A SHORT VINDICATION OF Phil. Scot's Defence OF THE Scots Abdicating DARIEN: BEING In Answer to the Challenge of the Author of the Defence of that Settlement, to prove the Spanish Title to Darien, by Inheritance, Marriage, Donation, Purchase, Reversion, Surrender, or Conquest. WITH A Prefatory Reply, to the False and Scurrilous Aspersions, of the New Author of, The Just and Modest Vindication, etc. And some Animadversions on the material Part of it, relating to the Title of DARIEN.  Non qui multa sed qui multum dicit bene dicit. 
LONDON: Printed in the Year, 1700.   

THE PREFACE.  
THE most genuine and best meant Designs of Man, being liable not only to Misconstruction, but Reproach, 'tis the less surprising to meet with either of these in the present Case, considering the small Proportion I bear to a numerous Party, who are so far dipped in a Project, that notwithstanding a great many of them by this Time begin to perceive the Error they have been led unto, yet they will not disentangle themselves; and if any Person should take upon him to unblind, them he must expect to have his Throat cut.  
As my first Attempt in this Nature is not only censured Bold, but Impudent, by the Managers of the Caledonian Project, so it has been attended with Menaces enough, that I should not eat my Christmas Dinner. The friendly Advices I have received of my sudden Fate don't in the least make my Pen stagger from Vindicating what I have already offered to show the Impracticability of that Project, for which altho' I am at present basely censured, by a resolute and headstrong Party, yet, I doubt not of receiving the Approbation of the moderate and judicious Part of that Nation before the Jubilee be over, my Theme being both just, and well designed to the Proprietors of that Stock.  
I could have wished that this gentle Author, who Effects so much Modesty, Sense, and good Manners, had stood by his Text, and had taken more convincing Ways of confuting what I have written on the Darien Subject: For, however necessary h● thinks it for his Argument to treat it and me with Reproach, yet he will gain thereby but few Proselytes to his Opinion: And if he had employed his Mathematical Head in disproving what I have offered in Defence of the Abdication, with some of those Euclid Demonstrations, wherewith he would let us know that he abounds, his slanderous and personal Reflections might be the better credited: But as he has advanced nothing, either to justify the Conduct of the Directors of that Company, or to disprove one Syllable of what's offered against the Darien Project, except the Instance of Mr. Wafer, which he would have the World take for granted to be a Lie, and make use of that to overthrow my Faith; I hope that (if the whole Discourse does not carry Demonstration enough along with it) it may stand firm till such Time as it is repealed by Dint of Argument: And as for this Passage velating to Mr. Wafer, I shall justify it before I proceed any further.  
In the first Place, I desire that it may be taken as a Preliminary, that if. Mr. Wafer had met with so egregious a Romance, and so nearly relating to him publicly in Print, he ought in Justice, both to the Company and himself, to have instantly detected its Falsehoods. But although ' he lives very near the Royal-Exchange, and had the Perusal of the same Book the first Day it was published (which is above Two Months ago) yet he hath been so far from offering to disprove it, that he hath since expressed himself to Persons of unquestionable Credit, that if he had known of my Intention, or had not thereby been anticipated from Publishing his own Sentiments, he would have said a great Deal more on that Subject.  
I must needs own, that he was ignorant of my Design of Publishing that, or any Thing else; but I must tell you, that about the same Time, he thought to have obliged the Company to recompense him for his Disappointment, or to have exposed them to the Public: And to confirm what I herein assert, 'tis very well known to a great many in Town, that about Four Months ago, he presented a Memorial to a certain Scots Person of Quality, containing every Syllable of what I have wrote, as likewise some more which I designly left out, because it particularised some Persons whom I had no Inclination to mention.  
He was kept in Hopes of some Gratification, and I believe he might have been easily compounded with, but what I have wrote from his own Mouth and Memorial, I am so far from distrusting he will retract, or can be bribed to deny, that I firmly believe he gave no Occasion to this Author, to make use of his Name to impose thus upon the World: And to confirm me the more in this Belief, it is not above Three Days since he came to my Lodging to acquaint me, that a Book was newly published in Vindication of the Darien Settlement, but he had not seen it; on which I asked, If any Persons had been with him from the Company, to oblige him to pass from what he had said and wrote? to which he answered, No. I showed him the Book and Passage in it, relating to him, which having perused, he told me, That he was so far from passing from it, that he wondered how that Author should be so confident, as to rely on what he should answer.  
If this is not enough to justify that Passage relating to Wafer, by which our Author submits the Truth of the Whole to be tried, I shall prove it, Viva voce, if need be; and shall say no more to it here, but only show you the Evasion which our Author makes use of in the 18 th' Page of his Preface, to clear his Party of that Imputation, To wit; Nor can any without the Renouncing of common Sensë, believe that the Gentlemen employed by the Company to confer and transact with Mr. Wafer, could be guilty of such Weakness and Folly, as to reveal and detect to him their Design upon Darien, in that the whole Success of that Undertaking depended entirely upon its being kept and preserved a Secret. If our learned Author would not impute it to brutal Ignorance, to differ in any Point from his Conception of Things, I might be allowed to detect the Weakness or Innocence of this strong Argument; and would ask him, if at the Conference between the same Gentlemen and Mr. Wafer, at Pontaks', the Subject was not Darien? I would likewise know whether the Collection of Guineas for him at that Meeting was not to keep him from Disposing of himself till they acquainted the Company with his Qualifications to serve them? As also, whether that Article in the Contract, whereby he received 20 Guineas, was not towards Stopping the Publishing of this Book for the Space of a Month, till the Company and he should come to Terms for Suppressing it altogether? 'Tis evident enough, that the Substance of that Book or Journal relates to nothing but Darien; as likewise, that Wafer's Talon as to Projects lay not where else: Now how far this Mathematical Argument of our Author will demonstrate Wafer to be a Fool, and me a Liar, I submit it to Judgement. In the mean Time, it may be worthy of Remark, that this Faction is not calculated for London or England, but for a Country where Wafer is not to be seen and spoken with.  
Believing what is already said on this Head to be sufficient to reinstate me in my Credit, I shall return to the first Part of this Preface, where he throws some Foul-mouthed Aspersions, not only on me, but likewise on his Majesty's Ministers of State; how corrospondent that Style is with the Title of his Book, let any Person judge, or if it is not fit to be bound up with the Volumes of the Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence, than left single for the more civil Casuists of this Age to peruse.  
I shall not take upon me to say any thing relating to that Minister, whom he uses so scurrilously, believing, that if he thinks it worth his While, he will do himself Right; yet I must take upon me to remark, that through the whole Strain of his Calumnies and Invectives, it is not at him alone he points his Thunder, but through the Sides of that State-Officer he wounds and bullies the Rest (be of what Office or Quality they will) who will presume to act directly or indirectly against the Darien Project; and if a Man dares be so bold, as to whisper his Thoughts, either publicly or privately, in Opposition to it, he must be mouthed at, and represented as an Enemy to one of His Majesty's Kingdoms, and is not fit for the Office he bears; as also, that he must remember the Fate of Archbishop Laud, and the Earl of Strafford. So God ha' Mercy Old England.  
As to that Part of his slanderous Story, wherein he insinuates, that large Rewards have been bestowed on me by that Minister; I have Reason to believe, that the Persons, whom he calls Friends, of those State-Councellors, are only feigned by himself, to make the Story pass the more current: As for myself, I must needs own, that when I came from Scotland, about Eighteen Years ago, I brought but little Money with me, and what I have purchased since, has been in Serving the King: But that I either received or expected any mercenary Reward (as our Author impudently and maliciously insinuates) I must tell him, or whoever else says so, that it is a Lye. To reproach me the more, he gives out, that I was expelled the Navy for Crimes and Misdemeanours, which is likewise false, for I was neither expelled or ever tainted with any base or mean Action: The Reason of my Leaving that Service, is sufficiently known to be on the Score of a Rancounter I had at Portsmouth, with the Commander of the Ship, where I served. 'Tis true, the Cloud I was under for some Months afterwards (being unwilling to stand the Test of a Court Martial) induced me the easier to enter into that Companies Service, under the Notion of going to the East-Indies, and which I was made tacitly to believe for a Twelvemonth afterwards; but by what has happened it was jumping out of the Frying-pan into the Fire: For after I had served them in more Stations than one (with their Approbation) for the Space of 26 Months, and proceeded in their private Expedition with Five or Six months' Provisions to a Country where nothing was to be seen but Death, Ruin, and the Spanish Mines, I having got my Belly full of the Project, obtained my Discharge with an ample Certificate from the Council of the Colony: And altho' I was Shipwrecked the very next Day, coming out of their Harbour's Mouth, had my Servant drowned, escaping very narrowly myself, besides the Loss of what I had; when I came to England, I was obliged to go to Law with them in Doctors-Commons for my Wages, where it cost me more than I recovered.  
As for the Meanness of my Office and Parts, wherewith our Author upbraids me, I shall not offer much on that Head, that signifying but little to the Subject in debate; the less Force the Weakness or Meanness of my Argument carries with it, it is the easier evinced, but as there's nothing appears, but slandrons Aspersions to confute it, it will bear but tittle Weight with the judicious Part of Mankind. The Obscurity of our Author, indeed, shades him from suitable Returns to his Compliments; however, I must take the Liberty to remark that, notwithstanding he would make us believe he is no Plagiary; yet the whole System of his Discourse is easily discovered to be Mr. F—rs, almost Paragraph by Paragraph, only dressed up with a longwinded Proemium, a Chain of innumerable Tautologies, Parentheses, and crabbed Abstrusities, designedly calculated to Crambo the Reader out of his Senses; besides, a few French and Civilian Authorities, the Latter of which he might have kept in his Pocket, till once the Spanish Title to Darien had been fairly confuted: He has, indeed, left out some of the sourest Parts of the Original Book, which reslected on his Majesty, and the English Government, but he retains such Portions of the same Venom, that notwithstanding his affected Mannerliness, and Decency, he can't forbear spurting it out in several Places, nor from pointing it plainly and diametrically at the Councils, and Government of England. The Threats, indeed, are Airy, and so the less worthy of Regard; yet they may be looked upon from one who sits under the Nose of the same Government, to be fraughted with much more Presumption, than what's offered in the Defence of the Scots Abdicating Darien, to a Company of Merchants.  
But that I may vindicate that Defence from any National Aspersions, which those Gentlemen, who are  to the Darien Project, load it with, and who would squeeze that sour Part from the Managers of the Company, to whom it was plainly directed, and apply it to the Body of the Nation; to clear myself of this general Imputation, I must refer the Reader to the 6th Page of its Epistle Dedicatory, where I particularly caution it to prevent sinistrous Interpretations. In the next place, I must detect the base and unfair Methods, which the Author of, The just and modest Vindication useth to wrest, and pervert what I have said in the Paragraphs, which he citys in his Preface to the Reader. The first is Page 2. where he tells you, That I have assumed the Impudence of asserting, that the Motives on which the Proclamations were emitted in the English West-India Plantations, forbidding the Supplying, Relieving, and Assisting the Scots at Darien, or in any Parts of America, where they should settle, was because the Government of England would not be accessary to an Act, which the World might judge to be Felonious. Now, that the Reader may judge of this mannerly Gentleman's Integrity, I shall rehearse the Paragraph as I wrote it, where there's neither any mention made of the English Proclamations, much less of the English Government's forbidding, to assist or supply the Scots in any Part of America, to wit, Defence of the Scots Abdicating, Pag. 4. Epist. Ded. If you were thus persuaded (directing it to the Managers of the Company) to run headlong on a blind Project, at which the Trading Part of the World stands amazed; the India Companies of England and Holland laugh at in their Sleeve, and the rest of Mankind admire, that People in their right Senses should be guilty of, and if the same should miscarry by your own ill Management (to say no worse on't) 'tis not fair you should snarl at your Neighbours, who have no other Hand in your Misfortune, than that they would not be accessary to any Act which the World might judge Felonious, and wherein they could not join without engaging themselves in an unreasonable War, and in the End to assist you with Weapons to break their own Heads. But that I may likewise rehearse the Paragraph, where I had Occasion to mention the English Proclamation or Prohibition. See the Page 156. Laying aside the Spanish Complaint, and admit the Scotch Company to have a Legal Title to their Settlement, was it not reasonable, that the Government of England having met with the clandestine Declarations, which the Scotch Colony had spread all over the West-Indies, inviting them over to Darien, should take suitable Measures to prevent the ill Consequences of the same, and retain their own Subjects: The Declarations are notorious, and must be penned by some Person belonging to the Company or Colony, and I presume the Opposite Proclamation or Prohibition was penned by some English Man, who had some Interest in the English Plantations. Now whether our Author usbers in his just and modest Vindication, fairly and honestly, I submit it to Judgement, or whether I mayn't justly retort upon himself, again, that slanderous Aspersion relation to Wafer, in the 18th Page of his Preface, viz. That through the Fellows appearing a Liar, or uncandid in one Case, his Testimony should not be received in any other whatsoever.  
Nay in the same Breath, he backs it with such another Perversion (altho' not quite so malicious) and vents his Choler thus, citing the 7th Page of the Epistle Dedicatory, That I should have taken the Boldness to add, in Terms that are most slanderous, as well as defamatory, that their Attempt of Planting on the Isthmus, was their Settling a Colony in another Man's Dominions, unless by Virtue of their Presbyterian Tenet (of Dominions being founded in Grace) the Scots, who are the Presumptive Elect, pretend a Divine Right to the Goods of the Wicked, and so take upon them to  the Seven Councillors of their Colony, with such another Commission as God gave the Hebrews, when they departed out of Egypt. The Injustice which this Gentleman does me, and the little Servicoe he does his Cause, is very apparent; for I don't say, that the Scots are the Presumptive Elect (there being no such Word mentioned) nor do I think it. Some Species of Men, indeed, in that Nation are conceited with that Opinion of themselves, but there are several Persons of Worth who will not assume that Title; neither do I direct that Dedication to them, but to Directors of the Scots African Company, of whom that Sept, who were the Occasion of the chief Mismanagement, are of this vain Kidney. As for Harris, whom our Author citys irreverently in the same Paragraph, I know him, but D— l is such a Stranger to me, that I protest, there's none of my Acquaintance I can think of, whose Name gins and ends with those Letters: But that must be placed to the other false Notions he. runs on.  
Our Author thinks fit to cite only one Passage more of, The Defence of the Scots Abd. pag. 16. That just as the Scots Companies Books were opened at Amsterdam, for receiving Subscriptions to their Capital Stock, the Dutch East and West-India Companies run open-mouthed to the Lords of Amsterdam, showing what was hatching by the Scotch Commissioners in their City, to ruin the Trade of theVnited Provinces. The Gentleman thinks fit to own this to be true, designing to make Two necessary Uses of it; the first is calculated for the Proprietors of the Scots African Stock, as the Printing and Reprinting of the House of Commons Address to the King, of the Year 1696, at Edinburgh, was to insinuate the Vastness of the Project, and the Riches that were to be acquired by it, when such Foreign People opposed it: But that none of those may be deceived by the Use he makes of that Paragraph, I must acquaint them in short, that if those Dutch Men had known the Scotch Companies Project to be on Darien, I dare say, they would not have taken such Mensures to oppose them. The other Use our Author makes of this is, to sow some malicious Seeds of distrust among the People of England, and to calumniate His Majesty and his Councils, as if those were altogether calculated for a Dutch Interest. This Mathematical Politician, both here and every where else, when he has occasion to discharge his Gall on His Majesty and his Government, shreuds his Aspersions under a Religious and Well-meaning Cant, as if they were the Apprehensions and Designs of other People, and not of himself.  
This modest Author excuses himself from replying any Thing to the Argument-part of what has been offered against the Darien Project, it being fully obviated and anticipated by this Book of his, which he says was antecedently written on that Subject: How far this is true, let any Man (who will have the Patience, or punish himself, to read it) determine. 'Tis pity that it should have lain so long in Embryo, and not seen the Light, till now most People are confirmed of an adverse Opinion of the Project, not because it is like to enrich that Company and Nation, but because there's a great Deal of good Money squandered away, which might have been better employed. Neither can that Judicious part of Mankind (to whom he recommends his Book) find any more in it of Substance than what is already, and less barbarously expressed in the Original, which this eternal Parentheser has only paraphrased upon, with a Pedantic Accumulation of Synonimous Words and Repetitions, and has no ways mended it; unless he thinks it a strong Way of Arguing, to brawl a Man out of his Reason; which, in my Opinion, suits better with Billingsgate, than the Aula.  
But to proceed on the Vindication of my defending the Scots Abdicating Darien, I must tell you, that the Motives which pushed me on to it, were quite different from those of this modest Author, or some more particular Persons, who, besides the Noise themselves make, may rather encourage than endeavour to crush the Clamours of others, it being a Topick warranted by Precedents, whereby Money has been got, and may still, if it be well managed, altho' perhaps, little of it may come to the Share of the Subscribers.  
Any impartial or unprejudiced Reader, who hath perused that Defence, may see that it runs in three different Strains; the first is in Vindicating the Justice of His Majesty and Councils from the obliqne and express Calumnies, in the Defence of the Scots Settlemen at Darien, which my Duty obliged me to as a Subject, and so long a Servant of His Majesty and the English Nation, that what Bread I have eat these 18 Years has been theirs, save my Caledonian Allowance, during that Service, and my Trip to Darien. And if in that Part of it, which points at the Erratas of that Author (where he sets up his Royal Beacons for King William to mind, and be ware of) I have offered anything inconsistent with the Celebrated Histories of Scotland, or have not worded it with more Advantage to the Scots than the English Historians relate it, I leave it to Judgement.  
The second Strain of it runs on the Procedure of the Company, their Mismanagement of that great Act they are invested with, as also of the Money of the several Proprietors wherewith they were entrusted, and of their sending so many worthy Gentlemen, and other brave Fellows on so dark an Errand, unprovided of either the Necessaries for their Subsistance, or Credit to purchase any; and of neglecting them in so Foreign and desolate a Country. I have said no more in this than what is notorious, and if I have deviated in any particular, those Gentlemen who left the Colony at first, and the rest who have quitted it since, are at liberty to confute me. As for my own Share, I lost what I had in their Service; when I came home, I was obliged to sue them for what was my due; and when at the Request of some Persons of Quality, I gave a candid Relation of the Colony, their Affairs, and the Improbability of their holding of it; the Managers in Scotland not only used Means to stifle my Credit, but baffled and misrepresented me here, and when any adverse News came at any time, relating to Caledonian, it was crushed and laid on my Back, as the malicious Author of it. I thank God I am the Subject of a Nation, where I breathe free Air, and may say, that I have been ill used by that Company, and am not under the petty Tyranny of some Gentlemen, where I must not mutter a Groan, altho' my Oppression were greater, but in a Country where it is no Crime to detect the Errors of as great Societies, and Persons when they act amiss.  
The Third and Last Strain of that Defence, hints at the Impracticability of the Darien Project, showing the little Encouragement the Company has to prosecute a Title to a Colony there, and the small Advantages they can reap by it, either to themselves or Nation, tho' they were firmly possessed of it. If the Respect I bear to the Welfare of that Nation, and particular Friendship I own to several Proprietors of the Stock, had not more Influence on me than my Pique at such Directors of the Company, as were the Occasion of the Mismanagement, I should have held my Pen, and wrote nothing on this Part of the Subject; but by reason I know what Pains have been taken to lead and retain a great Number of People in this Mistake, I was resolved to detect it. 'Tis true, I did not insist much on it, thinking it unnecessary on the Account of their Colonies quitting the Place; but since what has been offered already on that Head has not any Influence, I shall offer some few Things more to their Consideration, by way of Answer to the Original Author's Challenge to prove the Spanish Title to Darien, either by Inheritance, Marriage, Donation, Purchase, Reversion, Surrender, Possession or Conquect. I shall offer nothing dogmatically, nor pretend to know all the Spanish Pretensions to it, so that what I offer on this Head, is, Salvo jure cujuslibit Hispani, or any other Person who will take this Task upon him. If the Gentlemen of the Company will not listen to Reason, let them go on and prosper; they may perhaps find it true, after they have thrown some more good Money after bad. I must only whisper the just and modest Author in the Ear, that those Persons, whether of the English or Dutch Interest, who listen, and make least Opposition to the Darien Project, are not the best Friends to the Scots African Company; they perhaps see the Event of it, and will but smile to see the remaining Part of the Stock shipped off for Darien.   

DEfence of the Scots Settlement at Darien, Page 4. he gins to disprove the Spanish Title to the Province of Darien, and tells you; It is evident, that the Spaniards cannot pretend a Title to that Country, by Inheritance, Marriage, or the Donation of Prince and People, etc.  
It being the easiest Part of an Argument to deny, but not to prove a Negative, 'tis to be presumed, that what he hath to advance on this Head, is the Authority of the Colonies Journal, which came home last March: At the same time, it is to be believed, as a Preliminary, that the Company designed to invest the same Place of Darien before any Person of the Colony either saw that Country, or could pen the Journal. If the Company depended on Buccaneer's Stories (the Actions and Writings of such being equally regarded by political Bodies) their Foundation was sandy and lame, and such Evidences will scarce be admitted, in this Case, in the Courts of any Kingdom or State.  
'Tis sufficiently known to all Europe, that the Spaniard has been near 200 Years Master of so much of the Continent of America, as passes commonly by the Names of Mexico and Peru, which are Two Tracts of Land several Thousand Miles extent, both on the South and North Seas: Those Two vast Countries are joined by a Neck of Land called the Isthmus of Darien (which is about 60 or 70 Leagues long, and about 20 broad in the narrowest Part from Sea to Sea) which Province, he may be said as much to inherit and possess as any other Portion of Land, of that Extent, in either Mexico or Peru; or rather more, by Reason his most important and strongest Cities in America, are on this very Isthmus, to wit, New Panama, St. Maris, with several smaller Garrisons on the Southside, and Porto-bello, Chagre, Nombre de dios, Conception, etc. on the North-side; besides Carthagena adjoining to the East End of the Isthmus. It can't be expected, that the Spaniard can have a Fort and Garrison on every Hill, or in every Creek of his American Dominions, nor that he should extirpate the whole Race of the Indians in this Province of Darien, more than he does in his others. 'Tis evident, that the Spaniards are more numerous on this Isthmus and the Parts adjoining, than on four Times so much Ground, in either Mexico or Peru, and where never hitherto disturbed or interrupted in their Possession of it, but by Pirates, Buccaneers and Privateers, except in the Time of a declared War, when their Towns in Flanders and old Spain were equally liable to Attacks.  
This Isthmus is of that Importance to the Spaniards, that it will not admit of a Doubt amongst reasonable and uninteressed Men, but that they should take as much Pains to be Masters of it, and retain the same, as either Mexico or Peru, by Reason it is the Thorough-fair and Road by which all their Treasure and Riches from the South Sea are conveyed over to their Galleons and Flota's, on the North Sea, and so to Europe. 'Tis very odd, that this Gentleman should allow the Spaniards to cut off 40 Millions of Indians in the Reign of Charles the 5th to make Way for their Colonies, and to neglect this Neck of Land which joins them, and which is the Terminus and Receptacle of the Whole, and without which most of their Colonies on the South Sea are not worth  to Old Spain. A Man's Reason will give him that it was as easy, and of more Importance to clear the Province of Darien of 40 Hundred Indians, as the other Parts of America of 40 Millions; and if they could sweep off so many at first Entrance into that Country, it may be reasonably allowed that they have had time enough to clear this Province of such a small Number of Enemies. The Supposition of the Spaniards neglecting this Isthmus of Darien, is as improbable and ridiculous, as if the incorporated Inhabitants of London should have made themselves Masters of the City and Borough of Southwark, and have neglected to subject the Bridge to their Dominion or Charter: Nay, the Simile in Proportion is of more Weight and Importance on the Spanish side, than this is on the City's, although ' there was no other way of communicating with the other side of the Thames, than this of the Bridge.  
'Tis evident, that those Spanish Cities and Forts are scattered over the Isthmus, being on the middle, and at both ends of it, and that they have an interrupted Communication with one another. If the Darien Indians were not in Subjection, or if they were in War with the Spaniards (as this Gentleman would make us believe) why might they not with the Half of those 50000 Men (which pag. 5. he has picked out of Ringrose the Buccanier's Dream) intercept the Spanish Treasure, and carry it to the Scotch Colony, if they were not able to beat them out of their Forts? 'Tis very well known, that the Spaniards are so very secure on that Isthmus, that they transport their Treasure over Land from Panama to Porto-bello by common Carriers, and when any of their Asses or Mules set up on the Road, they are so little apprehensive of the Indians, that they leave their Loads of Silver where they fall, till such time as they or some others return that way again.  
He tells us, p. 9 that the Spanish Dominions are limited at both Ends of tho Isthmus, exclusive by a blind Story of the Rivers Chepo and Congo, and asserts, that Nombre de dios is the Spanish Boundary, at one end of the Isthmus, on the North-side, and that Panama and St. Maria are the Eastern and Western Bounds on the Southside (by which he would take off between 30 and 40 Leagues from the Length of the 
* The Author of the just and modest Vind. p. 48. makes the Length of his Isthmus but 17 Leagues; for he says, that the Scotch Fort and Harbour lies between 8 or 9 Leagues from the River, or Gulf of Darien on one side, and Conception River on the other. He tells you like wise in the same Page, that Boats can pass on either of these Rivers to the South Sea, which is as true and possible as to go by Water up to the Top of the Momment.  Isthmus) if he will re-examine the Map, he will flad that not only Number de dios, but likewise Porto-bello, Chagre and Conception, are much about the middle of the Isthmus on the North-side, and that New Panama on the Southside is in the Cod of the Bay, and opposite to Porto-bello; as likewise that Old Panama and St. Maria on the same side, are further to the Eastward, and right opposite to Fort St. Andrew, in Caledonia.  
Traveller's ought to be gifted with a good Memory, for altho' he will not allow the Spaniard to be entitled to an Inch of Ground on his Isthmus, yet he forgets himself and betrays his Cause, for p. 76. he owns that a Party of Ten Spaniards lived on Golden 
* By mistake called the Isle of Pines, in the Def. of the Scots Abdicar.  Island (which is within 5 Miles of Fort St. Andrew, and looks into the Caledonian Harbour) till they were cut off by Capt. Ambrosio. He tells you, indeed, that it was done by Consent, and Combination of the Darien Princes, who had only given them a Toleration to live there, and were their Tenants durante bene placito; but there's no more Authority for this Assertion, than that Aristotle's Dixit.  
The Ground where this Fact was committed, was in the Districht of Capt. Andrews, who owned himself to be a Spanish Captain, and which our Author indirectly confesseth, pag. 75. as likewise, that this Murder was committed but Two Months before the Scotch Colony settled there. The Colonies Journal acknowledgeth, that Capt. * Andrews and Capt. 
** Dignifyed by our last Author with the mysterious Names of Caiques, to smother that of Captain, and imply as much Majesty as in that of Zaar.  * Ambrosio were Enemies on the Score, that the former would not break with the Spaniard, whereas if this Story of our Caledonian Author be true, of that Murders being committed by Consent, and Combination of the Darien Princes, it should be taken for granted, that Capt. Andrews was as much an Enemy to Spain as Ambrosio, or rather more, because the Murder was committed in his Ground.  
But it is more liable to belief, that those Ten Spaniards who were posted on Golden Island (which is not above a Quarter of a Mile from the main Land) could think themselves in no greater Danger than so many English in some Mountainous part of Ireland, where a Rapparee Party could with the same Ease cut their Throats. Our Author acknowledgeth, that they were posted there for a Look-out, to give Notice of any Vessels that appeared on that Coast; and it may be the easier credited, that the Spaniards employed that Island or Promontory for that Use, by reason the Author of, The Just and Modest Vindicat. of the Darien Settlement, innocently tells you, that the Spaniards call that Island by the Name of Guarda, (in his 48 th' Page) which of itself implies the Use which the Spaniards (not newly, but of a long Date) have made of it.  
After all, I must tell, that Capt. Andrews had no Hand in this Murder, but Ambrosio, who came with his Gang from his Habitation (which is above 40 Miles distant) and treacherously surprised them. Neither is it to be imagined, that the Spaniards (who are very Wary and Politic) can be thought to be guilty of such Weakness, as to expose so small a Party amongst Indians, their Native Enemies, but rather that they thought that Party secure enough in a Country which was under their Obedience.  
So much I have offered to demonstrate the Spanish Inheritance: As for their Title by Marriage, 'tis evident enough, that the King of Spain has more Subjects born of Indian (besides Moorish) Mothers in America, than he has of Spanish in Europe: Nay, if it were not for the Liberty which is given the Spaniards to marry with the Indians and Moors, it were impossible they could plant and inhabit that vast Continent; and 'tis well enough known, that this Progeny of the Spaniard is of most use in defending those Countries, and retaining them under the Obedience and Subjection of Spain.  
As for the Donation of Prince or People, I don't pretend to know the Spanish American Archives and Registers, more than our Author can prove the Contrary. I presume the Spaniards have more to show for their Investiture, than the Caledonian Council has brought home with them. Only this I can be positive in, that these darians acknowledge, that they have had no Head or Emperor of their own Nation, for above these 150 Years, which may be reckoned to be about the Date of the Spaniards Settling there; and if I am not mistaken, the Colonies Journal (altho' cautiously enough calculated) acknowledgeth the same.  
As for Conquest (he says in the same Paragraph, Page 4.) 'Tis ridiculous to allege it, since the darians are in actual Possession of their Liberty, and were never subdued, nor received any Spanish Garrison or Governor amongst them. The last Author who paraphraseth on him, asserts likewise that those Captains are all sovereign and independent Princes, but coming closer to the Text, tells us, from Purffendorf and the Civilians, Page 73. (making the Supposition of their being conquered:) That per solam Viminjustam, non posse alicui Jus quaeri, etc. and from Grotius; That Actus imperii invasoris quos excercet nullam Vim habere possant ex ipsius Jure, quod nullum est. By both these Authorities, this modest Author may as Legally claim a Right to all the Spanish Towns and Dominions, as to his Peninsula, wherein Fort St. Andrew stands, if he can but set his Foot there, and persuade the Indians to revolt; since he so plainly says, that the Spaniards made an unjust Invasion and Conquest over the American Princes and Kingdoms, which no ways obliges them to pay Fealty, or continue in their Obedience longer than they find it in their Power to free themselves from the Yoke. He fouls Paper enough in Preaching up this Doctrine, altho' it had been Time enough Seven Years hence, when the Caledonians had surer Footing on the Isthmus: But altho' those Civilians allow him such Liberty of Conscience, yet he will find some prevailing Arguments in the Treaties between the King of Great Britain and Spain to curb him, which out-balances his Civilian Authorities. So that we must agree to suffer the King of Spain to be Conqueror and Master of those Parts of America, especially where he has Cities, Forts, Garrisons and Mines.  
But to return to the original Author, who says, that it is ridiculous to allege any such Title to Darien, where the Natives are in actual Possession of their Liberty. He is either Brazenfaced, else he has forgot that St. Maria, Tubaconti, Old and New Panama, Nombre de dios, Porto-bello, Conception, etc. are scattered over that very Isthmus, if I should say nothing of Guarda or Golden Island itself, where those Spaniards resided. 'Tis well enough known, the Spaniards have Mines in several Parts of that Isthmus, and some not above 12 Leagues from the Colony, without any Guard, save the Overseers and other Necessary Assistants to keep the Negroes to Work.  
I can't understand how those darians can be said to enjoy their Liberty, where there are so many Cities, Forts and Garrisons to curb them. 'Tis very unaccountable, that his Warlike Prince, called Ambrosio, should live so occultly, as not to have a Path to his Royal Palace, but that from the Capital Port of his Kingdom a Man must wade Eleven Times through the same River, up to the Middle, and brush through Thickets, whose Twigs have not been cut nor pruned since the Creation, before he can come to his Wigwam City, altho' it is not above an Hour's Journey, if the Road were beat and even. Ambrosio and Diego have indeed pissed in the Pumpdale, and both live obscurely with, may be, 30 or 40 in their several Gangs, whom a Dozen of Men with Fire Arms would soon reduce, if it were possible to ferret them out.  
As for Wafer and Dampier whom our Author adduces, Page 4. for his Evidences, neither of these pretend to know Diego or Ambrosio, Dampter having only crossed the Isthmus, and Wafer stayed not above Three Months there, with his Lacenta, with whom after he had sojourned till his Leg was well, crossed the Country, and took Water at La-Sounds Key, which lies amongst the Samballa's, and about 20 Leagues to the North-West of the Caledonian Colony: And if Wafer says, that the Spaniards have no Command over the Indians on the North-side of the Isthmus, a little beyond Porto-bello, I have no occasion to disprove him, since he does not deny, that the Spaniards Command on the Southside, and likewise on this side of Porto-bello, where New Caledonia lies. See p. 4. Of the Def. of the Scots Settlement. Our Author either sums up his Evidence wrong, else he trusts to the slight Enquiry of his Readers.  
In the Two next Paragraphs he citys the same Evidences, and tells you a Tale of a Cock and a Bull, how Batt. Sharp in the Year, 1680, landed at Golden Island, Christened one of those Indian Captains, Emperor, and his Eldest Son, King Golden Cape, and having joined those Darien Princes (of their own Creation) took St. Maria, attempted Panama, and made Prize of several Spanish Ships on the South Sea, and how afterwards when he came to be tried for those Piracies in England, the 
* The Author of, The just and modest Vindicat. as good as gives Wafer the Lie here; for p. 90. he says, the Darien Captains always ruled within themselves, and never had any other Indian Sovereign.  Emperor of Darien's Commission cleared him.  
'Tis evident by the Concession of the Indians themselves, and by the Colonies Journal, that there has been no Indian Monarch or Emperor in that Country for an Age or two by past; in the next place, if Batt's Jury had any great Inclination to hang him, they might have enquired further into the Emperor, or his Secretary who wrote the Commission: I dare say, that an English Pen both worded and signed it; for in my Travels in that Country, I could meet with neither Prince nor Clergyman that knew a Letter of the Book. I want to know who Commanded as Generallissimo at the Taking of St. Maria, and the Spanish Prizes at Sea, and when those Princes served on board, who was Captain, and who Cook? It seems the Darien Empire was very low at the Landing of Capt. Sharp, when he and his 330 Men could give such Life, and do such Feats against the Spaniards on that Isthmus, when Basil Ringrose, one of the same Crew, his Darien King could do so little with his 50000 Men, to revenge the Rape of his Royal Daughter. 'Tis pity the Jury did not oblige Mr. Sharp to produce his Discharge, or Certificate from that Emperor: But let the Pitcher go ne'er so oft to the Well, it will be sure to come home cracked some time or other; so this poor Sojour or Sailor of Fortune has not the same Luck every where, for none of those Commissions would serve his turn about 16 Months ago at the Island of St. Thomas, where he was doomed to die in a Halter for one of the like Erterprises, and had nothing else to trust to than the K. of Denmark's Mercy.  
Our Author to confirm all, says in the same Paragraph, Page 5. This is the more remarkable, because those very Princes or their Successors are now in League with the Scots, and have joyfully received them into their Country. I answer to this, I refer myself to the 58 and 59 Pag. Of the Def. of the Scots Abd. where Captain Andreas (whom both of us agree on, to be the supposed Emperor's Successor) tells the tragical Story of their joining those Buccaneers and Privateers, and how they suffered for the same, after these had got the Spanish Plunder (which was their Errand) and left them exposed to the Spanish Fury.  
As for Ambrosio and Diego's Willingness to receive the Scotch Colony amongst them, it may be reasonably believed, because those are outlaws and never expect to be pardoned, the Former for the Murder of those Spaniards on Golden Island, and the other for Attacking Three Priests in their Cell or Chapel, and Murdering of them, and Robbing the Altar of its Furniture; whereof, Diego's Son brought the Sacerdotal Vestments and Chalice to the Scotch Colony, and sold the same to Captain Frazer, for little or nothing. Those Outlaws will not only be glad of the Scots, 
* Witness Diego's admitting Cap. Long in the Rupert Prize to settle in his Plantation, in the Gulf of Darien, about the same time the Scots settled.  but of the Dutch, French, Danes, nay Jews or Turks, if they thought any of these, or all of them could protect and shelter them from Justice. Nay, they are so little able to make any Opposition, that I could engage to be one of 20 Men to go over that Isthmus over their Bellies, providing the Spaniards would wink at it.  
In the next Paragraph, Pag. 6. Then as to any Claim, by Virtue of Possession the Spaniards have not the least Ground of a Plea, all they can allege on this Head is, that they were once admitted by the Consent of Capt. Diego, another of the Darien Princes, to work on some Gold Mines within 15 Leagues of the Scotch Settlement; but 'tis plain, that this makes nothing for their Purpose, that Prince admitting them not as Proprietors, but as Labourers, and when they broke the Conditions on which they were admitted, VIZ. To allow the darians such and such Shares of the Product they were expelled again by Force, etc.  
Our Author having composed a handsome Story of Diego (whose Kingdom is the 3d from the Colony) shuffles in Mr. Wafer for Evidence, whereas he owns himself, that he never saw such a Man as Capt. Diego; and as for his Lacenta, that Prince is such a Stranger to the Indians of the Scots Acquaintance, that altho' some Pains was taken to inquire after him, yet he could not be heard of; but there being 17 or 18 Years between Wafer's and the Scots sojourning in that Country, Lacenta in the time might probably be choked with some of the Spanish Hemp amongst the other Princes, whom the Privatiers and Buccaniers deserted, and left to care of themselves.  
This mighty Story of Diego is so ill coined, that it would make a Man sick to trace it. He owns those Spanish Mines to be within 15 Leagues of the Colony (1 say 12) and Diego is the Third Captain, or Zaar, from the Colony towards St. Maria (as appears, p. 79 and 80) Andreas the Companies Landlord being the First, Poussigo the Clergyman (as our Author dignifies him) the Second; whereby it may be easily conceived what a powerful and large Government Diego can have to hire the Spaniards as Labourers; and after these Spaniards had spent some Years in opening those Mines, and bringing them to Perfection, they should be expelled when King Diego took Snuff. This Strength of Diego is so very incoherent with the late Action which happened in January last, when 26 Spaniards being ordered from St. Maria to march over the Isthmus in order to view the Scots, came through Diego's Ground, where, if the Indians had been their open Enemies, so small a Party would scarce have ventured; yet Diego's Men were so unable to oppose them, that they took upon them to pilot them to a convenient Place, where they might view the Scots, and in the mean time some of Diego's Men came to the Government of Pedro (the Defunct Andreas his Successor) and so to the Colony with the News; on which Mr. Montgomry, with a Detachment of a 100 Men, were piloted by them to the Spot where the Spaniards lay.  
In this very Action Four Things are remarkable, 1. The Weakness of Diego's and Pedro's Forces, who were not able to cut off the Heads of such a Handful, but that they must come to the Colony for Assistance. 2. The Confidence which the Spaniards put in the Indians of Diego and Pedro. 3. The Scotch Party leaving their Colony, and going with the Indians, with a Design to attack those 26 Spaniards, who were lying some Leagues off on the Bank of a small River, and who finding themselves betrayed by those Indians, fired upon them, and so retreated to their next Garrison of Tubaconti. 4. That this being the only Fight between the Scots and Spaniards, the Breach of Peace was founded on it, and Letters of Mark and Reprisal granted by the Colony to Pilkinton and Sands, Masters of Jamaica Sloops.  
The Story of Diego's beating the Spaniards from the Gold Mines tells very ackwardly (our Author imputing this Rupture to the Spaniards beating and male-treating Diego's People, when they came to ask their Shares) but to wave the Improbability of this Story, and admit it for a Truth; 'tis to be presumed, that when Diego fell upon those Spaniards and slew them, he did not allow them time to blow up those Mines, or fill them up with Rubbish, that they might not be serviceable to him or his Friends afterwards; and it might have been reasonably expected, that Diego should either have made a Present of those Mines to the Scotch Colony (for House-warming) or at least have suffered them to dig up some of the Gold to buy Provisions, and keep them from starving, that thereby they might have been the more enabled to assist them against the Spaniards, and restore them to their Ancient Liberty, besides, leading them a nearer Way to the Kingdom of Heaven, than that which the Spaniards cut out for them.  
The Gentlemen of the Colony were very modest (as he tells you in the 78 and 79 pag.) When they were informed by some French 
* A pretty safe Name for two noted, French Pirates, and a Molletoo, all Natives of Martineco, who were obliged to live among the Indians, by reason they were stable to be hanged on any Christian Ground, whereon they could be caught.  Refugees, that with a 100 Men they could be Masters of some Gold and Silver Mines belonging to the Spaniard, but they were so gifted with the Grace of Self-denial, that they would not listen to it, till once the Spaniard offered some Hostility. We now find that this, which our Author would have to be the Hostile Act, was committed in January; but it is to be admired that the Colony should only send Sloops out to pilfer a few fisher-men's Canou's, and Houses at Teleu, near Carthagena, and not have spared the foresaid 100 Men to reduce the Spanish Mines to their Subjection; or if they were afraid to offend the Span. by Land, they had not sent a few of their num. to their Frd. and Ally Diego's Gold Mines, where there was no Danger to be apprehended of the Spaniards looking that Prince in the Face; and not have laid in Fort St. Andrew making children's Shoes after the War was thus begun from January to June, and at last be forced to quit the glorious Project for want of Provisions, when at the same time they were tantalised with Vessels loaded with good Food on one side of them, and Mines full of Gold on the other for want of Grace to attack them. I wish our Author would revise those Paragraphs in the 5th and 6th Pages, as also in the 78 and 79th, and see if the Stories are of a piece, or if they will hold water.  
I am rather inclined to believe that the Spaniard is more Master than Servant amongst the Indians, and likewise, that he does not easily part with any Place he once gets into his Possession, especially Gold Mines: 'Tis very rare to hear of the Spaniard's being beaten off by the Indians, and it's more improbable on this small Tract of Ground, called the Isthmus of Darien, where his Cities, Forts, Garrisons and Mines are so closely planted, and where if he wanted any Assistance, he can sooner have Supplies brought thither, than to any other Part of New Spain.  
When the Buccaniers and Privatiers were at the strongest (mustering about 1300) and surprised St. Maria, and some other Places on the South Sea, neither they nor the Indians durst venture too keep them above a Week or Ten Days, being jealous of the Spaniards rallying with new Umbro's, and attacking them again; but having robbed and destroyed what they could, skulked away to some new Place (may be 1 or 200 Leagues distant) and always left the Indians of of the last Place, if any joined them, to capitulate for themselves. If they fought under those Indian Princes to recover their Country for them, it might reasonably be expected, that they should left them possessed of such Places as they recovered out of the Spaniards Hands, but there's nothing like this in all the Buccaniers Chronicl.  
To be short, if you'll take my Word, I'll tell you, that this Story of Diego's beating the Spaniards from their Mines is so far a Mistake, that the Spaniards were at work on them when the Scots landed there, having only an Intendant, with 50 Spaniards to oversee 500 Negroes, who wrought them; neither did they desert those Mines notwithstanding the Neighbourhood of the Scots, tho' perhaps they might reinforce their Guards. And notwithstanding Mr. Montgomrie was so near them with that select Party of 100 Men, and and those Three Indian Princes to stand by him, yet he did not think it expedient to disturb them, but stisfyed himself with Redpith's famous Captain, Dan Domingo de la rada. As for the Testimony which our Author would draw Wafer in for here; he neither knows any thing of Diego, nor of those Priests, these being murdered many Years after his leaving that Country.  
Our Author proceeds thus to the 7th Page, where he tells us, that the aforesaid pretended Titles being fully confuted, the Spaniards can lay no Claim to Darien, but what they plead from the Pope's general Grant of America, etc. How ridiculous it is to urge the Pope's Grant amongst Protestants, and how precarious it is amongst Papists themselves, but admitting it to be enough to justify their Title, it is easy to prove that the Spaniards have forfeited all the Right they can claim by Virtue of that Grant.  
His Buccanier Evidences are laid aside for some time, there being no room for them here, wherefore he tells us such another Tale in a Tub of the Bishop of Chiapa, who it seems, was Testy with his Sovereign Lord the King of Spain, because that Prince did not answer the End of the Pope's Grant, but minded more the Treasure than Souls of the Americans, and railed at him for not Restoring to the Executors of those dead Indians, whatever he or his Instruments had taken from them, and pleads Queen Issobella's Request for the same, when she was on her Deathbed, etc.  
That I mayn't waste too much Paper in answering those Three or Four Paragraphs, take this in short, that the Bishop of Chiapa had not the same Sense of Money in his Age, as the Missioners or Propoganda fide Gentlemen have in ours, else he had made less Noise. If the General Assembly should fraught their Disciples with never so strict Instructions, to establish the Kirk Discipline, yet if Praedicant Paterson should form an Anabaptist Government there, the Company would scarce think their Title to that Country thereby forfeited. Our Author somewhere else in his Politics thinks it expedient for the speedier destroying of Antichrist, to seize on his Pouch or Purse: It was reasonable the Spaniard should make use of the same Maxim, and imitate Moses after his descending from the Mount, in taking away the Golden Calf from his Brethren, and such Instruments of Idolatry.  
But if the Spaniard has been guilty of all our Author lays to his Charge, and hath not answered the End of the Pope's Donation, pray whether is the Pope or the Scotch Company judge of it? If the Pope thinks fit to revoke the Spanish Charter, 'tis time enough then for the Company to take the Charge of the American Souls upon them; but as he has done nothing like this as yet, but on the contrary has granted a large Subsidy on the American Church to support it, the Company may appear officious in meddling with his Holiness' Business, and give the World too much reason to believe that their Design is not only to expel the Spaniard out of Darien, but likewise out of Mexico and Peru, under this Religious Pretext. I want to know whether Patersons and the Companies Project was to take the Cure of the American Souls, or Treasure upon them? If the former, then 1048 Levites and two Soldiers, had been fit Missioners to Darien, than two Preachers and 1048 such Lay Elders; and instead of 2 or 3000 Buchaniers Pieces, Pistols, Daggers, and Drums proportionable; they ought to have followed the Instructions annexed to the Original Commission of, ite & pradicate, and gone without Staff or Scrip.  
Although our Author by the strain of his Pen, shows that he has been a considerable time from Home, yet he betrays something now and then, to confirm us, that good store of the Kirk Milk lurks still in the recesses of his Nose; for he is not satisfied with beating the Spaniards out of 
* The just and modest Author of the Vindicat. pag. 84, and 85, admits the Spaniards Title to be valid to his American Possessious. But in other Places where he is Angry, he curs them off again with a struck of the sabe Pen.  America with his Religious Cant, but must stick to the good Old Way of Murdering his Adversaries Reputation, that by once rendering him Odious, he may muster the whole Kennel of Curs to bark him out of Town. In the 7th, 8th, and 9th Pages, he Whines in the same Strain as the Hypocrites in the Gospel did, when they had a devouring Design on Widow's Houses.  
But to return to the Subject in Debate, since our Author after all his Railing, is such a Hero as to admit the Pope's Donation to be so valid as to give the Spaniard some Claim to America, I'll be quits with him in Civility, and pass from the Pope's Donation altogether, and stick to the Spanish Possession; which they have had not only of Mexico and Peru in Geneal, but of the Province of Darian in Particular, by Prescription of a great many Years; where their several Towns, Forts, Garrisons and Mines, are sufficient Evidences of it; and besides these Legal Infestments, can bring 50 of those Darien Indians under their Banner, to one that will appear against them, to justify their Right of Dominion. All this being duly considered, I can't see where the Audacious Affront lies that's offered to His Britannic Majesty, by the Catholic King, who only asserts his Right, and says, That some Scots in the time of Peace, without any Injury Offered, have Invaded the Heart of his Spanish Dominions: 'Tis very unaccountable, that this Choleric Gentleman should take his Catholic Majesty by the Nose, for saying, That the Church stands in the Churchyard.  
So much then for the Spanish Title to Darien, by Inheritance, Marriage, Donation, Possession and Conquest; as for the Purchase and Surrender, I was not Witness to those Transactions; but Reason will allow these to follow in Course, if the others be good. As for Reversion, I can't well comprehend our Author's Meaning; for it cannot be said, That the Spaniard has either Quit, or Mortgaged that Province to the Indians, since he remains still on the Spot, and in Possession of it, and in all appearance is like to do after we are Dead.  
If what I have offered in Answer to this Anthor's Challenge, will serve to demonstrate the Spaniard's Right to that Isthmus; there will be no more occasion for Puffendorf nor Hugo Grotius; so that the only Standard we are left to walk by, is the Treaties of Peace between Spain and England, which both these Authors, the Defender and Vindicator of the Darien Settlement, can neither wrest nor squeeze any thing from to serve their Turn: After they have said all they can think of on that Head, they tell you, 
* Def. of the Scots Settlement pag. 11.  That all that can be inferred from those Treaties, is, that they are a Mutual Security for the peaceable Possession of what each Crown Possessed, and no more. The Spaniards desire no more benefit of these Treaties, than what those Authors herein allow them. 'Tis evident enough, That by those Treaties, His Majesty got considerably from the Spaniard, to wit, Not only a Title to the Island of Jamaica, which was taken from the Spaniard during the Exile of Charles II. but likewise a full Right to all the Colonies in America, his Subjects were then possessed of. And if those Treaties were no Fence to the Spaniard in America, I don't know what should oblige him to make such large Gifts, and renounce his Title to Place wwhich some time or other he might be in a condition to Recover. If the Subjects of Great Britain, may when they please, Seat themselves on Darien, or elsewhere on the Spanish Coast, than the Spaniard has no Benefit by those Treaties: But I am rather apt to believe, (as our Author has hit it) That they were made for a Mutual Security of what oach Crown possessed, and no more.  
What our Authors would squeeze from those Treaties, is, That neither Party is excluded from enlarging his Dominions in America upon Wastes, 
Def. of the Scots Settlement pag. 11.  or by consent of the Natives in fuch Places, as have never yet been possessed by Spain, or Great Britain. Although there's nothing expressed so in those Treaties, and if I should yield them this Gloss they set on them, yet I can't see how the Caledonian Settlement can take any place here, because Dominion can't properly be enlarged before there be a Footing; and when those Treaties were concluded, there was no word of a Caledonian Colony.  
The Caribdee Islands cannot well be enlarged, but if the English or French have not Room enough on them, they may remove to such Neighbouring Ones as are not the Property of another Prince in Alliance with their Sovereigns. As for the English and French Colonies on the main Land, they may enlarge their Dominions far enough round them, if they will, and the Spaniard never quarrel with them, so long as they don't come within the Tropics, and meddle with his Noli me tangere.  
As for Dr. Cox and the Creolians, who settled and removed in the Bay of Campechy, they were in the Right, in Forming, such Flying-Camps, for when any of them were caught by the Spaniard, they paid for it, and had their Mends in their own Hands: And the Author of the just and modest Vindic. p. 168, is as good as satisfied as to that Part of it, altho' he does not approve of the Judgement of his Majesty, the Lords Justices, and the English Council, who being addressed by some English Merchants for a Patent to settle on the same Isthmus of Darien, some Time before the Scotch Company had got the Project, refused it on the Score of its being contrary to the Treaties of Peace. He would insinuate, that the King, etc. refused it for other Reasons: But if our Author will look back and inquire a little further, he will find, that Sr. Tho. Muddiford, Governor of Jamaica proposed the same in the Reign of Charles the 2d. and it being canvased at Court, and the Legality of it examined, it was refused on no other State-Reasons than its being contrary to the Treaties between their Britannic and Catholic Majesties; but our Author being dexterous, never wants a Hole to creep out at, by Insinuating, that his Majesty's and the Lords Justices refusing the English Subjects that Patent, was not on the Account of its Injustice, but upon Motives of State, which is as much to say, that it was not Time to disoblige his Catholic Majesty.  
As for their Instances of the independent Sovereignties in Europe and Africa, which are enclosed with other Prince's Dominions, the Cases are no ways parallel, so long as the Spaniards are Masters of all the fortified Places and Towns on the Isthmus, and the Indians scarce of a Wigwam they can call their own. And as for the King of 
* Def. of the Scots Settlement, p. 13.  Darien ' s inviting the Buccaniers to assist him to retake his Country. Although the King were not Fictitious yet by this innocent Story our Author concedes, that he had lost his Country to the Spaniards, when he wanted Assistance to recover it out of their Hands: At this Rate the Scotch Company may not only elbow the Spaniards out of Darien, but likewise out of Mexico and Peru, since in the same Page he means as much by declaring the Indians the natural Lords of Darien, and the Spaniards only Tyrannical Usurpers. But to dive a little further into the Probability of this Story, I want to know where that People, called Buccaniers lived, whom the King of Darien invited to his Assistance, or when they joined him and recovered some of those Spanish Towns, they did not leave him in Possession of them? 'Tis more reasonable to believe, that that Kind of Vermin which feeds on the Spanish Spoil, went to the Isthmus on the Account of its Communication with the South Sea, and the Passage by which the Spanish Riches are transported to the Galleons on the North Side, and persuaded those poor Indians to revolt, and pilot them to such Places where they thought to get Booty, which is the more probable, by reason these Indians paid dear for it always when the Buccaniers deserted them.  
As for Capt. Saukins his sending a Letter to the Governor of Panama, wherein he justified his Proceed, and asserted this imaginary King of Darien to be natural Lord of Panama; I know that old Buccaneer so very well, that I believe it to be true, if Saukins had carried the Message himself, he might perhaps have got a suitable Answer.  
As in the Def. of Scots Abdicat. I declined Answering the fiery Ejaculations of the first Author, either by offering any Thing against the Legality of the Octroy itself, or the Interest of the Scots Nation in applying themselves to Poreign Trade, believing the former to be great and well designed, for the Advantage and Prosperity of the Country in general, and that the latter is so just, that I yield both the Theme and Doctrine of the just and modest Vindicator to be good so far as it relates thereto; so I still shun meddling with any Passages, either in the First or Second Author that relates to the separate Interest of the Two Nations, but ftick close to the Darien Title which is the main Subject in Debate, and as the Original Author citys. Pag. 3. from Dr. Saffold— Sublata causa tollitur Effectus, if the Spanish Title to that Isihmus be found to be good; Then the Cause of the Complaint ceases; and the Company ought to apply themselves to that which will turn to Account, and not run on Measures to imbroil not only the Isle of Great Britain, but perhaps all Europe in a new War. If the thinking Part of Mankind will but reflect on the Steps that have been made to Darien, to wit, in sending their Ships and Men to so foreign a Country which was so liable to be disputed, and that with Six months' Provisions, 2. The Companies Neglect in Supplying them with more. And Lastly, The Dispersing such Declarations clandestinly over the West-India Islands and Plantations (which of Neceslity must meet with Opposition) to invite People thence to settle on Darien; they will find that there have been some private Wheels in this Machine that have brought it to the State wherein it now is, to say no more on't.   

POSTSCRIPT.  
IF I have treated the last Caledonias' Author with more Civility than he merits, 'tis because these Sheets were finished and in the Press before I was sire that Fergason was the just and modest Man, till now his Looks sticking in the several Booksellers Hands obliges him to disperse them about Gratis, as the other Quack-bills, and so gives me the Opportunity of being fully confirmed in the Matter. His Employment and Morals are so notorions already, that any thing I should say of him would add but little to his Infamy, and would be so much loft on him. Wherefore, in reply to those Scurrilities he falsely asperses me with, I shall only put him in mind, that his Pot had not boiled so well, if he had not been better paid for his Shuffling, Plotting and Tricking, than I have for what I have justly offered in Vindication of His Majesty's Proceed, and to unblind a great Number of well-meaning Persons, who are industriously led into this Mistake, by some particular Gentlemen behind the Curtain, who possess them with a Notion, that the Mismanagement and Miscarriage of their Affairs was not occasioned by the Directors of that Company, but by the Government of the English Nation: And how far this will appear to be true, when it comes to be either calmly or warmly canvased, Time will discover: The greatest Prospect that I have of any Reward at present is the Daggers and Pistols, wherewith I am daily threatened, and nightly waylaid; against which Dr. Ferguson in all his Machinations was always sure to fence himself. Trade being very dead of late, he is resolved to play at small Game rather than stand out; but altho' the conceited Polltician shades himself under the Screen of Patria sua, to calumniate the Government of that Hospitium, whose Bread he hath so long eat, and wherewith hath been so pampered; it is neither out of Friendship to the Company, Nation, or Kirk, (the last of which he plainly enough demonstrates, p. 205, & 206.) but to blow the Coal of Sedition, set Great Britain in a Flame, and bring his own Marks to bear; which may be the easier conceived by minding of what Sect and Kindney those Gentlemen are, who espouse the Darien Interest with the most Heat. To flab the Knave in Newgate, were but to encourage the old Sinner in his Trade, and put him in a Way to get Money; whereas giving him his Mittimus, and sending heath home to his own Country, to drive the Trade there, and giving him leave freely to make what he can of this Text, would be the most mortifying and suitable Punishment that could be inflicted on him.  
FINIS.