Their HIGHNESS the Prince & Princess OF ORANGE's OPINION About a GENERAL Liberty of Conscience, etc. Being a Collection of FOUR SELECT PAPERS, VIZ. I. Mijn Heer Fagel' s First Letter to Mr. Stewart. II. Reflections on Monsieur Fagel's Letter. III. Fagels Second Letter to Mr. Stewart. IV. Some Extracts, out of Mr. Stewart's Letters, which were communicated to Mijn Heer Fagel. Together with some References to Mr. Stewart's Printed Letter. LONDON, Printed, and are to be Sold by Richard Janeway, in Queens-head-alley in Pater-Noster-Row. 1689. A LETTER, Writ by Mijn Heer FAGEL, Pensioner of Holland, to Mr. James Stewart, Advocate; Giving an Account of the Prince and Princess of Orange's thoughts concerning the Repeal of the Test, and the Penal Laws. SIR, I Am extreme sorry, that my ill health hath so long hindered me from Answering those Letters, in which you so earnestly desired to know of me, what their Highness' thoughts are, concerning the Repeal of the Penal Laws, and more particularly of that concerning the Test: I beg you to assure yourself, that I will deal very plainly with you in this matter, and without Reserve, since you say that your Letters was writ by the King's knowledge and allowance. I must then first of all assure you very positively, that their Highnesses have often declared, as They did more particularly to the Marquis of Albeville, His Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary to the States, that it is their Opinion, That no Christian ought to be persecuted for his Conscience, or be ill used because he differs from the public and and established Religion: And therefore, they can consent, that the Papists in England, Scotland and Ireland be suffered to continue in their Religion, with as much Liberty as is allowed them by the States in these Provinces; in which it cannot be denied, that they en●●y a full Liberty of Conscience. And as for the Dissenters, Their Highnesses do not only consent, but do heartily approve of their having an entire Liberty, for the full Exercise of their Religion, without any trouble or hindrance; so that none may be able to give them the least disturbance upon that account. And their Highnesses are very ready, in case His Majesty shall think fit to desire it, to declare their willingness to concur in the settling, and confirming this Liberty, and as far as it lies in them, they will protect and defend it, and according to the Language of Treaties, They will confirm it with their Guarranty, of which you made mention in yours. And if His Majesty shall think fit fuether to desire their concurrence in the Repealing of the Penal Laws, They are ready to give it; provided always that those Laws remain still in their full vigour, by which the R. Catholics are shut out of both Houses of Parliament, and out of all public Employments, Ecclesiastical, Civil and Military; as likewise all those other Laws, which confirm the Protestant Religion, and which secures it against all the attempts of the Roman Catholics. But Their Highnesses cannot agree to the Repeal of the Test, or of those other Penal Laws last mentioned, that tend to the security of the Protestant Religion; since the R. Catholics receive no other prejudice from these, than the being excluded from Parliaments, or from public Employments. And that by them the Protestant Religion is covered from all the Designs of the R. Catholics against it, or against the public safety; And neither the Test nor these other Laws can be said to carry in them any severity against the Roman Catholics upon account of their Consciences: They are only Provisions qualifying men to be Members of Parliament, or to be capable of bearing Office; by which they must declare before God and Men, that they are for the Protestant Religion. So that indeed, all this amounts to no more than a securing the Protestant Religion from any Prejudices that it may receive from the R. Catholics. Their Highnesses have thought and do still think, that more than this ought not to be asked, or expected from Them: since by this means, the R. Catholics and their Posterity will be for ever secured from all trouble in their Persons or Estates, or in the Exercise of their Religion; and that the Roman Catholics ought to be satisfied with this, and not to disquiet the Kingdom because they cannot be admitted to sit in Parliament, or to be in Employments; or because those Laws, in which the security of the Protestant Religion does chiefly consist, are not repealed, by which they may be put in a condition to overturn it. Their Highnesses do also believe, that the Dissenters will be fully satisfied when they shall be for ever covered from all danger of being disturbed, or punished for the free Exercise of their Religion, upon any sort of pretence whatsoever. Their Highness' having declared themselves so positively in these matters, it seems very plain to me, that They are far from being any hindrance to the Freeing the Dissenters from the severity of the Penal Laws; since they are ready to use their utmost endeavours for the establishing of it; nor do they at all press the denying to the Roman Catholics the exercise of their Religion, provided it be managed modestly, and without Pomp or Ostentation. As for my own part, I ever was and still am very much against all those, who would persecute any Christian because he differs from the public and established Religion: And I hope by the Grace of God to continue still in the same mind; for since that Light, with which Religion illuminates our mind, is according to my sense of things, purely an effect of the Mercy of God to us, we ought then, as I think, to render to God all possible Thanks for his Goodness to us: and to have Pity for those who are still shut up in Error, even as God has pitied us, and to put up most earnest prayers to God, for bringing those into the way of Truth, who stray from it, and to use all gentle and friendly methods for reducing them to it. But I confess, I could never comprehend how any that profess themselves Christians, and that may enjoy their Religion freely and without any disturbance, can judge it lawful for them to go about to disturb the Quiet of any Kingdom or State, or to overturn Constitutions, that so they themselves may be admitted to Employments, and that those Laws in which the Security and Quiet of the Established Religion consists, should be shaken. It is plain, that the Reformed Religion is by the Grace of God and by the Laws of the Land, enacted by both King and Parliament, the public and established Religion both in England, Scotland and Ireland and that it is provided by those Laws, that none can be admitted either to a place in Parliament, or to any public Employment except those that do openly declare, that they are of the Protestant Religion, and not Roman Catholics; and it is also provided by those Laws, that the Protestant Religion shall be in all time coming secured from the Designs of the Roman Catholics against it; in all which I do not see, that these Laws contain any Severity, either against the Persons or Estates of those who cannot take those Tests, that are contrary to the Roman Catholic Religion; all the inconveniences that can redound to them from thence, is, that their Persons, their Estates, and even the Exercise of their Religion being assured to them, only they can have no share in the Government, nor in Offices of ●rust, as long as their Consciences do not allow them to take these Tests: and they are not suffered to do any thing that is to the prejudice of the Reformed Religion. Since, as I have already told you, Their Highnesses are ready to concur with his Majesty for the Repeal of those Penal Laws, by which men are made liable to fines or other Punishments. So I see there Remains no difficulty concerning the Repealing the Penal Laws, but only this, that some would have the Roman Catholics, rendered capable of all public Trusts and Employments, and that by consequence, all those should be repealed that have secured the Protestane Religion against the designs of the R. Catholics, where others at the same time are not less earnest to have those Laws maintained in their full and due vigour; and think, that the chief security of the established Religion consists in the preserving of them sacred and unshaken. It is certain, that there is no Kingdom, Commonwealth, or any constituted body or Assembly whatsoever, in which there are not Laws made for the safety thereof; and that provide against all Attempts whatsoever, that disturb their Peace, and that prescribe the Conditions and Qualities that they judge necessary for all that shall bear Employments in that Kingdom, State or Corporation: And no man can pretend, that there is any Injury done him, that he is not admitted to Employments when he doth not satisfy the Conditions and Qualities required. Nor can it be denied, that there is a great difference to be observed in the conduct of those of the Reformed Religion, and of the Roman Catholics towards one another: The Roma Catholics not being satisfied to exclude the Reformed from all places of profit or of Trust, they do absolutely suppress the whole Exercise of that Religion, and severely persecute all that profess it; and this they do in all those places where it is safe and without danger, to carry on that rigour. And I am sorry that we have at this present so many deplorable Instances of this severity before our eyes, that is at the same time put in practice in so many different places. I would therefore gladly see one single good reason to move a Protestant that fears God, and that is concerned for his Religion, to consent to the Repealing of those Laws that have been enacted by the Authority of King and Parliament, which have no other tendency but to the security of the Reformed Religion, and to the restraining of the Roman Catholics from a capacity of overturning it; these Laws inflict neither Fines nor Punishments, and do only exclude the Roman Catholics from a share in the Government, who by being in Employments must needs study to increase their Party, and to gain to it more Credit and Power, which by what we see every day, we must conclude, will be extremely dangerous to the Reformed Religion, and must turn to its great prejudice: since in all places, those that are in public Employments, do naturally Favour that Religion of which they are, either more or less. And who would go about to persuade me or any man else to endeavour to move Their Highnesses, whom God hath honoured so far as to make them the Protectors of his Church, to approve of, or to consent to things so hurtful, both to the Reformed Religion and to the public safety. Nor can I, Sir, with your good leave, in any way grant what you apprehend, That no prejudice will thereby redound to the Reformed Religion. I know it is commonly said the number of the Roman Catholics in England and Scotland is very inconsiderable; and that they are possessed only of a very small number of the places of Trust: though even as to this, the case is quite different in Ireland: yet this you must of necessity grant me, that if their numbers are small, than it is not reasonable that the public Peace should be disturbed on the account of so few persons, especially when so great a favour may be offered to them; such as the free Exercise of their Religion would be: and if their numbers are greater, than there is so much the more reason to be afraid of them; I do indeed believe that Roman Catholics, as things at present stand, will not be very desirous to be in public Offices and Employments, nor that they will make any attempts upon the Reformed Religion, both because this contrary to Law, and because of the great Inconveniences that this may bring at some other time both on their Persons, and their Estates: yet if the Restraints of the Law were once taken off, you would see them brought into the Government, and the chief Offices and Places of Trust would be put in thnir hands; no will it be easy to His Majesty to resist them in this, how steadfast soever he may be; for they will certainly press him hard in it, and they will represent this to the King, as a matter in which His Conscience will be concerned; and when they are possessed of the Public Offices, what will be left for the Protestants to do, who will find no more the support of the Law, and can expect little Encouragement from such Magistrates? and on the other hand, the Advantages that the R. Catholics would find in being thus set loose from all Restraints, are so plain, that it were a loss of time to go about the proving it. I neither can or will doubt of the sincerity of His Majesty's intentions, and that He has no other design before Him in this matter, but that all his Subjects may enjoy in all things the same Rights and Freedoms. But plain Reason, as well as the Experience of all Ages, the present as well as the past shows, that it will be impossible for R. Catholics and Protestants, when they are mixed together in places of Trust and public Employments, to live together peaceably, or to maintain a good Correspondence together. They will be certainly always jealous of one another; For the Principles and the Maxims of both Religions are so opposite to one another, that in my opinion I do not see how it will be in the power of any Prince or King whatsoever, to keep down those Suspicions and Animosities, which will be apt to arise upon all occasions. As for that which you apprehend, that the Dissenters shall not be delivered from the Penal Laws that are made against them, unless at the same time the Test be likewise repealed: This will be indeed a great unhappiness to them; but the Roman Catholics are only to blame for it, who will rather be content that they and their Posterity should lie still under the weight of the Penal Laws, and exposed to the hatred of the whole Nation, than be still restrained from a capacity of attempting any thing against the Peace and the Security of the Protestans Religion, And be deprived of that small advantage (if it is at all to be reckoned one) of having a share in the Government and public Employments; since in all places of the World his has been always the privilege of the Religion that is established by Law; and indeed these Attempts of the Roman Catholics ought to be so much the more suspected and guarded against by Protestants, in that they see that Roman Catholics, even when liable to the Severity of Penal Laws, do yet endeavour to persuade his Majesty, to make the Protestants, whether they will or not, dissolve that Security which they have for their Religion: and to clear a way for bringing in the Roman Catholics to the Government, and to public Employments: in which case there would remain no relief for them but what were to be expected from a Roman Catholic Government. Such than will be very unjust to their Highnesses, who shall blame them for any Inconveniency that may arise from thence; since they have declared themselves so freely on this subject, and that so much to the advantage even of the Roman Catholics. And since the Settlement of matters sticks at this single point, that Their Highnesses cannot be brought to consent to things that are so contrary to Laws already in being, and that are so dangerous and so hurtful to the Protestant Religion, as the admitting of Roman Catholics to a share in the Government, and to places of Trust, and the Repealing of those Laws, that can have no other effect but the securing of the Protestant Religion from all the Attempts of the Roman Catholics against it would be. You write, That the Roman Catholics in these provinces are not shut out from the Employments and places of Trust; But in this you are much mistaken. For our Laws are express, excluding them by name from all share in the Government, and from all Employments either of the Policy or Justice of our Country. It is true, I do not know of any express Law, that shuts them out of Military Employments; that had indeed been hard, since in the first Formation of our State they joined with us in defending our public Liberty, and did us eminent service during the Wars; therefore they were not shut out from those Military Employments; for the public safety was no way endangered by this, both because their numbers that served in our Troops were not great, and because the States could easily prevent any Inconvenience that might arise out of that; which could not have been done so easily, if the Roman Catholics had been admitted to a Share in the Government, and in the Policy or Justice of our State I am very certain of this, of which I could give very good proofs, that there is nothing which Their Highnesses desire so much, as that His Majesty may Reign happily, and in an entire Confidence with his Subjects; and that His subjects being persuaded of His Majesty's fatherly affection to them, may be ready to make him all the returns of Duty that are in th●●● Power. But their Highnesses are convinced in their Consciences, that both the Protestant Religion, and the safety of the Nation, will be exposed to most certain Dangers, if either the Test, or those other Penal Laws, of which I have made frequent mention, should be Repealed; Therefore they cannot consent to this, nor concur with His Majesty's Will; for they believe, they should have much to Answer for to God, if the consideration of any present advantages should carry them to consent and concur in things which they believe would be not only dangerous, but mischievous to the Protestant Religion. Their Highnesses have ever paid a most profound Duty to His Majesty which they will always continue to do; for they consider themselves bound to it, both by the Laws of God, and of Nature: But since the matter that is now in hand, relates not to the making of new Laws, but to the total Repealing of those already made both by King and Parliament: They do not see how it can be expected of them, that they should consent to such a Repeal, to which they have so just an aversion, as being a thing that is contrary to the Laws and Customs of all Christian States, whether Protestants or Papists, who receive ●one to a share in the Government, or to public Employments, but those who profess the public and established Religion, and that take care to secure it against all attempts whatsoever. I do not think it necessary to demonstrate to you how much their Highnesses are devoted to His Majesty, of which they have given such real Evidences as are beyond all verbal ones; and they are resolved still to continue in the same Duty and Affection; or rather to increase it, if that is possible. I am, SIR, Yours, etc. Novemb. 4. 1687. Amsterdam, Printed in the Year 168● Reflections on Monsieur Fagel's Letter. SIR, I Shall endeavour to answer yours as fully and briefly as possible. 1. You desire to know whether the Letter I sent you be truly Monsieur Fagels or not. 2. Whether their Highnesses gave him Commission to write it. 3. How far the Dissenters may rely on their Highness' word. 4. What effects it has on all sorts of People. Sir, Roman Catholics may be pardoned if they endeavour to make that Letter pass for an Imposture, it is their Interest so to do, and they are seldom wanting to promote that, let the methods be never so indirect which they are forced to make use of: It does indeed spoil many hopeful projects of theirs. But how any Protestant among us can really doubt the truth of it, is strange to me. Some things carry their own evidence along with them: I take this Letter to be one of that kind. I do not desire you to believe me upon my bare affirmation that I know it to be genuine, (though this be most true) but shall offer my Reasons to convince you that it cannot be otherways. First, The Letter is like its Author, the Matter is weighty, the Reasoning solid, the Style grave, full and clear, like that of a Lawyer: It has an Air all over, which as well shows the Religion and Temper of its Writer, as the Matter and Method of it do his Capacity and Judgement. Now all these Qualities make up the Character of Monsieur Fagel. Secondly, There are the same grounds to believe this Letter to be M. Fagel's, as there are to believe any thing you have not seen, viz. The constant Asseverations of Persons of undoubted Credit that come from Holland, who all agree in it, and assure us of it. M. Fagel owned it to several English Gentlemen, and many both here and in Holland knew two months ago that such a Letter was written; a Forgery would before this time have been detected, esecially such a one as ruins the Designs of the Triumphing Party. Thirdly, It was written by M. Fagel in Answer to Letters from Mr. Stewart, sent by His Majesty's special Orders, and Mr. Stewart hath both an English and Latin Copy sent him: Therefore the English Copy is not called a Translation, but it is a sort of Original; for you are not to doubt but the matter was ordered so, that her Royal Highness might peruse it as well as his Majesty. In the next place you would know whether their Highnesses gave Order to Monsieur Fagel to write it. I wish Sir, you would take the pains to read the Letter over again, and consider who this Monsieur Fagel is; He is Pensionary of Holland, and first Ministor of State, raised to that Dignity by the Prince's Favour, he Answers Letters written to him, which are ordered by His Majesty to be communicated to their Highnesses. In his Answer, he gives an Aceount of their Highness' Opinions about the Repeal of the Penal Laws and Test; Matters of a National Concern, and of the greatest Importance. Now you must have a strange Opinion of Monsieur Fagel, if you think him capable of so great an indiscretion (or rather Imposture) as to write such a Letter of his own Head. The Letter itself Demonstrates, that whoever writ it is no Fool, and the Circumstances I have marked show that he is no Knave. And indeed the substance of it is not new, it only repeats to His Majesty the same Answer which the Prince and Princess had formerly given to His Majesty's Envoy there. In short, you may leave the whole Matter to this plain issue: if this Letter be a false one it will be disowned, if a true one it will be owned. Their Highnesses love not to do things that will not bear the Light. It is Evident, they did not intend the Matter of it should be a Secret, having told it to Monsieur d'Albeville, as often as he (in his Discreet Way) necessitated them to do it. But how it came to be Printed, I cannot inform you justly; however you shall have my conjecture. I remember as soon as it was noised about Town, that Mr. Stewart had received a Letter of such a Nature from Monsieur Fagel, care was taken that the Writer of the Common News Letters which are dispersed over the Kingdom, should insert in them that their Highnesses had declared, themselves for the Repeal of the Test. This Pias Fraus might, I suppose, give Occasion to the Printing of the Letter, as the Wisdom and Policy of our Statesmen (in putting Mr. Stewart on Writing such Letters) had procured it: I say Letters, for Monsieur Fagel had five or six on that subject before he answered, so unwilling were they in Holland to return an Answer, since they could not give one that was pleasing, or do any thing that looked like meddling. The third Thing you desired to be satisfied in, is, Whether the Dissenters may rely on their Highness' Word. I am as apt to mistrust Princes Promises as you are. But shall now give you my reasons, why I think the Dissenters may safely do it. And at the same time, because of the Affinity of the matter, I will tell you why I think we may all rely on their Highnesses for our Civil Liberties, as well as the Dissenters may do for Liberty of Conscience. Much of what I have to say is equally applicable to them both, yet because I know you have had an Account of Her Royal Highness, better than I can give you, I shall for the most part, speak only of the Prince. My first Reason is the certainest of all Reasons, That it will be His Highness' interest to settle matters at Home, which only can be done by a Legal Toleration or Comprehension in Matters of Religion; and by restoring the Civil Liberties of the Nation, so much invaded of late. That this will be his interest is Evident, if his Designs lie abroad, as it's certain they do. Designs at home and abroad at the same time are so inconsistent, that we see His Majesty, though raised above his Fears at home by His late Victory; and invited abroad, by all that can excite his Appetite for Glory, cannot reconcile them: The truth is, one that would undertake it, is in the same Condition with Officers that beat their men, to make them fight, they have Enemies before and behind. But you may happily Object, that Princes do not always follow their true Interests, of which it is not difficult in this Age to give several Fatal Instances. I Answer, That it is to be presumed that Princes, as well as other men, will follow their Interests till the contrary appear; and if they be of an Age to have taken their Fold, and have till such Age kept firm to their Interests, the Presumption grows strong; but if their Inclinations, the Maxims of their Families, the Impressions of their Education, and all their other Circumstances do side with their Interest, and lead them the same way, it is hardly Credible they should ever quit it. Now this being the present Case, we have all the certainty that can be had in such matters. The Prince of Orange has above these 15 years given so great proofs of his Firmness and Resolution, as well as of his Capacity and conduct in opposing the Grand Ravisher (I may add the Betrayers too) of Liberty and Religion, that he is deservedly (by all Impartial Men) owned to be the Head of the Protestant Interest: A Headship, which no Princes but the Kings of England should have, and none but they would be without it. Now one may rationally conclude, That when the Prince shall join to his present possession of this Headship, a more Natural Title, by being in a greater capacity to Act, he will not degrade himself, nor lay aside Designs and Interests which ought to be the Glory of England, as they are indeed the Glory of his Family, acquired and derived to him by the Blood of his Ancestors, and carried on and maintained by himself with so much Honour and Reputation. I might add here, That the Prince is a Man of a sedate even Temper, full of Thoughts and Reflection: one that precipitates neither in Thinking, Speaking, nor Acting; is cautious in Resolving and Promising, but firm to his Resolutions and exact in observing his Word: inform yourself, and you'll find this a part of his Character, and conclude from hence what may be presumed from his Inclinations. Now as to the Maxims of his Family, let us compare them a little where it may be decently done. The French King broke his Faith to his Protestant Subjects, upon this single point of Vain Glory, that he might show the World he was greater than most of his Predecessors, who though they had the same Inclinations, were not Potent enough to pursue them effectually, as he has done, to the everlasting Infamy of his Name and Reign. The maxims of the French Kings have been to outvie each other, in Robbing their Neighbours, and Oppressing their Subjects by perfidiousness and cruelty. But those of the Family of Orange on the contrary, have been to Rescue Europe from its Oppressors, and maintain the Protestant Interest, by Virtue, Truth, Honour and Resolution; knowing that such methods are as necessary to make Protestant Princes and States flourish, as Vice and Oppression are to maintain Popish Government. No Popish Prince in Europe can pretend to have kept his Word to his Protestant Subjects, as the Princes of Orange have always done to their Popish subjects at Orange, and elsewhere; and the Papists have often broke their Word to that Family, and have been, and are its declared Enemies; and though the Princes two great Grandfather's, Admiral Coligni, and Prince William, were Assassinated by the Authority, and with the Approbation of that whole party, yet it cannot be made appear, that ever the Princes of that Family failed in keeping their Word, even to such Enemies, or used their own Popish subjects the worse for it, in making distinction between them and their other subjects, or influenced the States to use theirs so: I say the States, who allow their R. C. subjects all the privileges of their other subjects, only they are kept by a Test from having any share in the Government, which is truly a kindness done them, considering that illnatured Humour of destroying all those that differ from them, which is apt to break out when that Religion is in power. Now the Church of England may justly expect all sort of protection and countenance from the successors, when it's their turn to give it, they have a legal right to it, and Impartial Dissenters must acknowledge, that of late they have deserved it. But as for the Protestant Dissenters, I think no honest man amongst them will Apprehend, that their Highnesses who keep their Word to their Popish Enemies, will break it to Protestant subject, though differing from the public Establishment. The next thing I am to make good, is, That His Highness' Education must have infused such principles as side with his Interest: There must be a fatal Infection in the English Crown, if matters miscarry in his Highness' Hands, his Veins are full of the best Protestant Blood in the World: The Reformation in France grew up under the Conduct and Influence of Coligni. Prince William founded the Government of the United Netherlands on the Basis of property and liberty of Conscience. His Highness was bred and lives in that State which subsists and flourishes by adhering steadily to the Maxims of its Founder. He himself, both in his public and private concerns, as well in the Government of his Family, and of such principalities as belong to him, as in that of the Army, and in the Dispensing of that great power which the States have given him, has as great regard to Justice, Virtue and true Religion, as may complete the character of a Prince, qualified to make those he Governs happy. It does not indeed appear, that their Highnesses have any share of that devouring Zeal which hath so long set the World on fire, and tempted thinking men to have a notion of Religion itself, like that we have of the Ancient Paradise, as if it had never been more than an intended Blessing, but all who have the honour to know their Highnesses and their Inclinations in matters of Religion, are fully satisfied they have a truly Christian Zeal, and as much as is consistent with Knowledge and Charity. As to his Highness' circumstances, they will be such when his Stars make way for him, as may convince our Sceptics, that certain persons, times and things, are prepared for one another. I know not why we may not hope, that as his predecessors broke the Yoke of the House of Austria from off the Neck of Europe; The honour of breaking that of the House of Bourbon is reserved for him. I am confident the Nation will heartily join with him in his Just Resentments. Resentments which they have with so much Impatience longed to find, and have missed with the greatest indignation in the Hearts of their Monarches. His Highness has at present, a greater influence on the Councils of the most part of the Princes of Christendom, than possibly any King of England ever had. And this acquired by the weight of his own personal merit, which will no doubt grow up to a glorious Authority when it is clothed with Sovereign power. May I here mention (to ●ay the Jealousies of the most unreasonable of your Friends) that his Highness will have only a borrowed Title, which he may suppose will make him more catious in having designs at home, and his wanting Children (to our great misfortune) will make him less solicitous to have such Designs. But after all, it must be acknowledged, that in matters of this Nature, the premises may seem very strong, and yet the conclusion not follow. Humane infirmities are great, Temptations to Arbitrariness are strong, and often both the Spirit and Flesh weak. Such fatal mistakes have been made of late, that the Successors themselves may justly pardon men's Jealousies, A Widow that has had a bad Husband, will cry on her Wedding-day, though she would be married with all her heart. But I am confident you will grant to me, that in the case of the present Successors, the possibilities are as remote, and the Jealousies as ill grounded, and that there is as much to balance them, as ever there was to be found in the prospect of any Successors to the Crown of England. Now may I add, To conclude the Reasons that I have given you, why we may depend on their Highnesses, that I know considerable men, who after great Enquiry and Observation, do hope that their Highesses (being every way so well qualified for such an end) are predestinated (if I may speak so) to make us happy in putting an end to our Differences, and in fixing the Prerogative, and in recovering the Glory of the Nation, which is so much sunk, and which now (when we were big with Expectations) we find Sacrificed to unhappy partialities in matters of Religion. The last thing you desire to know, is, What Effects this Letter has had. But it is not yet old enough for me to judge of that, I can better tell you what Effects it ought to have. I find the moderate wise men of all Persuasions are much pleased with it. I know Roman Catholics that wish to God matters were settled on the model given in it; they see the great difficulty of getting the Test Repealed: And withal, they doubt whether it is their Interest that it should be Repealed or not: They fear needy violent men might get into Employments who would put His Majesty on doing things that might ruin them and their Posterity. They are certainly in the right of it. It is good to provide for the worst. A Revolution will come with a Witness; and it's like it may come before the Prince of Wales be of Age to manage an unruly Spirit, that I fear will accompany it. Humane Nature can hardly digest what it is already necessitated to swallow, such provocations even altars men's Judgements. I find that men who otherways hate severity, begin to be of opinion that Queen Elizabeth's Lenity to the R. C's proves now cruelty to the Protestants. The whole Body of Protestants in the Nation was lately afraid of a Popish Successor, and when they Reflected on Queen Mary's Reign, thought we had already sufficient Experience of the Spirit of that Religion; and took Self-preservation to be a good Argument, for preventing a second Trial. But now a handful of Roman Catholics, perhaps reflecting on Queen Elizabeth's Reign, are not it seems afraid of Protestant Successors. But if some Protestants at that time from an Aversion to the Remedy, hoped that the Disease was not so dangerous as it proves, I am confident at present, all Protestants are agreed, that henceforward the Nation must be saved, not by Faith. And therefore I would advise the R. C's to consider that Protestants are still men, that late Experiences at home, and the Cruelties of Popish Princes abroad, has given us a very terrible Idea of their Religion. That opportunity is precious and very slippery, and if they let the present occasion pass by, they can hardly ever hope that it will be possible for them to recover it. That their Fathers and Grandfathers would have thought themselves in Heaven to have had such an offer as this is, in any of the four last Reigns, and therefore, that they had better be contented with Half a Loaf, than no Bread. I mean it will be their Wisdom to embrace this Golden Occasion of putting themselves on a level with all other Englishmen; at least as to their private Capacity; and to disarm once for all, the Severity of those Laws; which if ever they should come to be in good earnest Executed by a Protestant Suceessor, will make England too hot for them: And therefore I should particularly advise those among them, who have the Honour to approach His Majesty, to use their Credit, to prevail with him to make this so necessary a step in favour of the Nation; since the Successors have advanced two thirds of the way for effecting so good and pious a work. Then, and not till then, the R. C's may think themselves secured, and His Majesty may hope to be great by Translating Fear and Anger from the Breasts of His Subjects, to the Hearts of His Own and the Nations Enemies. But if an Evil Genius (which seems to have hovered over us now a long time) will have it otherwise; if I were a R. C. I would meddle no more, but live quiet at home, and Caress my Protestant Neighbours; and in so doing, I should think myself better secured against the Resentments of the Nation, than by all the Forces, Forts, Leagues, guarantees, and even Men Children that His Majesty may hope to leave behind him. As for the Protestant Dissenters, I am confident the Body of them will continue to behave themselves like men, who to their great Honour have ever preferred the Love of their Country and Religion to all Dangers and Favours whatsoever, but there are both Weak and Interested men among all great numbers; I would have them consider how much the state of things is altered, upon the coming out of this Letter, for if hitherto they have been too forward in giving Ear to Proposals on this mistake, that they could never have such a favourable Juncture for getting the Laws against them Repealed; I hope now they are undeceived, since the Successors have pawned their Faith and Honour for it, which I take to be a better security (as matters go at present) than the so much talked of Magna Charta for Liberty of Conscience would be, though got in a legal way; for our Judges have declared, That Princes can dispense with the Obligation of Laws, but they have not yet given their Opinion, that they can dispense with the Honour of their Word; nor have their Highnesses any Confessor to supply such an Omission. However it is not to be charged on their Highnesses, if such a Magna Charta be not at present given them, provided the Test be let alone; but I fear the Roman Catholics Zeal will have all or nothing; and the Test too must be Repealed, by wheedling the Dissenters to join with willing Sheriffs in violating the Rights of Elections, which are the Root of the Liberties of England; a prudent way of recommending their Religion to all true Englishmen. But if any of the Dissenters be so destitute of Sense and Honesty, as to prefer a Magna Charta, so obtained, Void and Null in itself, to their own Honour and Conscience, to the Love and Liberties of their Country, to the present Kindness of all good Men, and their Countenance at another time, and above all, to the Favour and Word of the Successors, who have now so generously declared themselves for them; We may pronounce, that they are men abandoned to a Reprobate sense, who will justly deserve Infamy, and the Hatred of the Nation at present, and its Resentments hereafter. Is it possible, that any Dissenter, who either deserves or loves the Reputation of an Honest Man, can be prevailed with by any pretences of Insinuations how plausible soever, to make so Odious and pernicious a bargain, as that of buying a precarious pretended Liberty of Conscience, at the price of the Civil Liberties of the Country, and at the price of removing that which under God is the most effectual Bar to keep us from the Dominion of a Religion, that wouldas' soon as it could, force us to abandon our own, or reduce us to the Miserable Condition of those of our Neighbours, who are glad to forsake all they have in the World, that they may have their Souls and Lives for prey. As for the Church of England, their Clergy have of late opposed themselves to Popery, with so much Learning, Vigour, Danger and Success, that I think all honest Dissenters will lay down their Resentments against them, and look on that Church, as the present Bulwark and Honour of the Protestant Religion. I wish those high men among them, who have so long appropriated to themselves, the name and Authority of the Church of England, and have been made Instruments to bring about Designs, of which their present Behaviour convinces me, they were ignorant, as I suppose many of the Dissenters are, whose turn it is now to be the Tools. I say, I wish such men would consider, to what a pass they have brought Matters by their Violences, or rather the Violences of these whose Property they were, and at length be wise; They cannot but be sensible of the Advantages they receive by this Letter. I suppose they apprehend (I am sure they ought to do it) that the Ruin of their Church is resolved on: But if the Dissenters upon this Letter withdraw themselves, the R. C's have neither Hearts to keep firm to such a Resolution, nor Hands to Execute it. Since therefore, They themselves, have unhappily brought their Church into such Pre●pices by provoking the Dissenters, it is in a particular manner their Duty, as well as their laterest, to endeavour to soften them, by assisting the Letter, and promoting the Design of it. But if the old leaven still remain, they continue to argue as formerly, if the Surplice be parted with, the Church of England is lost; if the Penal Laws be repealed, the Test will follow: and comfort themselves with this most Christian reflection, that the R. C. will not accept of what is offered them; such men deserve all the misery that is preparing for them, and will perish without Pity, and give thinking Men occasion to remember the Proverb, Beat a Fool (or a Zealot) in a Mortar, yet his Foolishness will not depart from him. But the Dissenters ought not to be much concerned at this, they have their own Bigots, and the Church of England theirs; there will be Tools whilst there are Workmen. This a time for Wisdom to be justified of her Children, when honest men ought to leave off minding the lesser Interests of this or that particular Church, and join in securing the common Interest of the Protestant Religion. And to conclude, I would particularly beg of the Dissenters to make use of their best Judgement on this so critical an occasion, which they will do in my opinion, in keeping close to the contents of this Letter, by endeavouring to obtain in a fair and legal way such a Liberty to all Persuasions, as is the Natural Right of Freemen, and as our Protestant Successors declare themselves willing to join in; and if those who have an equal, nay a greater Interest than themselves, will not agree to such a Liberty, because they will be Masters or nothing; the Dissenters will have the comfort of having discharged their own Consciences, as prudent Men and good Christians ought to do, and may safely trust God with the Event. Sir, I thought I had made an end, but looking your Letter over again, I find I have forgot to answer a reason or two you give, why you doubt whether the Letter be truly M. Fagels: You are informed (you say) that such and such Great Men doubted of it; but some might as well pretend to doubt of the Truth of that Letter, (though they knew it to be true) as believe Her Majesty to be with Child, almost before she knew it Herself; and that she was quick, when the Embryo, as Anatomists say, is not much above an Inch long; I don't think that Popish Successors, like certain weeds, grow faster than others: The Persons you name may Trim, and presume on their Merit, lest they might be thought capable of Resentment. A dangerous Reflection. I say their Merit; you have seen a long relation of the great services some (when they were in power) did their Highnesses; it is bound up with a relation of the true causes of their sufferings for their (or rather their Highnesses) Religion. You know even how one of them the last Summer paid them his reverence with all the Respect and Humility of a due distance, and with the same caution with which the Invincible Monarch fights out of Cannon shot. But, Sir, though the character of a Trimmer be ordinarily the character of a Prudent Man, there are times and seasons when it is not the Character of an Honest Man. I acknowledge that since their Highness' Marriage, nothing has happened so much for the good of the Protestant Interest as this Letter of M. Fagels, and if I had been either the Writer or Adviser of it, I should be very proud of it, and think the Nation much in my debt. But Sir, that was not a very good reason to make you doubt of it; for a good cause will have its time, though not so often as a bad one, which hath ordinarily the Majority on its side. I am confident at present we have all the reason in the world to expect it, for my own part, though I am neither young nor strong, I hope to live to see a day of Jubilee in England for all that deserve it; when honest men shall have the same pleasure in thinking on these times, that a Woman happily delivered hath in reflecting on the pain and danger she was in. But Knaves shall remember them, as I am told the damned do their sins, Cursing both them and themselves. Sir, I am Yours. January 12, 1688. A Letter Writ by Mijn Heer Fagel, Pensioner to the Great and Mighty Lords, the States of Holland and Westfriesland. Writ in French on the 9th of April, N. Style 1688. To the Marquis of Albeville, Envoy Extraordinary of His Majesty of Great Britain, to the High and Mighty the State's General of the United Provinces. To which is prefixed an Account in Dutch of the Letter Writ by Mijn Heer Fagel, on the 4th of November, in the year 1687. to Mr. Stewart, written by the said Pensioner, and Published by his Order. Printed at the Hague by James Scheltus, Printer to the States of Holland and Westfriesland. Translated out of the French and Dutch into English. READER, I Gaspar Fagel, having the honour to serve the Great and Mighty States of Holland and Westfriesland, in the Quality of their Pensioner, cannot any longer delay the giving the Public this account, that in the month of July last 1687. I was very earnestly desired by Mr. James Stewart Advocate, to write to him what were the Prince and Princess of Orange's Thoughts concerning the repealing the Test and the Penal Laws: but I was not easily brought to put Pen to Paper on this subject, because I knew that their Highness' Thoughts did not agree with his Majesties; so that the writing in such matters was extreme tender: therefore I delayed it till I was more earnestly pressed to it: and it was Intimated to me, that those pressing desires were made by His Majesty's Knowledge and Allowance: at last I did according to the mind of their Highnesses, draw the Letter which I writ to Mr. Stewart on the 4th of November: I transmitted the draught of my Letter to their Highnesses, and received upon it their order to send it, after that their Highnesses had read and examined the draught in Dutch, together with the Translation of it into English: upon all this I sent my Letter to Mr. Stewart in the beginning of November; and received an answer from him, by which he signified, that he had showed my Letter, both to the Earl of Melfort and to the Earl of Sunderland, and that it was also showed to the King himself; nor did he in the least intimate to me that it was desired that I should make any great secret of it; or take care that it should not become public: That Letter, was afterwards about the middle of January, Printed in England; and upon its coming over into this Country, it has occasioned a great deal of noise; yet I have not hitherto concerned myself in all those discourses, or in all that has been writ and printed upon it, but have let all people reason or write concerning it as they pleased: But I have lately seen an English Book, entitled, Parliamentum Pacificum, printed in London, in this present year, by virtue of a Licence signed by the Earl of Sunderland; in which that Letter writ by me, is not only called a Pretended Piece, but it is said, that which I had set forth in my Letter, concerning the Prince and Princess' Thoughts, relating to the repeal of the Test and the Penal Laws was advanced by me without the knowledge of their Highnesses, at least of her Royal Highness: and by this the Reader may be perhaps wrought on to believe either that my Letter was a Pretended Piece, and Forgery, or that I writ it without Order from their Highnesses; since it may indeed seem scarce probable, that the Author could have obtained a Licence for the printing of a paper that contains such falsehoods in it, which the Court and in particular the Earl of Sunderland could not but know to be such: for they know well both that the Letter was writ by me, and that I was ordered to write it by their Highnesses: therefore I could not delay any longer to undeceive the World. Thus I am obliged to publish this account of the matter. I have still in my possession, those Letters by which I was earnestly pressed to write the forementioned Letter, in which it is expressly said, that they were writ by His Majesty's Knowledge and Allowance: I have also that Letter in which notice is given that my Letter had come to hand, and that it was showed not only to the Earls of Melf●rt and Sunderland, but to his Majesty himself, so that they know well that it is no Pretended Piece. I have also by me the Letter, by which His Highneses desired me to send ●●●●●ter to Mr. Stewart, together with the English Translation of it: all which I will print, if I find it necessary. So that it is a gross abuse put on the World, to say that my Letter is a forgery, since as it was truly writ by me, so it has been avowed by me ever since it first appeared: And it is a base Calumny and Slander, to say, that I writ that account of their Highness' thoughts concerning the Repeal of the Test and the Penal Laws without their knowledge: which appears so much the more evident, since it cannot be imagined, that their Highnesses would not have expressed their just resentments, at so high and extravagant a presumption as I should have committed, if I had written any account of their thoughts, without their knowledge: All this has obliged me for my own Vindication to write the following Letter, to the Marquis of Albeville, His Majesty's Envoy to the States: because I have had much discourse with him concerning the writing of that Letter, long before this book called Parliamentum Pacificum was published: but I will not engage myself any further to examine the reasonings of the Author of that Phmphlet: for I know well, that in those matters the world is divided into very different sentiments, and that men are apt to approve or censure such things, according to their preconceived Opinions: Of all this I thought it necessary to advertise my Reader, and to order this account of my Letter to be printed by a known Printer, from a Copy signed by my hand. At the Hague the 10th. of April, 1688. GASPAR FAGEL. A Copy of the Letter Writ by Mijn Heer Fagel, to the Marquis of Albeville, bearing date the 9th. of April, 1688. SIR, THere has appeared here an English book, Printed at London this year, entitled Parliamentum Pacificum with an Im●rimatur before it signed by the Earl of Sunderland: ●f which I cannot but complain to you how averse soever I am 〈◊〉 things of that kind. It is affirmed in that book, that the Letter which I writ to Mr. Stewart the 4th. of November last year, concerning the Test and the Penal Laws is a Pretended Piece, or at least that I writ it without order; and without the consent of their Highnesses, and more particularly of her Royal Highness the PRINCESS of ORANGE: I will not engage myself to examine and refute the particulars that are in that Book, for that were as unsuitable to the Character I bear, as it is to my own Inclinations; which do both concur in making it unfit for me to enter upon a public dispute in things of this nature: But you cannot think it strange, if I desire you to call to mind, that it was not of my own head that I was engaged to write that Letter which is now called in question: it was far from that. I was pressed by earnest and often repeated Instances for the space of four months, that were made to me in His Majesty's name, to write upon that subject; which at last prevailed with me; yet I went about it with all the caution that a matter of such Importance required; and I took care not to write one single period in that whole Letter, that I apprehended might give His Majesty the least offence: yet after all I see this Letter is treated as an Imposture, in a Book published by Authority: though both his Majesty and the whole Court know the truth of this matter; which Sir, I have in particular owned to yourself, as being the King's Minister here: as I have also owned it to all that have spoke to me upon the Subject. But that which troubles more is, that I am accused for having made use of their Highness' name, and in particular of her Royal Highnesses without their Order, as if I were capable of so Infamous a Forgery, and of an Imposture so unworthy of any man of honour, and that chiefly in a matter of so great Consequence. Sir, you must not think it strange, if in this I appeal to yourself, to that which you know, and which you have often owned to me yourself: that their Highnesses, and particularly Her Royal Highness have often expressed to you their thoughts concerning the Test and the Penal Laws, conform to that which I writ in their names: which you owned to me, that you had writ to the Court of England, long before I writ that Letter, and that therefore you could not imagine upon what reason the Court could press me so much as they did to write to Mr. Stewart. I do assure you, I find myself very little concerned in what is said in this late Book, or in any other of that kind: I foresaw well enough from the beginning that I should be attacked upon the account of my Letter: in which it was Indifferent to me what any man thought of it. But this Book being published by the authoaity of a Licence granted by the Earl of Sunderland, Precedent of His Majesty's Privy Council and Secretary of State, I find my honour is so touched in it, that I am obliged to undeceive the world, of the false accusation with which I am charged in it. And I thought Sir, that I could not do this better, than by writing to you, that are His Majesties Minister, and who know perfectly the truth of the matter that is now called in question: and therefore I desire you will write concerning it, to the Earl of Sunderland: I believe he has not seen or at least that he has not considered the passages of that Book that do concern me. For I am sure if he had done that, he would never have Licenced it: for my Lord Sunderland knows, as well as any man alive does, that my Letter to Mr. Stewart is no Pretended Piece: he himself saw the Letter, or at least the English Translation of it that I sent along with it: And he could not but know likewise, both by your Letters, and by what you told by word of mouth, that their Highnesses, and in particular Her Royal Highness, have often owned to you, their sense of the Test and the Penal Laws, conform to that which I writ in their name to Mr. Stewart. So I do persuade myself, that My Lord Sunderland will have the Justice and Goodness to recall this Licence, which has been obtained of him by a surprise: and that the Author of so manifest and so Injurious a Calumny, shall be punished as he deserveth. I will not likewise conceal from you, the design I have of publishing an account of all that has passed in this matter, as well as of this Letter, which I take the liberty now to write to you, in which my design is not to enter into any dispute concerning the matter itself, much less to offend any person whatsoever, but only to cover my Honour which is struck at by this attrocious Calumny. I am Sir your most humble and most obedient Servant GASPAR FAGEL. To all which this Attestation of the Printer is added. I the under subscribing James Scheltus Printer in Ordinary to the Great and Mighty Lords the States of Holland and Westfriesland, dwelling in the Hague, do declare and attest by these presents, that the Writing here published, together with the Copy of the Letter writ in French to the Marquis of Albeville, Envoy Extraordinary of His Majesty of Great Britain to the States, were delivered into my hands in order to their being Printed, by Mijn Heer Gasper Fagel, Pesioner to the above named Lords and States of Holland and Westfriesland, and that I have printed them by his express Order. At the Hague the 10th of April 1688. J. SCHELTUS. Some Extracts, out of Mr. James Stewart's Letters, which were communicated to Mijn Heer Fagel, the States Pensionary of the Province of Holland. Together with some References to Mr. Stewart's Printed Letter. MR. Stewart stayed about seven Months, after he had received the Pensionary's Letter, before he thought fit to write any Answer to it: and then instead of sending one in writing to the Pensioner, or in a Language understood by him, he has thought fit, by a Civility peculiar to himself, to Print an Answer in English, and to send it abroad into the World, before the Pensioner had so much as seen it. The many and great Affairs that press had upon that Eminent Minister, together with a sad want of Health, by which he has been long afflicted, have made that he had not the leisure to procure Mr. Stewart's Letter to be translated to him, and to compare the Matters of Fact related to in it, with the Letters that were writ the last year by Mr. Stwatr, which are in his Possession; nor did he think it necessary, to make too much haste: And therefore if he has let as many Weeks pass, without ordering an Answer to be prepared, as the other had done Months, he thought that even this Slowness, might look like one that despised this indecent Attempt upon his Honour, that Mr. Stewart has made in giving so unjust a Representation of the matter of Fact. He hopes he is too well known to the World, to apprehend that any Persons would entertain the hard Thoughts of him, which Mr. Stewart's late Print may have offered to them; and therefore he has proceeded in this matter, with the Slowness that he thought became his Integrity, since a greater Haste might have looked like one that was uneasy, because he knew himself to be in Fault. As for the reasoning part of Mr. Stewart's Paper, he has already expressed himself in his Letter to Mr. d' Albeville, that he will not enter into any Arguing upon those Points, but will leave the Matter to the Judgement of every Reader; therefore he has given order only to examine those Matters of Fact, that are set forth in the beginning of Mr. Stewart's Letters, that that so the World may have a true Account of the Motives that induced him to write his Letter to Mr. Stewart, from the words of Mr. Stewart's own Letters: And then he will leave it to the Judgement of every Reader, whether Mr. Stewart has given the Matter of Fact fairly or not. It is true, the Pensioner has not thought fit to print all Mr. Stewart's Letters, at their full length; there are many Particulars in them for which he is not willing to expose him: And in this he has showed a greater Regard to Mr. Stewart, than the Usage that he has met with from him deserves: If Mr. Stewart has kept Copies of his own Letters, he must see that the Pensioners Reservedness is rather grounded on what he thought became himself, than on what Mr. Stewart has deserved of him. But if Mr. Stewart, or any in his name, will take Advantages from this, that the Letters themselves are not published, and that here there are only Extracts of them offered to the World, than the Pensioner will be excused, if he Prints them all to a Tittle: The Truth is, it is scarce conceivable how Mr. Stewart could assume the Confidence that appears in his printed Letter, if he have kept Copies of the Letters that he writ last-Year: And if he engaged himself in Affairs of such Importance without keeping. Copies of what he writ, it was somewhat extraordinary: And yet this Censure is that which falls the softest on him: But I will avoid every thing that looks like a sharpness of Expression; for the Pensioner expects, that he who is to give this Account to the English Nation, should rather consider the Dignity of the Post in which he is, than the Advantages that Mr. Stewart may have given for replying sharply on him. And in this whole matter the Pensioner's chief Concern is, to offer to the World such a Relation of the Occasions that drew his Letter to Mr. Stewart from him, as may justify him against the false Insinuations that are given: He owed this likewise as an Expression of his Respect and Duty to their Highnesses, in whose Name he wrote his Letter, and at whom all those false Representations are leveled, though they fall first and immediately upon himself. The Sum of the Matter of Fact, as it is represented by Mr. Stewart, amounts to this, That he was so surprised to see in January last, the Pensioner's Letter to him in Print, that he was inclined to disbelieve his own Eyes, considering the remoteness of the Occasion that was given for that Letter: That he had never writ to the Pensioner, but was expressly cautioned against it: but that seeing the Sincerity of the King's Intentions, he was desirous to contribute his small Endeavours for the advancing so good a Work, and for that end he obtained leave to write to a private Friend, who, he judged might have Opportunity to represent any thing he could say to the best Advantage: But that of the Letters which he writ to his Friend, there were only two intended for Communication, in which he studied to evince the Equity and Expediency, of repealing the Tests and the Penal Laws: And that with a peculiar regard, to the Orange's Interest; and he desired that this might be imparted to Friends, but chiefly to those at the Hague. And that this was the Substance of all that he writ on that Occasion. But finding that the Prince had already declared himself in those Matters, he resolved to insist no further: Yet his Fiend insinuating, That he had still Hopes to get a more distinct and satisfying Answer, from a better Hand, though without naming the Person, he attended the Issue; and about the beginning of November, almost Three Months after his first writing, he received the Pensioners Letter, though he had not writ to him (which is repeated again and again) and in it an Account of the Prince and Princess of Orange's Thoughts about the Repeal of the Tests and Penal Laws (which he had not desired) upon which he took some care to prevent the publishing of it: Put when he saw it in Print, he clearly perceived that it was printed in Holland; and so wonders how the Pensioner could say, that it was printed in England, which he found in his printed Letter to Mr. d' Albeville; he knows not upon what Provocation the Pensioner writ that Letter; but in it he finds that he writ, that he was desired by himself to give him an Account of the Prince and Princess of Orange' s Thoughts, and that these pressing Desires were made to him by His Majesty's Knowledge and allowance; this being so different from the Letters he had writ, of which he is sure that the Account he has given is true in every point, he was forced to vindicate the the King's Honour and his own Duty. He writ not out of any curiosity to know their Highness' Though's, which were already known, they having been signified to the Marquis of Albeville, and therefore he had no Orders from the King for writing on that Subject, but only a Permission to use his little Endeavours for the advancing of his Service; but it was never moved to him to write, either in the King's Name or in the Name of any of his Secretaries. This is Mr. Stewart's Account in the first Nince Pages of his Letter, and is set down In his own Words. Now in opposition to all this, it will appear from the following Extracts, that Mr. Stewart writ to his Friend, as the most proper Interpreter for addressing himself to the Pensioner; that he repeated his Proposition frequently, finding his Friend unwilling to engage in so critical a matter. He gives great ●●surances of his Majesty's Resolutions never to al●●r the Succession (which is plainly the Language of a Treaty) he presses over and over again to know the Prince's Mind, whose concurrence in the matter would be the best Guarentee of the●●iberty. He by name desires his Letters may be showed to the Prince and Princess of Orange (though he says, he only ●rder●d ●hem to be showed to Friends at the Hague: so it seems he has the modesty to reckon them among the number of his Friends; but it is a question whether their Highnesses do so or not.) He says in one Leteer, That what he writ was from his Majesty himself, and enlarges more fully on this in two other Letters; and he desires, that the Prince's Answers, with his Reasons, might be understood; which very probably gave the Occasion to all the reasoning part of the Pensioner's Letter. And it appears by that Letter, that the Return to all this was expected by the King, and in almost every Letter he presses for a Return. And in conclusion, upon his receiving the Pensioner's Letter, he expresses likewise a great sense of the Honour done him in it; that he had so far complied with his insignificant Endeavours, he mentions his acquainting both the King and the Earls of Sunderland and Melfort with it; and in another Letter, after new Thanks for the Pensioner's Letter, he laments that it was so long delayed. But all these things will appear more evident to the Reader from the Passages drawn out of Mr. Stewart's own Letters, which follow. Mr. Stewart seems not to know upon what Provocation the Pensioner writ to Mr. d' Albeville, and yet the Ponsioner had set that forth in the Letter itself; for the Pamphlet entitled Parliamentum Pacificum, that was Licenced by the Earl of Sunderland, contained such Reflections on his Letter to Mr. Stewart, either as a Forgery, or as a thing done without the Princess of Orange' s Knowledge, that the Pensioner judged himself bound in Honour to do himself right. As for Mr. Stewart's criticalness, in knowing that the Pensioner's Letter was first Printed in Holland, and his Reflection on the Pensioner for insinuating that the Letter was first Printed in England; it is very like that Mr. Stewart, after so long a Practice in Libels, knows how to distinguish between the Prints of the several Nations better than the Pensioner, whose course of Life has raised him above all such Practices. But it is certain, that wheresoever it was first Printed, the Pensioner writ sincerely, and believed really it was first Printed in England. This is all that seemed necessary to be said for an Introduction to the following Extracts. July 12. 1687. AND I assure you by all I can find here, the establishment of this equal Liberty is his Majesty's utmost Design— I wish your people at the Hague do not mistake too far both his Majesty and the Dissenters; for as I have already told you his Majesty's utmost Design, and have ground to believe, That his Majesty will preserve and observe the True Right of Succession, as a thing most sacred; so I must entreat you to remark, That the Offence that some of the Church of England Men take at Addressing, seems to me unaccountable, and is apprehended by the Dissenters to proceed so certainly from their former and wont Spirit, that they begin to think themselves in large more Hazard from the Church of England's Re-exaltation than all the Papists their Advantages. And next, that the Prince is thought to be abused by some there to a too great Mislike of that which can never wrong him, but will in probability in the event be wholly in his own power— I hope you will consider and make your best use of these things— I expect an Account of this per first, I mean, an Answer to this Letter, and pray improve it to the best Advantage. The Second Letter, without a Date. THat it is a thing most certain, that his Majesty is resolved to observe the Succession to the Crown as a thing most sacred, and is far from all Thoughts of altering the same; and that his Majesty is very desirous to have the Prince and Princess of Orange to consent to and concur with him in establishing this Liberty— So that upon the whole it may be feared, that if the Prince continue obstinate in refusing his Majesty, he may fall under Suspicions of the greatest part of England and of all Scotland, to be too great a Favourer of the Church of England, and consequently a person whom they have reason to dread— And many think that this Compliance in the Prince, might be further a wise part, both as to the Conciliating of his Majesty's greater Favour, and the begetting of an Understanding betwixt the King and the States; and the Parliament will consent to the Liberty so much the rather, that they have a Protestant Successor in prospect— I cannot on these things make any conclusion, but simply leave them to your Reflection, and the best use you please to make of them— I will expect your Answer per first. Windsor, July. 18. 1687. THE Hints that I gave you in my two former Letters I shall now explain more fully in this— And therefore I heartily wish, that the Prince and Princess may understand all that you think needful on this Subject. It troubles his Majesty to find them so averse from approving this Liebrty, and concurring for its Establishment— so that in truth I cannot see why their Highnesses should not embrace cheerfully so fair an Opportunity to gratify both his Majesty and the far greater and better part of the Nation— Now upon the whole; I expect that you will make all I have written fully known at the Hague, especially with the Prince— But the main thing I expect from you, is to have your mind, whether or not his Highness may be so disposed, as that a well Chosen Informer sent to himself might perfect the Work. And this Answer I will expect per first; where ever the Prince be, you know who are to be spoken and how— I again entreat your Care and Dispatch in this, with your Return. London, July 29. 1687. MIne of the 19 July, with my last of the 26th July, V. St. will I am sure satisfy you fully; for therein I have indeed answered all can be objected, and have given you such an Account of the Confirmation of all I have writ from his Majesty himself, that I must think it a Fatality if your people remain obstinate.— And I again assure you, if your people be obstinate, it will be fatal to the poor Dissenters, and I fear productive of Ills yet unheard of; and therefore pray consider my Letters, and let me know if there be any place to receive Information by a good Hand— but however, let us endeavour Good all we can, and I assure you I have my Warrant.— Haste your Answer. Windsor, Aug. 5. 1687. AND in a word, believe me, if the Prince will do what is desired, it is the best service to the Protestants, the highest Obligation on his Majesty, and the greatest Advancement of his own Interest that he can think on; but if not, than all is contrary— But pray haste an Answer. Windsor, Aug. 12. 1687. I Have yours of the 15. Instant, long looked for; you remark, that you have received mine of the 26 of July, but say nothing of that of the 19 which was my fullest, and which I assure you was writ, not only with permission, but according to his Majesty's Mind sufficiently expressed; our Religion ought certainly to be dearer to us than all earthly Concerns. It is very true what you say, that mistakes about its Concerns (especially in such a time) may be of the greatest Importance, which no doubt should persuade to a very scrupulous Caution: But yet I am satisfied, That the simple Representing of what was wrote to you (which was all I required) was no such difficult Task— But to be plain with you, as my Friend, your return was not only long delayed, but I observe such a Coldness in it, different from the strain of your former, that I think I mistake not when I understand by your Letter more than you express— I wish the P. may see or hear this from end to end. London, Aug. 22. 1687. I Have yours of the 16th Instant; when I said your last was more Cool, I meant not as your Affection, but as to your diligence in that Affair— for I am persuaded, that the establishing of this Liberty by Law, is not only the Interest of Protestant Dissenters above all others, but that his Highness s consenting to it, would be its secure Guarantee both against Changes and Abuses— As you love the Quiet of good Men and me, leave off Compliments and Ceremonies, and discourse his Highness of all I have written— I am now hastening to Scotland— but may return shortly; for the Kings is most desirous to gain the Prince and he will be undoubtedly the best Guarantee to us of this Liberty, and also to hinder all your Fears about Popery. Newwark, Aug. 26. 1687. BUT now I must tell you, that though— I know— to be my very good Friend, yet he hath not answered my Expectation; for you see that to seven of mine, he gave me not one Word of Answer; although I told him, that the substance of them was writ by the King's Allowance, and a Return expected by him— besides, the Answers he makes are either Generals or Compliments, whereas my desire was, that the Prince should know things, and that his Answer with his Reasons might be understood,— but my Friend has delayed and scruffed things. From Scotland, Septemb. 24. 1687. I Have yours of the 30th of Aug. but have delayed so long to answer, because I had written other Letters to you whereof I yet expect the Return— my most humble Duty to my Friend at the Hague. Edinburg, Octob. 28. 1687. AS for that more important Affair, wherewith I have long troubled you, I need add no more; my Conscience bears me Witness, I have dealt sincerely for the Freedom of the Gospel— I had certainly long ere now written to the Pensioner Fagel, were it not that I judged you were a better Interpreter of any thing I could say: I know his real Concern for the Protestant Religion; and shall never forget his undeserved Respect to me; but alas! that Providences should be so ill understood. London, Novemb. 8. 1687. I Have yours of the 1st of November— the enclosed from the L. Pensionary surprise me with a Testimony of his Favour and Friendship, and also of his sincere Love to the Truth, and fair and candid Reasoning upon the present Subject of Liberty, beyond what I can express; he hath seriously done too much for me; but the more be hath done in complience with my insignificant Endeavours, the more I judge and esteem his noble and zealous Concern for Religion and Peace, which I am certain could only in this Matter be his just Motive: I hope you will testify to him my deep Sense of his Favour and most serious Profession of Duty with all Diligence, until I be in 〈◊〉 to make his L. a direct Return. I showed the Letter to my L●rd Melfort, who was satisfied with it. London, Novemb. 6. 1687. Which it seems is by a mistake of the Date. I Have your last, but have been so harassed and toiled, that I have not had time to write to you, much less to my L. Pensionary; yet since my last, I acquainted the Earl of Sunderland with his Answer, as the King ordered me; but I see all Hope from your Side is given quite over, and Men are become as cold in it here as you are positive there. London, Novemb. 19 1687. By my last of the 8th. Instant, I gave you notice of the Receipt of my Lord Pensionary' s Letter, and what was and is my Sense of his extraordinary Kindness and Concern in that Affair. Since that time I have had the Opportunity to show them to the King, and at his Command did read to him distinctly out of the English Copy all the Account given of her Highness' mind touching the Penal Statutes and the Test; and withal, signified the Sum of what was subjoined, especially the Respect and Difference therein Expressed to his Majesty' s Person and Government; but to my own Regret, I find that this Answer hath been too long delayed, and that now the King is quite over that Matter, being no ways-satisfied with the Distinction made of the Tests from the Penal Laws; and no less positive, that his Highness is neither to be prevailed upon, nor so much as to be further treated with in this Matter. The Conclusion. AND thus all that relates to the Occasion that drew the Pensioners Letter from him, appears in its true light. If this Discovery is uneasy to Mr. Stewart, he has none to blame for it but himself. It is very likely the first Article of his merit, for the defacing of all that was past, was the Pains he took to work on their Highnesses, by the Pensioners means: But that having failed him, the abusive Letter that he has published upon it may come in for a second Article: And now the Reproaches to which this Discovery must needs expose him, must complete his Merit. If upon all this he is not highly rewarded, he has ill Luck, and small Encouragement will be given to others to serve the Court as he has done. But if he has great Rewards, it must be acknowledged that he has paid dear for them; the printing and distributing 15000 Copies of his Letter, is only the publishing his Shame to 15000 persons, though it is to be doubted if so many could be found in the Nation who would give themselves the Trouble to read so ill a Paper. FINIS.