obtained from Rome, they Submitted to those Tests, and held their Offices themselves. or those put into those Places, wore so favourable to the same Interest, that Popery itself has rather gained than lost ground since that ACT.  
Now Supposing it true, that some of them did obtain such dispensations, what was this to his Majesty; and if any of them that got their Offices were apt to afford them unlawful favours, they might have called them to account for it, with much more general Satisfaction than they did the Abhorrers: but let any man that Knows any thing of the World, Judge whether the Malice or falsehood of the Conclusion be greatest.  
They tell the King a dreadful Story of the defeating of the Presentment intended against his Majesty's Brother the Duke of York, under whose Countenance all the rest (of the Papists) shelter themselves, as they say. But surely his Majesty was not to be informed what they thought of this, who could not but be well informed of the Fact long since; and so they descend to the business of the Weekly Packet of Advice from Rome, which Exposes Popery (as it deserves, say they) as Ridiculous to the People; and they tell his Majesty, That a New and Arbitrary Rule of Court was made in his Majesty's Court of Kings-Bench, That the same for the future should not be Printed by any person whatsoever. But then they take no Notice how that Author has made many Odious, False, and Scandalous, Reflections upon the Religion and Government by Law Established; which was the cause why it was Suppressed, and not any talon he had of writing against Popery.  
Finally, They tell the King that they have freed themselves from the guilt of that blood and desolation which is like to ensue: which is an Expression in that place that looks like a kind of Threat or Menace; for there was then No prospect of blood or desolation that could arise from any cause or persons but what must be Countenanced by the Dissenters.  
The Conclusion is; But our Only hope, next under God, is in Your Sacred Majesty, that by your Great Wisdom and Goodness we may be effectually Secured from Popery, and all the Evils that attend it, and that none but persons of Known Fidelity to Your Majesty, and Sincere Affection to The Protestant Religion, 
What Religion?  may be put into any Employment Civil or Military. That whilst we shall give a Supply to Tangier, we may be assured we do not Augment the Strength of our Popish Adversaries, nor increase our own Dangers; which Desires of your Faithful Commons if Your Majesty shall Graciously vouchsafe to grant, we shall not only be ready to assist Your Majesty in defence of Tangier, but do whatsoever else shall be in our power to enable Your Majesty to Protect the Protestant Religion and Interest at home and abroad, and to resist and repel the Attempts of Your Majesties and the Kingdoms Enemies.  
But His Majesty notwithstanding continued without any Supply, and by the Blessing of God preserved the Town. Now it is very observable, that in the former Parliament there being a Report, That Tangier should be Sold to relieve the Necessities of the Crown, they then Voted, 
April 9 1679.  That the House was of Opinion, That those who should Advise His Majesty to part with Tangier to any Foreign Prince or State, or be Instrumental therein, aught to be accounted Enemies to the King and Kingdom: And yet now that it was in apparent hazard to be lost to the Moors, the Sworn Enemies of all Christians, they would grant nothing to preserve it; and many of the Commons in their Speeches were of Opinion, that it was the best way to desert the Town. So that if any did Advise his Majesty to Sell the Place, they were Enemies to the King and Kingdom; but if it were lost or deserted, So the King had nothing for it, the Matter was not much, so that the King might bear the blame, though the Commons were in the fault.  
On TVESDAT the 30th of November, the Trial of William Viscount Stafford was begun, which lasted till the 7th of December, of which I shall take no Notice, it being printed by itself. During all which time there was nothing material done by the House of Commons except that business.  
Wednesday the 8th, and Thursday the Ninth of December, were spent in Reporting of Elections, and discharging persons out of the Custody of the Sergeant, and Ordering others to be taken in to Supply their places.  
But very remarkable was their Severity against Mr. Sheridon and Mr. Day, who were Ordered to be taken into Custody, their Papers to be Searched, and that No person should be Admitted to come to them, but such as should have occasion to bring them Necessaries.  
On Friday the 10th of December, Captain Castle was found, and Voted guilty of offending against the Rights of the Subject, by Obstructing Petitioning to His Majesty for the Sitting of that Parliament.  
The same day the Commons Ordered an Impeachment to be prepared against Sir Francis North Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas, for High Crimes and Misdemeanours, viz. for Advising the Proclamation against Tumultuous Petitions.  
Then they Voted, That the Imprisonment of one Peter Norris at Dover by the Order of Sir Leoline Jenkins, was Illegal and Arbitrary, and an Obstruction to the Evidence, for the Discovery of the Horrid Popish Plot. This was the business for which Sheridon and Day were imprisoned.  
On Monday the 13th, A Bill for Exportation of Cloth and other Woollen Manufactures into Turkey, being read the second time, and a Debate arising thereupon, it was Ordered that it should lie upon the Clerk's Table.  
They Ordered also, That the Committee appointed to look into and prepare Evidence against the Lords in the Tower, do Examine the Evidence against all persons concerned in the Popish Plot. And they were to report the Names of such persons, together with their Opinions therein, to the House upon the Debate.  
And also that Leave should be given to bring in a Bill, for Banishing of all Papists, and suspected Papists from the Cities of London and Westminster, and XX miles of the same, with Clauses therein for disarming of all Papists, and for Pains and Penalties against all such Papists, or suspected Papists, as should Ride, Go, or be Armed. And that Lists of them should be brought in by the Members.  
When ever any Law pass against suspected Papists, great care ought to be taken to limit that Lose term, or great Mischiefs will ensue.  
On Tuesday the 14th of December, Complaint was made, That one Herbert Herring who had been ordered to be taken into Custody for a Breach of Privilege, did abscond himself to avoid the Execution of the said Order: whereupon it was  Resolved, That if he did not render himself by Saturday, that House would proceed against him by Bill in Parliament, for endeavouring by his absconding to Avoid the Justice of the House. 
This was a way never to want Work, if every Fugitive Attorney or Porter that had broke the Privilege of the House, was to be brought in by Bill.  
Sir Robert Peyton, a Member of their House, was the Next that fell under their displeasure, being said to Have had Secret Negotiation with the Duke of Y. by the Means of the Earl of Peterborough, Mrs. Cellier, and Mr. Gadbury, at such time as they were turning the Popish Plot upon the Protestants, i e. the Presbyterians, it seems they are THE Protestants. For which he was Ordered (after his defence) to be Expelled the House, and to be brought to the Bar to receive the Censure of the House upon his Knees from the Speaker.  
Which was done with so little respect to the Quality of the person; that after the Dissolution of the Parliament, he sent the Speaker a Challenge, for which he was Committed, having been before committed to the Sergeant, for not being at hand when it should have been first done, by the Speaker. So he was twice Committed and Expelled too, but by what Law, the House of Commons proceeded, I know not.  
It is the Interest both of the Members and of Us whom they represent, to take care that this be not left to them; for here was a Member Expelled not for being a party to that Conspiracy of the Papists, but for having Secret Negotiations with the Duke of York at that time: and if this be allowed, that they may Expel for what cause they please, be there Law, or be there none, then have the greater part of the House an Absolute and Arbitrary power over the lesser part; and if either Side do by accident get the Advantage of the other by a Single Vote, they may Expel them as they please: which must Necessarily end in Confusion and Slavery.  
On Wednesday the 15th of December, the House resolved into a Committee of the whole House, to Consider of Ways and Means to Secure this Kingdom against Popery and Arbitrary Power; and Resolved upon two Votes, viz.  
Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That this House doth agree with the Committee, That one Means for the Suppressing Popery is, That a Bill be brought in to banish, immediately, all the Considerable Papists of England out of the King's Dominions.  
Resolved N. C. That this House doth agree with the Committee, That a Bill be brought in for an Association of all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, for the Safety of his Majesty's Person 
* Note, here is no mention of his Majesty's Government in this Association. , the Defence of the Protestant Religion, and the Preservation of his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, against all Invasions and Oppositions whatsoever, and for preventing the Duke of York or any Papist from Succeeding to the Crown.  
And ordered a Committee to be appointed to prepare and bring in a Bill pursuant to the first of the said Resolves.  
The latter was taken up to Supply the Bill of Exclusion which bade been thrown out by the Lords, and was never prosecuted any further; for when they came to draw the Bill, it was found impracticable, without involving us presently in a Civil War.  
For an Association signifies nothing without a Head to govern and direct it; if the King be made the Head, than we are where we were, and it is to no purpose; If another person be made So, then there is two distinct Governments in the same Kingdom, which can never stand together a Month without embroiling themselves and the People. This the Holy League of France proved Experimentally true; and the same Event will always follow.  
Besides, there was no reason to Expect that either his Majesty or the House of Lords would yield to this way of Exclusion, which was worse than the former; Tho if that had passed, it would have signified nothing without an Association or a Standing Army, as the Author of the Seasonable Address to both Houses of Parliament hath well proved.  
This day also His Majesty made a Speech to both the Houses, which I will insert when I come to the Answer of the Commons to it.   

On Thursday the 16th of December, A Petition of Divers Inhabitants in the County of Surry, Complaining of the proceed in an Ecclesiastical Court against them, being read, it was referred to a Committee to bring in a Bill or Bills for Regulating the proceed of such Courts.  
A Petition of Joshua Brook and other Merchants against the African Company was also read, and referred to a Committee.  
Mr. Booth reporting from the Committee to whom the Bill for the better Regulating the Trials of the Peers of England was committed, An Amendment to be made, and a Clause to be Added, and thereupon a Motion being made to bring in a Clause for Repeal of the Laws de Scandalis Magnatum, It was Ordered, That a Committee should be appointed immediately to withdraw and prepare such a Clause; Which was done, and passed the same day.  
If the Peers had passed this Clause, they had reduced themselves into the Condition of the Gentry and Commoners, and a man might have called the greatest Lord in England, Knave, more Safely perhaps than his Tailor; but if they did not, than that Excellent Bill was to be lost to which they had tacked this Clause; which was quite of another Nature.  
And it ought to be Considered also, That the Lords were Soon Voted down by the Commons once before, when by Separating themselves from the Crown, they had lost their Support; and they may be sure the same thing will follow again, when ever the Commons shall prevail so far upon them, as to bring the Peerage into as Low a Condition as the Gentry, their Privileges being, to speak the truth, too little already to support and maintain their Dignity and Honour: but of this I need say no more.  
The Bill for Uniting his Majesty's Protestant Subjects to the Church of England, was read the first time, and ordered to be read again the Monday following after Ten of the Clock in a full House.  
Another Bill for Exempting his Majesty's Protestant Subjects dissenting from the Church of England, from the penalties of the Laws against Popish Recusants, was read the first time, and ordered to be read at the same time with the former again.  
Friday Decemb. 17th.  
Captain Castle petitioning to be discharged, was Censured on his Knees at the Bar of the House; and dismissed, paying his Fees.  
A Petition of one Richard Haines, desiring Leave that a Bill should be brought in for restraining Vngrants, and promoting the Woollen Manufactures, was read, and committed to a Committee to prepare the said Bill.  
Leave also was given to bring in a Bill for the more easy Collecting of the Hearth-Money.  
The Additional ACT for Burying in Woollen was read and passed, and sent up by Sir George Downing to the Lords for their Concurrence.  
A Bill for Continuance of two Acts, The one Entitled, An Act for preventing the planting of Tobacco in England, and Regulating the Plantation Trade. The Other, An Act for Exporting Beer, Ale and Mum, was read a second time and committed.  
Then the House agreed the Articles of Impeachment against Edward Seymour Esq; a Member of their House, and Ordered him to be taken into Custody of the Sergeant, till he should give Sufficient Security to their House to answer the said Impeachment: and the Sergeant at Arms was Ordered to take the said Security.  
The Bill for restraining Papists from coming or residing within the Cities of London or Westminster, etc. was read the second time, and committed.  
Then the House resolved into a Committee of the whole House, and passed these three Resolves.  
1. That a Bill be brought in for the more effectual Securing of the Meeting and Sitting of Frequent Parliaments, as one means to prevent Arbitrary Power.  
2. That a Bill be brought in that the Judges hereafter to be made and Appointed, may hold their Places and Salaries quam diu se bene gesserint; and also to prevent the Arbitrary Proceed of the Judges.  
3. That a Bill be brought in against Illegal Exaction of Money upon the People, and to make it High Treason.  
And a Committee was appointed to bring in a Bill or Bills pursuant to the said Resolves.  
It may appear from hence, great care was taken to put the Monarchy out of a possibility of Arbitrary Power; but what then; is it impossible that there should be any Such Thing as Arbitrary power Exercised by any but a Monarch? Is not a Commonwealth or a House of Commons as capable of Arbitrary power, as a King? Were the Proceed of the Long Rebel-Parliament Arbitrary or No? Were not Some of the Actions of this very House of Commons Arbitrary? I dare Say those that suffered by them thought them so, and the rest will be of the same mind if ever it comes to be their Turns to be so treated, which they are not sure but at one time or other may happen. At least I am sure the pulling down the Monarchy did Once before bring in Arbitrary power with a Vengeance; and those that had clamoured against it (as they do now) when there was no cause for it, durst not mutter a Syllable when there was: and if they did really believe there were any danger of it Now, we should hear much less than we do of it.  
On Saturday the 18th of December.  
The Bill for taking away the Court holden before the Precedent and Council in the Marches of Wales, was read the third time, and passed, and sent up to the Lords.  
The rest of this day was spent in returning an Answer to his Majesty's Speech.  
On Monday following a Bill to prohibit the Importation of Foreign Guns, was read the first time, and Ordered a second reading.  
And Mr. Aulnutt and Mr. Herbert were Ordered to be discharged, being first Censured on their Knees, and paying their Fees.  
And that Sir John Lloyd Mayor, and William Jackson and William Clutterbuck late Sheriffs of Bristol, be sent for into Custody.  
On Tuesday the 21 of December, The Bill for Uniting his Majesty's Protestant Subjects to the Church of England, was read the second time, and committed upon the Debate of the House.  
And it was Ordered, That Leave be given to bring in a Bill or Bills for Inspecting and Correcting Pluralities and Non-Residences relating to Ecclesiastical Benefices.  
The same day they delivered their Answer to his Majesty's late Speech on Wednesday the 15th of December; which I will here insert according to my promise.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
AT the Opening of this Parliament, I did acquaint you with the Alliances I had made with Spain and Holland, as the best Measures that could be taken for the Safety of England and the Repose of Christendom.  
But I told you withal, That if Our Friendship became Unsafe to trust to, it would not be wondered at, if Our Neighbours should begin to take new Resolutions, and perhaps such as might be fatal to Us.  
I must tell you, That Our Allies cannot but see how little hath been done since this Meeting, to Encourage their Dependence upon Us; and I find by them, That Unless We can be So United at home, as to make Our Alliance valuable to them, it will not be possible to Hinder them from Seeking some other Refuge, and making Such New Friendships, as will not be Consistent with Our Safety. Consider, that a Neglect of this Opportunity is Never to be repaired.  
I did likewise lay the Matter plainly before You, touching the Estate and Condition of Tangier, I must Now tell you again, That if that Place be thought worth the Keeping, you must take such Consideration of it, that it may be speedily Supplied, it being impossible for Me to Preserve it at an Expense so far above My Power.  
I did promise you the fullest Satisfaction your Hearts could wish, for the Security of the Protestant Religion, and to Concur with you in any Remedies, Which might consist with Preserving the Succession of the Crown in its Due and Legal Course of Descent: and I do again with the same Reservations, renew the same Promises to You.  
And being thus ready on My part to do all that can reasonably be Expected from Me, I should be glad to Know from You, as Soon as may be, how far I shall be Assisted by You, and what it is you desire from Me.  
The Answer to this Speech was as followeth.  
May it please Your Most Excellent Majesty,  
WE Your Majesty's Most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled, have taken into our Serious Consideration, Your Majesty's Gracious Speech to both your Houses of Parliament on the 15th of this Instant December, and do with all the grateful Sense of Faithful Subjects, and Sincere 
* Of what Sort?  Protestants, acknowledge Your Majesties So great Goodness to us, in renewing the Assurances You have been pleased to give us of your readiness to Concur with us in any Means for the Security of the Protestant Religion, and your Gracious Invitation of us to make our Desires Known to Your Majesty.  
But with grief of Heart we cannot but observe, that to these Princely Offers, Your Majesty hath been Advised, (by what Secret Enemies to Your Majesty and your People, we Know 
* It is probable His Majesty's constancy in this denial, proceeds from his own Prudence and Natural Affection, to his Royal Brother, at least it may be So for aught any thing they Know to the contrary.  not) to Annex a Reservation, which if insisted on, in the instance to which alone it is Applicable, will render all your Majesties other Gracious Inclinations of no effect or advantage to us. Your Majesty is pleased thus to limit your Promise of Concurrence in the Remedies which shall be proposed, that they may Consist with preserving the Succession of the Crown in its Due and Legal Descent. And we do Humbly Inform your Majesty, That No Interruption of that Descent 
* For the present; but if this be granted once, who Knows when it may?  has been endeavoured by us, Except only the Descent upon the Person of the Duke of York, who by the wicked Instruments of the Church of Rome has been manifestly perverted to their Religion. And we do Humbly represent to Your Majesty, as the Issue of our most deliberate Thoughts and Consultations 
* The contrary of which is believed true, not only by the House of Lords; but by almost all the Gentry and better Part of the Nation, who have another Title besides that of Protestants at Large; viz. By Law Established, which these men durst never own. , That for the Papists to have their Hopes Continued, That a Prince of that Religion shall Succeed in the Throne of these Kingdoms, is Utterly inconsistent with the Safety of Your Majesty's Person, the preservation of the Protestant Religion, and the Property, Peace and Welfare of your Protestant Subjects.  
That your Majesty's Sacred Life is in Continual Danger under the Prospect of a Popish Successor, is evident, not only from the Principles of those devoted to the Church of Rome, which allow that an Heretical Prince (and such they term all Protestant Princes) Excommunicated and deposed by the Pope, may be Destroyed and Murdered; 
The same Principles varied in but one circumstance, are owned by the Dissenters and Commonwealth Party, who are set up by the Exclusion as much as the Papists are defeated, which ought to be considered at the same time.  but also from the Testimonies given in the prosecution of the Horrid Popish Plot, against divers Traitors Attainted for designing to put those accursed Principles into practice against Your Majesty.  
From the Expectation of this Succession, has the Number of Papists in Your Majesty's Dominions so much increased within these few Years, and so many been prevailed with to desert the true Protestant Religion, that they might be prepared for the Favours of a Popish Prince as soon as he should come to the possession of the Crown: 
The same inconveniences have arisen from the Expectation of another Commonwealth & Presbytery.  and while the same Expectation lasts, many more will be in the same danger of being perverted,  
This is that hath hardened the Papists of this Kingdom, Animated and Confederated by their Priests aod Jesuits, to make a Common Purse, Provide Arms, Make Application to Foreign Princes, and Solicit their Aid, for imposing Popery upon us; and all this even during Your Majesty's Reign, and whilst Your Majesty's Government and the Laws were our Protection.  
It is Your Majesty's Glory and True Interest to be the Head and Protector of all Protestants, 
It is mpossible for his Majesty to preserve this Glory, but by preserving his Kingly Dignity and Power, which is the foundation of the other; and the Attempts of the Commonwealth Party and the Dissenters, hath more discouraged his Majesty's Allies abroad, and his true Loyal Subjects at home, Then either the Number of Popish Converts, the Plot, or the Fears or Hopes of a Popish Successor.  as well Abroad as at Home: but if these Hopes remain, what Alliances can be made for the Advantage of the Protestant Religion and Interest, which shall give Confidence to Your Majesty's Allies, to join so vigorously with your Majesty, as the State of that Interest in the World now requires, whilst they see this Protestant Kingdom in so much danger of a Popish Successor, by whom at the present all their Councils and Actions may be Eluded, as hitherto they have been, and by whom (if he should Succeed) they are Sure to be destroyed.  
WE have thus humbly laid before your Majesty, some of those great Dangers and Mischiefs which evidently accompany the Expectation of a Popish Successor. The Certain and Unspeakable Evils which will come upon Your Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their Posterity, if such a Prince should Inherit, are more also than we can well enumerate.  
Our Religion, 
No, may not the Providence of God, and the Number and Constancy of its Professors defend and preserve the best Religion in the World during the Reign of one Popish Prince, when Popery hath preserved itself under Four Princes together of our Religion?  which is now so dangerously shaken will then be totally Overthrown; Nothing will be left, or can be found to protect or defend it.  
The Execution of all Old Laws must cease, and it will be in vain to Expect New Ones. The most Sacred Obligations of Contracts and Promises (if any should be given) that shall be judged to be against the Interest of the Romish Religion, 
* This Violation is not necessary, no nor probable, considering the vast disproportion betwixt the Papists and Protestants.  will be violated, as is undeniable, not only from Argument and Experience elsewhere, but from the Sad Experience this Nation once had on the like occasion.  
In the Reign of such a Prince the Pope will be acknowledged Supreme, 
What shall the Pope be acknowledged as the King now is Supreme in all Causes, as well Temporal as Ecclesiastical? Can any man that will stick to his Oath, be forced to acknowledge this New minted Papal Supremacy, which never had any being but only in St. Peter's Patrimony, where the Pope is a Temporal Prince? Must all Cases forthwith be drawn under his Jurisdiction? Then Woe be to Westminster-Hall.  (though the Subjects have Sworn the contrary) and all Causes either as Spiritual, or in order to Spiritual things, will be brought under his Jurisdiction.  
The Lives 
Had the House any Prophets amongst them to foresee this? If a Protestant Prince should have a mind to play such a Freak, it would not be possible to effect it; whence then shall the Popish one get so much more Power?  Liberties, and Estates of all such Protestants, as value their Souls and their Religion more than their Secular Concernments, will be Adjudged forfeited.  
To all this we might Add; That it appears in the Discovery of the Plot, 
Who invited these Prince's Assistance? Who used these Arguments? From whom is the performance to be Expected? In all the Discovery, I never see the Duke Himself Charged to have Done or Said any of these things; and if Coleman and the Jesuits have Treated about them in his Name, but without his Order, from them only the performance is to be Expected, who have no power; but if the Duke had promised these things himself, the impossibility of the thing will Excuse him Sufficiently from the obligation of so wicked and foolish an Engagement.  That Foreign Princes were Invited to Assist in Securing the Crown to the Duke of York; with Arguments from his great Zeal to establish Popery, and to Extirpate Protestants (whom they call Heretics) out of his Dominions; and Such will expect performance Accordingly.  
We further humbly beseech Your Majesty in your Great Wisdom to Consider, 
It is not likely but that his Majesty did think of this before this Address had a being; and they should do well to Consider, That the Nature and Temper of the English Nation is Such, as Experience shown us in the late Times, That an absolute Monarchy may be much more Easily Set up and Continued amongst us, than a Commonwealth; and therefore it is as possible that in case of Such an Opposition, the Duke may prevail and become Absolute it he please, as that he should be Overcome; and it is much more probable that this Royal Line will finally prevail, if he do not, and obtain the Succession, then that an Oliver Cromwell will be able to Settle it in a New Family, whom all will Hate and Envy. And it ought also to be Considered, France may Strike in and Settle The Monarchy, Duke, Popery and Arbitrary Government, in case of opposition, which is not likely without it: Or it May be may endeavour to get the Crown for himself or his Brother. However, Rebellion and Civil War are as destructive as Popery, and therefore Never to be chosen.  Whether in Case the Imperial Crown of this Protestant Kingdom, should descend to the Duke of York; the opposition which may possibly be made to his possessing it, may not only Endanger the further descent in the Royal Line, But even Monarchy itself.  
For these Reasons we are most humble Petitioners to Your most sacred Majesty; 
I shall in the Conclusion show his Majesty had much better Reasons in tender Commiseration to his Poor Protestant Subjects, to deny their Petition and stick to the Reservation, though I believe he may grant their Bill when it be tendered in a Parliamentary way. But as for the Association, I suppose His Majesty will desire to be Excused as long as ever he is able to remember how the Associated Counties and London defended His Father's Person, and the Protestant Religion and Kingdom, and how difficult it will be to give him a Competent Security, That this Association against his Royal Brother, shall not be turned at one time or other, upon one pretence or other against himself, or his Government, (of which no care it seems is to be taken) Especially after Such a Menace to the Monarchy: which I believe may be Immortal, if it remains till such an Act of Parliament pass.  That in Tender Commiseration of your Poor Protestant People, Your Majesty will be Graciously pleased to departed from the Reservation in your said Speech; and when a Bill shall be tendered to Your Majesty in a Parliamentary way, to Disable the Duke of York from Inheriting the Crown, Your Majesty will give your Royal Assent thereto; and as Necessary to fortify and defend the same, That Your Majesty will likewise be Graciously pleased to Assent to an ACT, whereby Your Majesty's Protestant Subjects may be enabled to Associate themselves for the defence of Your Majesty's Person, the Protestant Religion, and the Security of Your Kingdoms.  
These Requests we are Constrained Humbly to make to Your Majesty as of absolute Necessity for the Safe and Peaceable enjoyment of Our Religion. 
That is, come what will of Tangier and Flanders, the Peace of Christendom and the Power of France, till Your Majesty grant us these, we are resolved to concern ourselves for Nothing. And when his Majesty hath granted them, and what follows, he need as little concern himself for the remainder.   
Without these things the Alliances of England will not be Valuable, nor the People encouraged to Contribute to Your Majesty's Service.  
And as some further Means for the preservation both of our Religion and PROPERTY, we are Humble Suitors to Your Majesty, 
These two Paragraphs smell so strong of the 19 Propositions at Uxbridge, that I wonder more at them then all the rest of this Address; for though they do not in terms ask the Nomination of all these Civil, Military and Naval Officers, yet that must be the Consequence of it; for if His Majesty be Judge of the Qualities of the Men which he employs, he may say they are at present all of them so qualified as they desire, and then there is no Need of this Address in that particular: or if on such general terms they may be allowed to have these Changed, and His Majesty shall consent to it, they may Except in the same manner against any other men his Majesty shall appoint, ad infinitum, till his Majesty shall Nominate themselves; or such men as they shall please to Nominate and Appoint: and they that shall be so Nominated by the Commons, will without doubt pay their respects and obedience to them from whom they receive their preferment: and all others that hope to succeed them that are So appointed at first; will regard the profit arising from such preferments, more than the glittering splendour of a Crown; and so his Majesty being deprived of the dependence, and Consequently of the defence of these Officers, shall be Exposed Naked and Friendless to the Fury of those Reipublicans that Murdered his Royal Father, and the Religion by Law Established, to the Mercy of those that have Sworn the Ruin of it: And finally, the Property and Liberty of the Subject shall be Exposed to those men who have given the World too good an Account already what Trusty Guardians of them they are; ever to be trusted with them again, till the Memory of the late Times shall perish not only as to the Memories of Men, but Books and Records. But yet after all this, the branding those Gentlemen that were brought in (without the Least Exception) to Supply the places of those that were turned out of the Commission of the Peace and Lieutenancy, with the odious Titles of Men of Arbitrary Prineciples, and Favourers of Papists and Popery, is in my poor Judgement Much worse; and as it was impossible the Major part of the House should think so of them all, so I am fully persuaded if Passion had not had too great a dominion over them, they would Never have vented so Crude an Assertion in So August a place, in So Serious a Manner, to his Majesty and the whole World; they may be pleased to think of this again Now the heat perhaps is over: for as they have worded it, it can never be maintained; it being impossible to be known or proved, nor is any favourable Construction to be allowed to an Expression and Declaration so publicly and deliberately made by so many men, in so public a Trust.  That from henceforth such Persons only may be Judges within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales, as are men of Ability, Integrity and Known Affection to the Protestant Religion, and that they may hold their Offices and Salaries quam diu se bene gesserint. That (several Deputy Lieutenants, and Justices of the Peace, fitly qualified for those Employments, having been of late displaced, and others put in their room, Who are MEN of Arbitrary Principles, and Countenancers of Papists and Popery) Such only may bear the Office of a Lord-Lieutenant as are persons of Integrity and Known Affection to the Protestant Religion; That Deputy-Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace may be also So qualified, and may be moreover Men of Ability, of Estates and Interest in their Country.  
That none may be employed as Military Officers, or Officers in Your Majesty's Fleet, but Men of Known Experience, Courage and Affection to the Protestant Religion.  
These our Humble Requests being obtained, we shall on our parts be ready to Assist Your Majesty for the preservation of Tangier, and for putting your Majesty's Fleet into Such a Condition as it may preserve your Majesty's Sovereignty of the Seas, and be for the Defence of the Nation.  
If Your Majesty hath or shall make any Alliances for Defence of the Protestant Religion, and Interest and Security of this Kingdom, this House will be ready to Assist and Stand by your Majesty in the Support of the same.  
AFTER this our Humble Answer to Your Majesty's Gracious Speech, 
Doubtless after all this fine Language and strong Reason, if any Evil Instrument, any man of Arbitrary Principles, or favourer of Papists or Popery, or finally if his Majesty or any Considerable part of the Nation, should thro' humane infirmity happen to Suspect either your Prudence in delaying the Care of these Great Things to so long a day, or your Loyalty in making these demands of your Natural Sovereign; or your Charity and Candour in bestowing Commendations on your fellow Subjects his Majesty's Officers at the rate you have done; I say, if any such misfortune should happen; you are not to Wonder much at it, for great Merits and great Virtues, great Attempts and Heroic Undertake are Seldom well received at present, but Posterity will Admire and Applaud them according to their Deserts.  we hope no Evil instruments whatsoever shall be able to lessen your Majesty's Esteem of that Fidelity and Affection we bear to Your Majesty's Service; but that Your Majesty will always retain in your Royal Breast that Favourable Opinion of Us your Loyal Commons, that those other good Bills which we have now under Consideration, Conducing to the great Ends we have before Mentioned, as also all Laws for the Benefit and Comfort of Your People, which shall from time to time be tendered for Your Majesty's Royal Assent, shall find acceptance with Your Majesty.  
I will here insert those Reasons I mentioned above against the Bill of Exclusion, which were delivered in the House of Commons the Fourth day of November before this Address, by a Great Person, a Member of that House, Sir L. J. by which letters I understand Sir Leoline Jenkins, one of the Principal Secretaries of State.  
Sir,  
I have spent much of my time in studying the Laws of this Land, and I pretend to know something of the Law of Foreign Countries, as Well as of our own; and I have upon this occasion well considered of them, but cannot find how we can Justify the passing of this Bill, rather much against it.  
First, I think it contrary to Natural Justice, that We should proceed to Condemnation not only before Conviction, but before we have heard the Party, or Examined any Witness about him, I am sure none in his defence. And to do this, by making a New Law of purpose, when you have Old Laws in being that have appointed a Punishment to his Crime, I humbly conceive is very Severe, and contrary to the usual Proceed of this House, and the Birthright of every Englishman.  
Secondly, I think it is Contrary to the Principles of Our Religion, that we should dispossess a man of his Birthright, because he differs (from us) in point of Faith. For it is not agreed by all, that Dominion is sounded in Grace. For my part, I think there is more of Popery in this Bill, than there can possibly be in the Nation without it; for none but Papists and Fifth-Monarchy-men did ever go about to disinherit men for their Religion.  
Thirdly, I am of opinion that the Kings of England have their Right from God alone, and that no Power on Earth can deprive them of it. And I hope this House will not attempt to do any thing, which is so precisely contrary not only to the Law of God, but the Law of the Land too. For if this Bill should pass, it would Change the Essence of the Monarchy, and Make the Crown Elective. For by the same reason that this Parliament may disinherit this Prince for his Religion; other Parliaments may disinherit another, upon some other pretence which they may Suggest, and so Consequently by such Exclusions elect whom they please.  
Fourthly, It is against the Oath of Allegiance, taken in its own sense, without Jesuitical Evasions: For by binding all persons to the King, his Heirs and Successors, the Duke as Presumptive. Heir must be understood. And I am of opinion that it cannot be dispensed withal. Sir, I will be very cautious how I dispute the Power of Parliaments. I know the Legislative is very great, and it ought to be so: But yet I am of opinion, That Parliaments cannot disinherit the Heir of the Crown, and that if such an ACT should pass, it would be invalid in itself. And therefore I hope it will not seem strange, that I should offer my Judgement against this Bill, while it is in Debate, in which I think I do that which is my Duty as a Member of this House.  
Henry the Fourth of France was a Protestant, his People most Papists, who used some endeavours, to prevent his coming to the Crown; but when they found they were not likely to perfect their design without occasioning a Civil War, they desisted, concluding, that a Civil War would probably bring on them more misery than a King of a different Religion, and therefore Submitted. Sir, I hope we shall not permit our Passions to Guide us instead of Reason, etc. Thus far that Great Person.  
To these Reasons if we please to add this other, That it is so far from preventing our Calamities, that it will Ascertain them at his Majesty's Death with the Addition of a Civil War, and in all likelihood bring that upon us before that time; for so soon as ever the Bill pass, the Duke will have a Right to make a War upon England even in his Majesty's Life-time; and what may be the event of that, God only Knows. However, to prevent Surprise, there must be A Standing Army or an Association Kept up as long as the Duke Lives; and what the Consequences of them are, may be foreseen without difficulty; the first Ruining the Liberties of the People, and the Second Endangering the Prerogatives of the Crown; and both of them in the divided Condition England now is, in point of Religion, tending to raise such Fears and Jealousies, as will be almost as Uneasy and as Unsafe as a Popish Successor; and all this brought upon us immediately; whereas the other is future and Contingent.  
On Thursday the 23 d. of December,  
The Commons Ordered, That the Thanks of the House should be given to Dr. Burnett for his Sermon Preached the day before, and likewise for his Book relating to the History of the Reformation of the Church of England; and that he be desired to Print his said Sermon, And on Thursday the 5th of January following, they Voted that he should be desired to proceed with and Complete that good Work by him begun, in Writing the History of the Reformation of the Church of England.  
They Ordered, That Leave should be given to bring in a Bill or Bills to Correct and Punish Atheism, Blasphemy, Swearing and Debauchery, and for the better Observation of the Lords Day.  
These and several other Crimes have grown and prevailed upon this Nation for want of a Church Discipline, and by reason of the Divisions amongst us in Points of Religion; and till these things be taken care of, all Laws against them will signify Nothing. Yet it might deliver the Government from the guilt of them, and therefore it is hearty to be wished, that Care may be taken to perfect this good Design; and when further Care is taken of the Lords Day, some care would be taken of the other Feasts and Fasts by Law Established in the Church of England.  
This day also the Lords returned the Additional Act for Burying in Woollen, passed without Amendment.  
And by another Message Certified to the Commons, That at their Rising they would Adjourn to the Next Monday Seven-night after.  
And by another Message they sent down Mr. Seymour's Answer to the Articles of Impeachment against him.  
The same day the Commons also passed a Vote of an Extraordinary Nature, which was as followeth.  Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this House, That Mr. Joseph Brown ought to be restored to all the Offices and Places which were taken from him, by occasion of a Judgement given against him in the Court of Kings-Bench in Trinity Term 29 Caroli Secundi, upon an Information for publishing an Vnlicensed Book, called, The Long Parliament Dissolved. 
These Sorts of Writers were Now to be encouraged what might be, but what Benefit Brown had by this Vote, I never heard.  
But the Next day being the 24th of December, they took occasion to Chastise one Richard Thompson Clerk, very Severely; for he having been Complained of by some of the Dissenters who were Now the White Boys, and the Sober Loyal Protestants; and it having been remitted to a Committee to inquire into his Misdemeanours, the House upon the return of the Committee, passed these Votes.  
Reselved N. C. That Richard Thompson Clerk, has publicly defamed His Sacred Majesty, Preached Sedition, Vilified the Reformation, Promoted Popery by Asserting Popish Principles, Decrying the Popish Plot, and turning the same upon the Protestants, and endeavoured to Subvert the Liberty and Property of the Subject, and the Rights and Privileges of the Parliament; and that he is a Scandal and Reproach to his Function.  
Resolved, That he be Impeached, and a Committee appointed to prepare the said Impeachment, and that the Report and the Resolution of the House thereupon be forthwith Printed.  
This Thompson was accused for several Expressions both in Preaching and Discourse: But they mostly fixed upon a Sermon Preached the 30th of January, 1679. 
See the Printed Papers.  wherein he said (it seems) the Presbyterians were such persons as the Devil Blushed at Accused Hamden for chocsing to Rebel rather than pay the Ship-Money; which he said was the King's Right by Law. Accused Mr. Calvin to have been the first that Preached the King-Killing Doctrine: And from thence inferred, That a Presbyterian qua talis is as great a Traitor as any Priest or Jesuit: But one Witness saith he said, Worse. And that he had also frequently cast Evil Aspersions against Several Divines at Bristol of Great Note, viz. Mr. Chetwind, Mr. Standfast, Mr. Crossman, and Mr. Palmer and others, saying, That such as went to their Lectures were the Brats of the Devil.  
2. That he had spoken in Sermons and elsewhere, several hard Things against the Petitions for the Sitting of the Parliament; as, That it was the Seed of Rebellion, and like to 41. etc.  
3. That he had said, There was great Noise of a Popish Plot, but there was Nothing in it but a Presbyterian Plot, etc.  
4. He was Accused to have approved of the Doctrine of the Church of Rome, in the Points of Justification, Auricular Confession, Penance, Extreme Unction, and Crisme, in Baptism, and the Single Life of the Clergy; saying, That if he were as well Satisfied of other things as he was of these, he would not have been so long Separated from the Catholic Church.  
5. He had spoken (as they said) some ill things of Queen Elizabeth, and Henry the 8th, as Church-Robbers; and against his Majesty too; which though I care not to repeat, yet they are nothing in comparison to what the Dissenters have published in Print against his Majesty.  
What Answer the Man would have made for himself, I know not, for the Parliament never brought him to an hearing.  
But upon inquiry, I find, notwithstanding all this Clamour, the Man hath a great and good Report, for his Piety, Learning and Prudence; but his Zeal for the Religion Established, drew this Storm upon him from the Exasperated Dissenters; who never stick thus to blast the Fame of Good Men when it serves their ill designs.  
But to return from this Digression. The Bill for Exempting his Majesty's Protestant Subjects dissenting from the Church of England from the Penalties of Certain Laws, was read a second time, and Committed upon a Debate of the House to the Committee to whom the Bill for Uniting of his Majesty's Protestant Subjects was Committed upon a Debate of the House.  
Then the Bill for Banishing the Papists out of the King's Dominions, was read a second time, and committed upon the Debate of the House.  
Then the House adjourned till Thursday the 30th of December.  
That day the House met and Ordered, That the Committee appointed to prepare Evidence against the 4. Popish Lords in the Tower, should look into the Evidence, and Report their Opinions to the House in Order to the further Directions and Proceed of the House against them.  
Resolved, That the several Writings, Papers and Proceed relating to such Members of the late Long Parliament as received Allowances out of the Moneys appointed for Secret Services, be produced to this House.  
Resolved N. C. That no Member of this House shall accept of any Office or Place of Profit from the Crown without Leave of the House, or any Promise of any such Office or Place of Profit during such time as he shall continue a Member of the House, and that the offenders herein shall be Expelled.  
It seems they had discovered that some of their Zealous men were Selling themselves to the Court-Party for Preferment, and prepared this Vote to keep the Party together.  
Friday the 31th of December.  
The Bill for prohibiting the importation of Foreign Guns, was read the second time and rejected.  
Leave was also given to bring in a Bill for Regulating the abuses in making Casks, Barrels, and other Vessels. And  
A Committee appointed to peruse the Laws relating to Weights and Measures, and to report their Opinions in the same, and to bring in a Bill or Bills for the better Regulating and Ascertaining the same.  
Ordered also, That Leave be given to bring in a Bill for a General Naturalisation of Alien-Protestants, and allowing them liberty to Exercise their Trades in all Corporations.  
A Bill for Relief of the Subjects against Arbitrary Fines, was read a second time and committed.  
Then the House Adjourned till Monday the 3d. of January.  
Which day An Act for limiting the times of Importation of  from Scotland, being read the third time, passed, and was sent up to the Lords. Then  
A Bill for Repealing an Act made in the 13th Year of his Now Majesty's Reign, entitled, An ACT for the Well-Governing and Regulating of Corporations, was read the first time, and Ordered to be read again.  
A Bill for the better discovery of Settlements to Superstitious Uses, was read the first time, and Ordered a second reading the Friday following at Ten of the Clock in a full House.  
The same day the Lords sent down a Bill to the Commons, Entitled, An Act for distinguishing Protestant Dissenters from Popish Recusants. To which they desired the Concurrence of the House.  
The Lords sent down another Message, to put the Commons in mind of the Bill for the Better regulating of the Trials of the Peers of England.  
And Another Message to acquaint them, That their Lordships had received a Petition from Mr. Seymour, for a speedy Trial. Upon which the Commons read his Answer to their Impeachment, which had lain by them some time; and ordered a Committee to prepare Evidence against him, and Manage it at his Trial.  
On Tuesday the 4th of January.  
His Majesty sent the Commons another Message, which is as followeth.  
CHARLES R.  
HIS Majesty received the Address of this House with all the disposition they could wish, to comply with their reasonable desires; but upon perusing it, he is Sorry to See their Thoughts so wholly fixed upon the Bill of Exclusion, as to determine that all other Remedies for the Suppressing of Popery will be ineffectual; His Majesty is Confirmed in his Opinion against that Bill by the Judgement of the House of Lords, who rejected it. He therefore thinks there remains Nothing more for him to say in answer to the Address of this House, but to recommend to them the Consideration of all other Means for the Preservation of the Protestant Religion, in which they have no reason to doubt of his Concurrence, when ever they shall be presented to him in a Parliamentary way; and that they would Consider the present State of the Kingdom, as well as the Condition of Christendom, in Such a Manner as may enable him to Preserve Tangier, and Secure his Alliances abroad, and the Peace and Settlement at home.  
This Message being read in the House, they Resolved to take into Consideration the Friday following in a full House.  
The same day the Lords sent down a Vote which they made that day.  
Die Martis 4 January, 1680.  
Resolved by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, That they do declare that they are fully Satisfied, that there now is, and for divers years last passed there hath been, a Horrid and Treasonable Plot and Conspiracy contrived and carried on by those of the Popish Religion in Ireland, for Massacring the English, and Subverting the Protestant Religion, and the ancient Established Government of that Kingdom; To which their Lordships desired the Concurrence of the Commons.  
On Wednesday the 5th of January.  
Richard Thompson was Ordered upon his Petition to give sufficient Security for his forthcoming to the Sergeant at Arms attending that House, to Answer to the Impeachment against him; and so was discharged of his Imprisonment.  
I can see No reason why he should be prosecuted by an Impeachment in Parliament. It being beneath the Dignity of the Houses to Concern themselves with such a man as Mr. Thompson must needs be, who might much better have been proceeded against in the Spiritual or Civil Courts, (if the Accusations were all True;) but that his Blaspheming Calvin and the Loyal Presbyterian Protestants, would have signified Nothing there; as I believe they would not before the Lords, if he had been Tried.  
Formerly the Commons impeached none but such as were too great to be prosecuted any where else; and that but rarely, and upon great Necessity: This made them Venerable and Dreadful; but this Course for Small or No faults to impeach and imprison great Numbers of Mean People which they followed in this Session, tended to Nothing but the Wasting their time: and Hindering greater Affairs to the damage of the King and Kingdom.  
The same day the Commons agreed an Impeachment against Sir William Scroggs Knight, Chief Justice of the Court of Kings-Bench; and Ordered others to be drawn against Sir Francis North Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas, Sir Thomas Jones, one of the Justices of the Kings-Bench, and Sir Richard Weston, one of the Barons of the Exchequer. So they were resolved to find themselves work, though they had refused to do the King's Business till that was granted, which was impossible to be had this Session of Parliament.  
Thursday, the 6th of January, A Bill for the more Easy Collecting the Duty of Hearth-Money was read a second time and committed upon the Debate of the House,  
A Bill for Repealing the Act for the Well-Governing of Corporations, was read the second time and committed.  
Sir Philip Skippon was Excused from being taken into Custody for his Default in not attending the House in the Call there of the Tuesday before.  
Colonel Birch reporting from the Committee appointed to receive Informations relating to the Popish Plot in Ireland, That the Committee, having proceeded upon the Matters to them referred, had taken several Examinations, and received the Answer of Sir John Davis, and had also perused several Informations transmitted from the House of Lords relating to the said Plott. All which he read in his place, and afterwards delivered the same in at the Clerk's Table, where the same were again read.  
The House then took into Consideration the Message sent from the Lords the Tuesday before, wherein they desired the Concurrence of the House, and Resolved,  That the House did agree with the Lords, with the addition of these Words, That the Duke of York being a Papist, and the Expectation of his coming to the Crown, hath given the Greatest Countenance and Encouragement thereto, as well as to the Horrid Popish Plot in this Kingdom of England. 
And they resolved to deliver the said Vote to the Lords at a Conference, and Appointed a Committee to draw up Reasons to be offered at the said Conference.  
Ordered, That the several Informations of John Macnamara, Maurice Fitz-Gerrald, and James Mash, that day read to the House, relating to the Irish Plot, be forthwith Printed.  
Resolved, That Rich. Pour Earl of Tyrone in the Kingdom of Ireland, be Impeached of High Treason; And that the Lord Dursley do go up to the Bar of the Lords and Impeach him, etc. and pray that he may be Committed to Safe Custody.  
And further Ordered, That the Committee appointed to prepare the Evidence against the Popish Lords in the Tower, do prepare the said Impeachment.  Ordered, That the further Consideration of the said Report in relation to Arthur Earl of Anglesey and Sir John Davis, be Adjourned to Saturday Morning next at Ten of the Clock in a full House. 
When it was Adjourned to Monday following, which was their last day, and gave them occasion for other Thoughts.  
On Friday the 7th day of January.  
The engrossed Articles of Impeachment against Sir William Scroggs were Read, and sent up to the Lords by the Lord Cavendish.  
A Bill to prevent Vexatious Actions, was read the first time, and Ordered a second reading.  
A Bill to prevent the Simony of one person from prejudicing another, was read the first time, and Ordered a second reading.  
The Bill of Discovery of Settlements of Estates for Superstitious Uses, was read the second time and committed upon the debate of the House.  
Then the House according to their Order, entered into Consideration of his Majesty's Message sent to the House the Tuesday before; and Voted as followeth.  
Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this House, That there is no Security or Safety for the Protestant Religion, the King's Life, or the Well Constituted and Established Government of this Kingdom, without passing a Bill for disabling James Duke of York to Inherit the Imperial Crown of England and Ireland, and the Dominions and Territories thereunto belonging; and to rely upon any other means or remedies, without such a Bill, is not only Insufficient but dangerous.  
Resolved, That his Majesty in his last Message having assured this House of his readiness to Concur in all other means for the preservation of the Protestant Religion, this House doth declare, That until a Bill be likewise passed for Excluding the Duke of York, this House cannot give any Supply to his Majesty, without Danger to his Majesty's Person, Extreme Hazard of the Protestant Religion, and Unfaithfulness to Those by whom this House is trusted.  
It seems the loss of Tangier and of all our Alliances abroad, did not at all Hazard the Protestant Religion, or Endanger his Majesty's Person.  
Resolved, That all Persons who Advised his Majesty in his last Message to this House, to insist upon an Opinion against the Bill for Excluding the Duke of York, Have given pernicious Counsel to his Majesty, and Are Promoters of Popery, and Enemies to the King and Kingdom.  
Resolved, That George Earl of Halifax, Henry Marquis of Worcester, Henry Earl of Clarendon, in the Opinion of this House are persons who Advised his Majesty in his last Message to this House, to insist upon an Opinion against the Bill for Excluding the Duke of York, and have therein given pernicious Counsel to his Majesty, and are Promoters of Popery, and Enemies to the King and Kingdom.  
Resolved, That an Humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to remove Laurence Hid Esq: from his Majesty's Councils and Presence, and from his Office in the Treasury for ever.  
Resolved, That an Humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to remove Henry Marquis of Worcester, from his Presence and Councils, and all the Offices and Employments of Honour and Profit, for ever.  
Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this House, That Lewis Earl of Feversham is a Promoter of Popery and of the French Interest, and a Dangerous Enemy to the King and Kingdom. Resolved, That an Humble Address be made to his Majesty, to remove him from all Military Offices and Commands, and from all other Public Offices and Employments, and from his Majesty's Councils and Presence for ever.  
But here was no Addresses Voted against George Earl of Halyfax, nor Henry Earl of Clarendon.  
A Motion being made also for an Address to his Majesty, to remove Edward Seymour Esq; from his Majesty's Council and Presence; it was Adjourned to the Monday following.  
Having taken all this care to Chastise the Great Men, who as they believed had opposed them in this great business; in the Next place they undertook to Chastise his Majesty Himself, and if their design had taken effect, as it is to be hoped it Never will, his Majesty and all his Successors should have Known what it is to Anger a House of Commons. However they meant well; for they  
Resolved, That whoever should hereafter Lend or cause to be lent by way of Advance, any Money upon the Branches of the King's Revenue arising by Customs, Excise or Hearth-Money, (that is, all the principal Branches) shall be Adjudged to hinder the Sitting of Parliaments, and shall be responsible for the same in Parliament.  
Resolved, That whoever shall accept or buy any Tally of Anticipation upon any part of the King's Revenue; or whosoever shall pay such Tally hereafter to be struck, shall be adjudged to hinder the Sittings of Parliaments, and shall be responsable therefore in Parliament.  
First they Resolve they would give nothing themselves, and then they terrify all others as much as in them lieth from Lending or Advancing any Money to him; which was not according to their Writ of Election to Advise his Majesty, but by duress to force and compel him to Submit to their better Judgement as became Loyal and Dutiful Subjects.  
So that his Majesty might well say of these Votes, That instead of giving him assistance to Support his Allies, or enabling him to Preserve Tangier, they tended rather to disable him from contributing towards either, by his own Revenue or Credit, not only exposing him to all Dangers that might happen either at home or abroad; but endeavouring to deprive him of the possibility of Supporting the Government itself, and to reduce him to a more helpless condition than the meanest of his Subjects. A Sad and a very Just Complaint, and Accordingly resented by that vast Number of People that have since Addressed to thank his Majesty for that Declaration.  
On Saturday the 8th of January.  
The Lords sent a Message to the Commons to acquaint them that their Lordships had appointed that day Seven-night for hearing the Cause upon the Impeachment of Mr. Seymour, and that their House might reply if they thought fit, but they had no leisure to take notice of it.  
Information being given to the House by the Sergeant at Arms that Sir John Lloyd, Sir Edward Philip's, Herbert Herring, Miles Baspole, _____ Iles, and Arthur yeoman's, who for divers great Misdemeanours by them committed (as was pretended) against the Privilege of their House, were Ordered to be taken in Custody of the said Sergeant, did Abscond themselves, that the said Order could not be put in Execution against them; hereupon they  Ordered, That an Humble Application should be made to his Majesty from their House, by Such Members thereof as were of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council; desiring his Majesty to Issue out his Royal Proclamation for the Apprehending the said several persons, in case they should not render themselves to the Sergeant by a certain day therein to be limited. 
The same day they Ordered, That a Committee should be Appointed to inspect the Journals of their House, and of the House of Lords, and Precedents, to Justify and Maintain, That the Lords ought to Commit Persons to Safe Custody when Impeached for High Treason by the Commons in Parliament, and to make report thereof to the House. Which Vote had relation to Sir William Scroggs.  
And so we are come to the day that finally put an End to all their Proceed, which was Monday the 10th day of January; and a great Wonder it was that his Majesty could endure them so long.  
They began the day with a Vote, which shows the Meaning and Tendance of all the rest.  Resolved, That whosoever Advised his Majesty to Prorogue this Parliament to any other purpose than in order to the passing of a Bill for the Exclusion of James Duke of York, is a betrayer of the King, the Protestant Religion, and of the Kingdom of England, A Promoter of the French Interest, and a Pensioner to France. 
They Knew then that they were to be Prorogued, but they Knew not by whose Advice; and so if his Majesty did it without any Advice, than all these Hard words were thrown at him: but by whomsoever it were done, this Vote could have no good meaning or effect, and must end in Smoke or Tumults; and Confusion.  
2. Resolved, That the Thanks of this House be given to the City of London for their Manifest Loyalty to the King, their Care, Charge and Vigilancy for the Preservation of his Majesty's Person, and of the Protestant Religion.  
Ordered, That the Members that Serve for the City of London, do accordingly give them the Thanks of the House.  
Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this House, That the City of London was Burnt in the Year 1666, by the Papists, designing thereby to Introduce Arbitrary Power and Popery into the Kingdom.  
Resolved, That the Commissioners of the Customs and other Officers of the Customhouse, have Wilfully broken the Law prohibiting the Importation of French Wines, and other Commodities; and that if they shall hereafter Wilfully or Negligently break that Law; they shall be questioned therefore in Parliament.  
Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this House, That James Duke of Monmouth hath been removed from his Offices and Commands by the Influence of the Duke of York.  
Ordered, That an humble Application be made to his Majesty from this House, by such Members thereof as are of his Majesty's Honourable Privy-Council, to desire his Majesty to restore the said James Duke of Monmouth, to his said Offices and Commands.  
This was excellently timed, and they had so obliged his Majesty, they might be sure he would not deny them.  Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this House, That the Prosecution of Protestant Dissenters upon the Penal Laws, is at this time Grievous to the Subject, a weakening of the Protestant Interest, and encouragement to Popery, and dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom. 
Here their Mouths were stopped by a Message from the King, by Edward Carteret Usher of the Black-Rod, Acquainting them that the King Commanded them to Attend him immediately in the House of Peers. And there his Majesty Prorogued them to the Thursday Seven-night, being the 20th of that Instant January, 1680.  
1. His Majesty gave his Royal Assent to the Act Prohiting the Importation of Cattle from Ireland.  
2. To the Act for Supplying the late Act for Burying in Woollen.  
3. And to an Act To rectify Errors in Sir Charles Houghton 's Settlement.  
There was another Act for Repeal of the Act of the 35 of Elizabeth ready to be passed, and it was Lost No body knew how, and was never tendered to his Majesty.  
Soon after this Parliament was Dissolved by Proclamation, to the great Satisfaction of all but the Dissenters, who (if they had been able to consider things Aright) had as little reason to be pleased with their Proceed as any of the rest; for they did them no other Service then to Exasperate the King and the Government against them and have made them to be more prosecuted and less pitied than they were before.  
The Popish Party received almost as little damage by them as the Dissenters did Advantage; for they bending their force Equally against the Succession and Popery, all their Designs (if they had any beyond clamour) against the Papists were broken.  
Their Arbitrary and Illegal Proceed against the Abhorrers of the Tumultuous Petitions for the Sitting of the Parliament, procured more Friends to the Duke of York, then perhaps he would otherwise have had, and gave the English Gentry an Excellent Prospect what they might Expect from these Warm Gentlemen if ever they fell into their hands.  
The King had a fair Warning also to look to Himself, and the Religion by Law Established, when he saw with how little Reverence these Protestants at Large treated him, while his Prerogatives were entire, and wholly in his Own Hands; and had he but yielded to them in the Point of the Duke of York, they would Soon have taught him, how little was to be gotten by Complying with men of their temper.  
The only Service they did was to the French King: for our Allies beyond Seas seeing that No Assistance was to be Expected from England, Surrendered their strongest Towns to him for the Ask, and so suffered the worst effects of War in Peace.  
The City of London Lost the hopes of having any more Parliaments amongst them till Times be better and more Settled, by their grateful Applications to them for their Loyalty and Care of the Protestant Religion at Large.  
The Trade of a Considerable part of the Nation is ruined, not for want of Laws, but by too many, which have restrained that intercourse and freedom that ought to be betwixt Us and our Neighbour Nations: yet I cannot say that this Parliament would have relieved the Nation in that point if they had Continued Longer, when it is considered with what care and industry the Act for the prohibition of Irish  was carried against all opposition, though it is damageable to a very considerable part of the Nation, if not to the whole; and had these Gentlemen been equally concerned for the Suppressing of Popery, as they were for this ACT; Some of those Bills at least, that were sent down from the Lords, or began by the Commons, might have been ready as well as this for the Royal Assent.  
Yet they had some very good Bills relating to Trade under consideration, but they were not so Zealous in that Concern as they ought to have been: but rather seemed to fear the State of the People on that account should be made too easy before they had obtained their other Ends of his Majesty and the Government,  
Of this their Vote about the Act for prohibition of the French Trade may be an instance; for however that Act might be of great use, if the Dutch would consent to prohibit all Trade with them as well as We: yet as Long as they go on to Trade with them, and we do not, it only tends to impoverish the King and Us; and Enrich them; and therefore aught to have been left at liberty till they and we can mutually agree to stop it.  
Nor did the Protestant Religion by Law established, far any better, for that being equally opposed by the Dissenters on one hand, and the Papists on the other, under pretence of Uniting us against the latter, the former were encouraged by their Votes and Bills to endeavour her ruin.  
The Bill for Uniting his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, is a perfect Toleration of almost all other Religions which are or shall be amongst us, except Popery; and had it, and the other Bill for Exempting them from the Penalties of the Laws made against the Popish Recusants passed, it would not have been possible to have Executed them or any other against the Papists. For it cannot be imagined that the Papists could not have been able to have got themselves Listed amongst some of our Dissenters or other, and then upon making the Declaration, and producing two Persons as Witness, that they believed them to be Protestant Dissenters, they would have had the liberty to have inflamed both those Dissenters that were Comprehended, and those that were Tolerated against the entire Conformists, and these again against them. And so both Popery should have gone unpunished, and the Feuds amongst ourselves would have grown to that height, that nothing but a standing Army would have been able to have kept us in any tolerable quiet.  
If the Ministers of the Church of England had been part of them entire Conformists, and part of them Presbyterians, those that were of the first sort, would have kept up the Religion Established as high or higher than now, and the other Party must have laid aside totally the use of the Common-Prayer as well as the Surplice, Cross, and Kneeling at the Lords Supper, or else their whole Party which now follow them, would have all left them, and so another Faction would have risen in the Church of Semi-Conformists, and all those that are without the Church would have continued, as now they are, under other Teachers, only more insolent, and more turbulent; and so instead of uniting us against the Papists and Popery, which is the pretended cause of the Act, we should have been more divided and Animated against each other then now we are.  
It was one of the Rules prescribed by that Bill, That no person should be admitted to take the Declaration, who refused the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy when tendered unto him. Now this would have left all the Quakers, Anabaptists, and several other Sects in the same state of Persecution (as they call it) as they now are; and great Numbers of the Other Sects too, when they had considered of it, would have Scrupled it, as well as they in Scotland have done: and so those that were totally Excluded, would have been enraged against those that had been tolerated, as having betrayed them first, and then left them to the Severity of the Law, and by that time all these Parties, viz. the Rigid Conformists. 2. Semi-Conformists. 3. Tolerated, and Non-Tolerated Protestants, all enraged against each other, had for some time been fermented by the Jesuits and Popish Party, a man may guests what kind of Union there would have been amongst Protestants in England.  
And when they had gained all this, what Security could have been given that they would have rested here? that Act which one Parliament makes, another may Repeal: and they would never have been Secure of Keeping what they had gained, but by taking care to fill the House of Commons in every Parliament with the most Factious men they could pick out; and they could never have maintained their reputation with the Party, but by pushing things forward, and so every Sessions something more must have been granted for the better Security of the Union, and removing of Fears and Jealousies, till at last we had been brought to the same state of Confusion his Majesty found us in at his Return.  
That a considerable number of these Dissenters are as much against Monarchy as Conformity, is Apparent by their Books, discourses, and former practice. Now what Security should his Majesty have had, that when this Party had by impunity and time been strong enough to have dealt with the Loyal Party, they would not have endeavoured to be dispensed with from obeying him or any other King but Christ Jesus? and then Nothing could have united Protestants and Secured us against Popery, but the Laying aside the Kingly Government, and the Setting up a Commonwealth; and of this they have already given some Notable hints in their Pamphlets: and when they are told the Exclusion of the Duke of York will only Secure them once from a Popish Prince, and make them that follow more Cautious how they discover themselves too soon; and that if any Actual King of England should turn Papist, which is as possible and more probable than that another Heir should do it, they would then be in the same state as if the Duke Succeeded: They constantly reply, That it is unreasonable it should be in the power of one man to reduce us to Popery; that is, It is not reasonable that Kingly Government should be any Longer Continued amongst us.  
From all which I conclude, That the project of Uniting Protestant's by remitting the Laws against the Dissenters, is impossible; and that these Consequences being Obvious and Apparent beforehand; there could be no other design in the Attempt but the ruin of the Monarchy, and the introducing Confusion, and War amongst us; at least these would certainly have followed.  
So that the day a Toleration, or which is all one, an Union amongst Protestants upon the terms propounded, is settled, the Monarchy must be made Absolute, or it will not Stand: And Provision must be made to maintain a Standing Army big enough eo Keep all Parties Quiet, how much soever they are averse to it, or our Peace at home will not be Maintained And as to all Foreign affairs, England must look on, and suffer all things to go as they will; for Neither King nor Commonwealth will be in a Condition to do any thing abroad in that unsettled state things will be at home; and by that time England comes to settle, France (if God interpose not by Miracles) will have brought under So many of its Neighbours, that England will be able to make no effectual resistance if it should be attacked by that Potent Kingdom.   

Conclusion.  
My dearest Countrymen, I humbly beg you would be pleased to reflect Seriously upon this in time, if it be not Now too late, and Unite hearty with His Majesty our most Gracious and Sweet-Natured Sovereign, and the Religion Established, and not suffer yourselves to be led by pretended Fears into real and unavoidable Slavery and Consusion; attended with all the Miseries of War, and which (as much as Man can foresee) must end in Popery and a French Conquest of us.  
I have laid the Matter plainly before you, not Knowing what may follow as to myself; but this I am sure of, that Advantage I can have none by it. I am a private person, and I Expect so to live and die. I have no aim at any Public Employment or Place of Trust, nor any means to attain it if I had: I am Contented with the State God hath Set me In. And the Utmost I wish for is; to Leave things to my Posterity as they ought Now to be, if the Laws had their due Effects; and therefore I am compelled by Nothing but my Zealous affection for my Country, which (next God and my own Soul) I love above all things, to run the hazard of giving you this Advice, and thereby drawing upon me the Malice and Revenge of all those that seek to Ruin and Enslave You.  
As to those Gentlemen of the House of Commons, who may possibly take offence at What I have written, (for all I am sure will not) I desire they would in cool blood Consider what they have done, and then let them think of Me what they please: For if ever Faction, Anger, and ill designs were entertained by so great a Body of Men as the Major part of this House was, it is Apparent they were here. And I will instance in but a few Particulars, though I might in more.  
Can any mortal man produce either Precedent or Law to Justify the Imprisonment of the Gentlemen called the Abhorrers? Have the meanest people of England a right to Petition the King against his Express Command, in a thing of which he is the Sole Judge, by all our Laws; and that by Multitudes of Hands procured by men that have no authority for that purpose; and may not Grand-Juries, Justices of the Peace, and other such like persons oppose them, or which is less, disown it? But suppose they did more than they ought, was it fit to imprison them before they were allowed to defend themselves? Gentlemen, it served your turn now, but it may one day be turned against you, and then consider how you will take it. The Corporations do Now most of them send Gentlemen, but they may when they please lay You by; and send Mechanics, Tradesmen, Shopkeepers, How would your high spirits brook it to be sent for in Custody, and made to Kneel (without being Suffered to Speak, and only for doing your duties) to such men, and so be sent home again? I am sure not English Gentleman can brook this indignity but with such inward Resentments as befit the Generosity and Temper of that Nation, or otherwise I must think we are prepared for Slavery; and all that Manly Courage that hath made our People Renowned in all Countries in the World, is degenerated into the Most Shameful Effeminacy and Cowardice. Only in this case Religion and Loyalty made them yield, even to Injustice and Oppression. As long as his Sacred Majesty thought fit to Suffer it, they Submitted, but with such Thoughts as would have taught you more Justice and Moderation, if this had not been in the case.  
Your styling all those Gentlemen that had been brought in to the Commission of the Peace in the room of some others displaced, MEN of Arbitrary Principles, and Countenancers of Papists and Popery; and if you could have invented more Odious Names and Words than these, you might with as much truth and ingenuity have bestowed them upon them. Was it fairly done, or was it not? Is it one of the Privileges of your House to Vote Me a Jew or a Turk, or that I was one of those men that occasioned the Breach betwixt Charles the First and his Parliament? If it be, than I will say no more, but that I beg your Pardon; and Kneel down at the Bar of a House of Commons with the same Submission, as if I believed the Speaker Infallible, and every Member an Angel. But if your Votes ought to be not only Consonant to Law, but agreeable to the truth of things, than that Passage was hastily and passionately written, and not well Considered; and care aught to be taken for the future to Write more Cautiously, and Speak and Vote like Men that had a little respect to your Places.  
Your Votes of the 7th of January 1680. concerning his Majesty's Revenues and borrowing of Money upon them, are they justifiable or no? may I not lend the King 100 l. if I please without your leave, and not incur the danger of being reputed an Enemy to the Sitting of Parliaments? Suppose the French should Land in England or Ireland, or the Papists or Dissenters rise, and the King Want Money to suppress the one, or drive out the other, must we hazard his and our Ruin, rather than supply him by a Loan in the Intervals of Parliament, have we a Property in what is our own, and may we not use it as we see cause, without breach of Privilege of Parliament?  
Your Vote of the 10th of January, That the Prosecution of the Protestant Dissenters upon the Penal Laws, was at that time Grievous to the Subject, a Weakening of the Protestant Interest, an Encouragement to Popery, and Dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom; is as little understood as any of the rest. Why was it made? To what Subject is it Grievous? To the Dissenters? Why then let them leave their Dissenting to the Church of England and all will be well. What Protestant Interest doth it weaken, for there are more Protestant Interests then one in the Nation? doth it weaken that Protestant Interest which is Settled by Law? Then say so. But how it doth encourage Popery, or endanger the Peace of the Nation, is yet Harder to be understood: but Suppose it did; what then? You may repeal the Laws, and Bills you had afoot, that would have Repealed them if they would have passed; but you were to be adjourned, and had not time to finish them: And did you think to have laid them asleep by your Single Vote, without the Consent of the Lords or the King? You should have done well then to have told the Nation that you have the whole Legislative Power in your hands, and that it is Contrary to Law for any man to Act against a Vote of the House of Commons, though in Obedience to an Act of Parliament.  
But that I may not seem to set up my own Single Judgement against a Whole House of Commons, I will insert an Authority or two Equal to them, in better Times though they be Long. The first of which shall be an Address of the House of Commons the 28. of Febr. 1663.  
May it please your Most Excellent Majesty,  
WE Your Majesty's most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons in Parliament Assembled, having with all Fidelity and Obedience Considered of the Several Matters Comprised in Your Majesties late Gracious Declaration of the 26. of Decemb. Last, and your most Gracious Speech at the beginning of this present Session.  
Do in the first place for ourselves, and in the Names of all the Commons of England, render to your most Sacred Majesty, the Tribute of our most hearty Thanks for all that infinite Grace and Goodness wherewith Your Majesty hath been pleased to publish your Royal Intentions of adhering to your Act of Indemnity and Oblivion, by your Constant and Religious observance of it. And our Hearts are further enlarged in these returns of Thanksgivings, when we Consider Your Majesty's most Princely and Heroic Professions of relying upon the Affections of your People, and Abhorring all Sort of Military and Arbitrary Rule. But above all, we can never enough remember, to the Honour of Your Majesty's Piety, and our own unspeakable Comfort, those Solemn, and most endearing Invitations of us Your Majesty's Subjects, to prepare Laws to be presented to Your Majesty, against the Growth and increase of Popery; and withal to provide more Laws against Licentiousness and Impiety, at the same time declaring Your Own Resolutions for Maintaining the Act of Uniformity. And it becomes us always to acknowledge and Admire Your Majesty's Wisdom in this your Declaration, whereby Your Majesty is pleased to resolve not only by Sumptuary Laws, but by your Own Royal Example of Frugality, to restrain that Excess in men's Expenses, which is grown so general and so exorbitant, and to direct our endeavours to find out fit Laws for Advancement of Trade and Commerce,  
After all this, We humbly beseech Your Majesty to believe, that it is with Extreme unwillingness and Reluctancy of Heart that we are brought to differ from any thing which your Majesty hath thought fit to propose. And though we do no way doubt but that the unreasonable distempers of men's Spirits, and the Many Mutinies and Conspiracies which were carried on during the late Interval of Parliaments, did reasonably incline Your Majesty 
* I suppose here is a word wanting.  to ill humours, till the Parliament assembled, and the hopes of an Indulgence, if the Parliament should Consent to it; Especially seeing the pretenders to this Indulgence did seem to make some title to it by virtue of Your Majesty's Declaration from Breda. Nevertheless your Majesty's most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, who are Now returned to Serve in Parliament from those Several Parts and Places of Your Kingdom for which we were Chosen, do humbly offer to Your Majesty's Great Wisdom, That it is in No Sort Adviseable, that there be any Indulgence to such persons who prefume to descent from the Act of Uniformity and Religion Established, for these Reasons.  
We have Considered the Nature of Your Majesty's Declaration from Breda, and are Humbly of Opinion that Your Majesty ought not to be pressed with it any further.  
Because it is not a Promise in itself, but only a Gracious declaration of Your Majesty's Intentions to do what in you lay, and what a Parliament should Advise Your Majesty to do; and No such Advice was ever given or thought fit to be offered, nor could it be otherwise Understood, because there were Laws of Uniformity then in being, 
Note this.  Which Can not be dispeused with but by Act of Parliament. They who do pretend a right to that Supposed Promise, put their right into the Hands of their Representatives whom they chose to Serve for them in this Parliament, who have passed, and your Majesty Consented to the ACT of Uniformity. If any shall presume to Say, That a right to the benefit of this Declaration doth still remain after this Act passed; it tends to dissolve the very Bonds of Government, and to Suppose a disability in Your Majesty, and your Houses of Parliament to make a Law contrary to any part of your Majesty's Declaration, though both Houses should Advise Your Majesty to it.  
We have also Considered the Nature of the Indulgence proposed, with reference to those Consequences which must Necessarily attend it.  
It will Establish Schism by a Law, and make the whole Government of the Church precarious, and the Censures of it of No Moment or Consideration at all.  
It will no way become the Gravity or Wisdom of a Parliament▪ to pass a Law at One Session for Uniformity, and at the Next Session, the reason for Uniformity Continuing still the same, to pass another Law to frustrate or Weaken the Execution of it.  
It will Expose Your Majesty to the restless Importunity of every Sect or Opinion, and of every single person also, that shall presume to descent from the Church of England.  
It will be a cause of increasing Sects and Sectaries, whose Numbers will weaken the true Protestant profession so far, that it will at last become difficult for it to defend itself against them. And which is yet further Considerable, those Numbers which by being troublesome to the Government, find they can Arrive to an Indulgence, will, as their Numbers increase, be yet more troublesome, so at length they may arrive to a general Toleration, which Your Majesty hath declared against, and in time, some prevalent Sect will at last Contend for an Establishment, which for aught can be foreseen, may end in Popery.  
It is a thing altogether without Precedent, and will take away all means of Convicting Recusants, and be inconsistent with the Method and Proceed of the Laws of England.  
Lastly, it is humbly Conceived, That the Indulgence proposed will be so far from tending to the Peace of the Kingdom, that it is rather likely to occasion great disturbance.  
And on the Contrary, That the Asserting of the Laws and the Religion Established according to the Act of Uniformity, is the most probable Means to produce a Settled Peace and Obedience through the Kingdom; because the Variety of Professions in Religion, when Openly indulged, doth directly distinguish men into Parties, and withal gives them Opportunities to count their Numbers, which considering the Animosities that out of a religious Pride will be kept on foot by the several Factions, doth tend directly and inevitably to open disturbance: Nor can Your Majesty have any Security, that the Doctrine or Worship of the Several Factions, which are all governed by a Several Rule, shall be consistent with the Peace of the Kingdom.  
And if any person shall presume to disturb the Peace of the Kingdom, We do in all humility declare, That we will for ever, and upon all occasions be ready with our Utmost Endeavours and Assistance, to Adhere to, and Serve Your Majesty according to our bounden Duty and Allegiance.  
The Reason and Loyalty of this Address prevailed with his Majesty at that time, to lay aside all his Thoughts of an Indulgence; and well had it been for him and us, if he had never reassumed them: for from his forsaking this Advice in the Year 1671. Sprung all those Miseries that now so much threaten him and us. But though his Majesty Changed, the Parliament kept their grounds; for in an Address dated the 14th of Feb. 1672. they assert against His Majesty's Declaration of Indulgence dated the 15th of March before, That Penal Statutes in Matters Ecclesiastical, cannot be suspended but by Act of Parliament. We therefore (say they) the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons, do most humbly beseech Your Majesty, That the said Laws may have their Free Course, until it shall be otherwise provided by Act of Parliament; and that Your Majesty would Graciously be pleased to give such Directions herein, that no Apprehensions or Jea ousies may remain in the Hearts of Your Majesty's good and faithful Subjects.  
The King not being Satisfied with this, but still insisting that he had a Right by his Supremacy to Suspend the Execution of Penal Laws in Ecclesiastical Affairs; They replied the 26th of Feb. following, That no such Power was ever Claimed or Exercised by any of his Majesty's Predecessors; and if it should be admitted, might tend to the Interrupting of the Free Course of the Laws, and altering the Legislative Power, which hath always been acknowledged to reside in his Majesty, and the Two Houses of Parliament. Therefore they did with an unanimous Consent become again Humble Suitors unto his Sacred Majesty, That he would be pleased to give them a full and Satisfactory Answer to their first Petition and Address; and that his Majesty would take such effectual Order, That the Proceed in this Matter might not be for the future drawn into Example.  
To which said last Address, his Majesty was pleased to Condescend so far, as to Order his Declaration of Indulgence to be taken off the File and Cancelled.  
Now the use I make of all, is to show first, That the Opinion of an Excellent & Wise House of Commons was, That an Indulgence, Toleration or Union, as they now call it, was of a Mischievous Nature, and would finally end in Confusion and Popery. Secondly, That if it should be thought necessary to grant one, it being a Legislative Act, it must be by the Joint Consent of the King and the Two Houses, and not by any one of them. And therefore I will Leave it to the Consideration of the Gentlemen of that House to Judge, Whether they did well in passing the Vote of the 10th of January aforesaid, for the Suspension of all Penal Laws which relate to the Protestant Dissenters.  
Some pretending to Excuse them, have said it was a Vote only in order to a Bill to be brought in for the taking those Laws away. But I answer, There were several other Bills for that purpose depending; and therefore this was in vain. Secondly, There is no mention of a Bill to be brought in in the Conclusion of the Vote. Thirdly, They knew they were to be Prorogued, as appears by their first Vote, and therefore Such a Design would have been impossible.  
Now if they had carried those few Points in this Session, First not only to Deny the King any Supply, but to make it Criminal for any man to Lend him any Money upon his Revenues; they might then in another Session have gone further, and have made it Punishable for any man to have paid him his Just Settled, Legal Deuce; and that would have made them able to have Forced this King or his Successors to what ever they had pleased.  
Secondly, If they might have gone on to imprison his Majesty's Subjects in an Illegal and Arbitrary way, for Matters that had no relation to Privileges of Parliament, they might afterwards have Extended this to as many Persons and Things as they had pleased, and so No man would have dared to have stood by His Majesty against a House of Commons, though they had attempted to Depose his Majesty. Nor would his Majesty in a short time have been able to have Protected his Subjects against any injury that they or any of them had been pleased to have done them; which would infallibly have Subverted the Monarchy, and have introduced a Commonwealth.  
Thirdly, If they had got that great Branch of the Legislative Power into their hands, of suspending the Execution of Laws by their Vote, they might have driven it as far as they pleased, and so have once more Outed the King and the House of Lords, as a former Parliament did by the Same Means. I will conclude this with the Judgement of a Great and a Learned Man. 
Clarendon's Answer to Hobbs, p. 127, 128.  No Orders made by A House of Commons in England, are of any Validity or Force, or receive any Submission, longer than that House of Commons Continues; and if Any Order made by them be against any Law or Statute, it is Void when it is Made, and receives no Obedience.  
His Majesty then had both Law and Reason on his Side, when he ended his Speech to the Next Parliament at Oxford, with these Words:  
I WILL Conclude with this one Advice to you, That the Rules and Measures of all your Votes, may be the Known and Established Laws of the Land, which Neither Can, nor Ought to be Departed from, nor Changed, but by Act of Parliament: And I may the more reasonably Require, That You make the Laws of the Land your Rule, because I am Resolved they shall be Mine.   
FINIS.   

ADVICE TO THE READER.  
HAving received the following Papers just as this Tractate was finished and Printed off, I thought myself obliged to Comply with the reasonable Request of so many Persons of that Worth and Quality the Subscribers are: Tho' at the same time I must confess, that neither I, nor this Treatise, do or can deserve that Character their Civility and Goodness have bestowed on us.  
Sir,  
BEing Informed that you are upon a Continuation of that Excellent Work, Entitled, An Address to the Freemen and Freeholders of the Nation; and that the Third Part of it is now in the Press, we take the Freedom to Trouble you with this our Joynt-Request: That if you take any Notice of the Case of Mr. Richard Thompson of Bristol Clerk, in the Series of your Narration, you will be pleased to give Credit to the Report which we shall here offer you; And (if you think fitting) to Communicate it to the Public in his Justification and Defence. The Particulars hereof we have partly upon very Good Authority; And we are able to Testify the Truth of the rest upon our own Knowledge and Experience as to the Character, Life, and Conversation of This Worthy Gentleman.  
He was Born of Protestant Parents, and Educated in the Methods and Principles of the Church of England. He received his Orders of Priesthood from the Hands of Dr. Fuller Bishop of Lincoln, in the year 1670. Immediately upon this Qualification, he was sent by the Reverend Dr. Pierce to serve in his Cure of Brington in Northamptonshire; where he continued some Years with a very Fair Reputation.  
About the year 1675. He removed from thence to Salisbury upon the Invitation of the said Dr. Pierce, than Dean of Sarum, where he lived with him in his own House.  
In the year 1676. The Dean bestowed upon him first a Prebend; And then a Presentation to St. Mary's in Marlborough.  
In 1677. He Travailed with Mr. Jo. Norborne of Calne in Wiltshire; but within less than a Twelvemonth he was Recalled, upon the Vacancy of Bedminster by Bristol his Present Living.  
When he was abroad, he neither Studied at St. Omers, nor Dovay, (as was suggested:) Nor ever saw those Places, nor passed into any part of Flanders or Italy, but France alone.  
He spent near Seven Months of his time at Paris; and in the Academy of Monsieur Fonbert, a Protestant, still frequenting the English Ambassador's Chapel, and receiving the Sacrament there: And during his stay he Preached twice, and read Prayers often in That Chapel.  
At Given upon the Loire, he sojourned all his time there with Monsieur Du Paizy the Protestant Minister, Frequenting the Protestant Church, and that only; Receiving the Sacrament also from the hands of Monsieur Du Paizy, to put those Men out of hope of Gaining him over that had already Solicited him by fair Promises of Advantage to the Communion of the Church of Rome.  
At Blois he kept himself also upon the same Reserve, avoiding even to Lodge in the House of a Romanist, but upon Absolute Necessity.  
He was not yet so Rigorous as not to allow himself in a Curiosity to make an Acquaintance as well with Persons Eminent in their several Orders of the Church of Rome, as with the Famous Men of the Protestant Churches.  
He does not deny but that he had twice or thrice seen Mass performed while he was abroad, but it was Curiosity, not Religion that carried him thither: And that he is so far from being staggered in his Faith by any thing he saw abroad, that he is the more Confirmed in it. And that he would rather Beg within the Communion of the Church of England, than be the greatest Person the Church of Rome could make him out of it,  
Since his Return in 1678. No man hath kept himself more strictly to the Orders of the Church of England. He hath taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy at least Eight several times; Preaching and Acting in Conformity thereunto. He never Refused any Test of Fidelity to the Government, and Declares himself Ready to take any farther Tests that shall be lawfully imposed upon him.  
Sir,  
We have Extracted these Particulars from Evidences Contestable; and we reckon it our Duty to God, to the Church, to Common Justice, and to Persecuted Innocence, to Present This Account to yourself, in hopes that you will Transmit it with your own Ingenious Reflections to the View, and Consideration of the World.  
We have Annexed hereunto a short Summary of what will be Attested on his behalf since he came to Bristol. And we have thereunto subjoined several Fair and Ample Certificates in his Vindication and Defence. We could have added many more, as particularly, A Certificate of the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop (Now) of Chichester, late of Bristol, who has been pleased to Certify Mr. Richard Thompson, to be (in these very words) A Person of much more than ordinary Endowments for Learning, an Excellent Preacher, and which Crowns both the Former, a Man of a Clean Life, and Vnreproveable Conversation. A Person free from Novelties in Religion, but very sound and Orthodox in the Doctrines he Preaches; and thoroughly Conformable as to Discipline, etc. And then afterward, his Lordship Concludes thus.  
I know no Young Man of his Years that better deserves very Good Preferment in our Church then This Young Man doth. And this I do Testify sincerely from my Heart, and give under my Hand, this Fourteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord 1679. at my Palace in Chichester.  
For the Truth and Authority of the whole Matter, we are willing and ready to become Answerable, and shall take it for a singular Kindness if you will be pleased to let These Testimonials pass into the World at the instance of  
Sir, Your humble Servants, 

Thomas Eston, Mayor.  
Sir Richard Crump, Kt.  
Sir John Knight, Kt.  
James Twyford.  
Walter Gunter.  
Thomas Davidge.  
John yeoman's.    

Touching Mr. THOMPSON's Care and Pains at BRISTOL in the Discharge of his Function there: And his Reputation among the Inhabitants of the said City.  
1. IT is Undeniably known, That he hath brought over many Anabaptists, and Quakers to the Church of England there, and Baptised them Publicly.  
2. That he hath Instructed, and Grounded many Hundreds of Children (who were afterward Confirmed by the Bishop of the Place) in the Catechism of the Church of England.  
3. It is certain that he is never without a Full Auditory, whensoever he Preacheth, or when he Readeth the Prayers only: And that he hath in his time much increased the Number of Communicants.  
4. There are many most Worthy Gentlemen in That City, that will not be Ashamed to own their Establishment in the Church of England, to the great Pains which he hath taken With, and Among them.  
Lastly, In Testimony of the High Esteem that the Inhabitants of That City had of This Gentleman, they Met him, with a great many Horsemen, at his Return from his Persecution in London; and bade him Welcome again to the Place of his Residence, with the Highest Expressions of Joy, and Acclamation.   

Sir John Lloyd's Certificate concerning Mr. Thompson, under the Seal of the Office of his Majoralty.  
WHereas Richard Thompson, Vicar of St. Mary Redcliff, and St. Thomas, two Eminent Churches within the City of Bristol, even from the time of his first appearance to officiate in those Churches, hath been privily traduced, and now of late openly and maliciously branded, by the multiforme fanatics of this City, for a Church-Papist and Jesuit, for the Rector of St. Omers, so Nick-naming St. Thomas, and with many like Terms of Obloquy and Slander, the Invention whereof may be reckoned upon as the very first and peculiar gift of that Party, whose great and only Masterpiece it hath been and still is, by like Maliciously Witty and Wicked Methods and Artifices to expose alike His Loyalty and Ministry, and to lessen that Esteem and Reputation he hath thereby gained in the Hearts and Affections of all the King's Majesties Loyal & Loving Subjects within this City.  
These are therefore at the Request of and just Due to the said Richard Thompson, to Certify unto all, unto whom these Presents shall come, that the said Richard Thompson, is well known to me John Lloyd, Knight, and Major of the said City, and to all the King's Majesties Loyal and Loving Subjects therein, to be a Person of most Innocent and Exemplary Life and Conversation, a most Constant and Careful Dispenser of God's most Holy Word unto the People under his Charge, a most Diligent and Zealous Assertor of the King's Majesty's Supremacy in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil, in opposition to all Schismatical and Factious Persons and Principles, under what Names soever they pass or prevail amongst us, and also of all the Christian Doctrines, together with the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, as they are now Owned and Established by Law.  
In Testimony whereof I have caused the Seal of my Office of Majoralty to be affixed, Dated the Eighteenth Day of September, Anno Dom. 1679 John Lloyd, Major.   

The Dean and Chapter of Sarum, their Certificate.  
OMnibus quorum interest innotescat per Praesentes; Ricardum Thompson in Artibus Magistrum, & Vicarium de Bedminster juxta Bristoliam, quamdiu apud nos commoratus est, pie vitam, sobrieque & laudabiliter trad●xisse. In concionibus saepe habendis sedulo curam adhibuisse, strenue studiis Theologicis navasse operam; Nec unquam (quod scimus) docuisse quicquam vel tenuisse, quod Ecclesia Anglicana non etiam appobut atque tuetur. Cujus praesertim Disciplinae & superioribus quibuscunque ab omni parte conformem morigerumque se praestit it. In quorum omnium Testimonium, & fidem iisdem faciendam, nomina nostra & cognomina, plane & ex animo apposuimus, Sept. 13. Annoque Salutis reparatae. 1679.  


Thomas Pierce Dec. Sarum  
Daniel Whitby Preceptor Sarum  
Ricardus Drake Cancellarius Sarum  
Ricardus Hill Can. Resid. Sarum  
Franciscus Horton Can. Resid. Sarum.     

A Certificate Signed by several of his Auditors upon the Thirtieth of January, 1679. being Persons of great Reputation for Loyalty as well as Fortune.  
THese are to Certify all whom it may concern, That we whose Names are hereunto Subscribed, were present at the Parish Church of St. Thomas within the City of Bristol, on the Thirtieth Day of January, 1679. where we than heard Mr. Richard Thompson Preach very solemnly on the Occasion of that Days Fast. To which Sermon every one of us for himself doth Declare, he was very attentive. And we do all hereby Certify and Declare that we do not remember that the said Mr. Thompson, did then say in his Prayer, or Sermon, That there was no Popish Plot, but a Presbyterian Plot, or any thing to that or the like effect. And we are ready to make Oath of the same, if required. But on the contrary, we have heard him detest and abhor the Popish Plot. And we do further Certify, That the said Mr. Thompson, is, and by all the time we have known him, hath been a True and Loyal Subject to our Most Gracious Sovereign, and of a very Sober and Pious Life and Conversation amongst us, every way suitable to his Function. Witness Our Hands this Thirteenth day of November, 1680.  


John Hicks, Alderman.  
Sir Richard Crump, Ald.  
Sir John Knight, Kt.  
George Morgan.  
Thomas Davidge,  
Edmond Brand,  
John Broadway,  
Walter Gunter,  
John Hellier,  
John Oliff,  
John yeoman's,  
John Combs, Sheriff.  
George Boucher,  
Thomas Turner,  
George Hart, Sheriff.  
James Millerd,  
Ralph Oliff,  
James Twyford,  
Daniel Pym,  
Thomas Hartwell,  
Edmund Arundel;  
Richard Benson,  
Francis yeoman's,  
Thomas Durbin,  
Charles Allen.     
THE END.