SOME NOTES Concerning the LIFE OF EDWARD LORD NORTH, BARON of KIRTLING, 1658.  Inter bonos non obsolescit beneficiorum memoria. 
By Sir DUDLEY NORTH Lord NORTH.   

TO MY Eldest Son.  
SINCE it hath pleased God to set you in a condition, whereby you are likely to be entrusted, with the honour of your House, and of all which is most precious belonging to it, I have judged you the person to whom I might most fitly recommend the ensuing discourse, being an Historical Narration of the Life and Actings of the Raiser of your Family. Whatsoever you may find this small Work to be in itself, yet I know you will be careful to preserve it in being, in respect of its relation to the person who is the Subject of it, and to whom we owe our eminency, if any we have. I doubt not but your own curiosity will exact at your hands the reading of it, and the fault will not be great if you do it more than once; for besides that which relateth to your Family, you shall there find some things concerning the History of those times, which are not easy to be met with elsewhere; but the best use that you can make of your reading is this, the taking of your Ancestor as a precedent to direct the course of your life hereafter, which custom was usual with the old Romans, and very much stirred up their Patricii or young Nobles in the way of Virtue. You are now in the prime of your age (as to the active part of it,) and having the advantage of so much time before you, it may please God to give you much more liberty to dispose of yourself and of your courses, than I have had. Do then as this Progenitor of yours did, First gain abilities by study and observation in your youth, and afterwards employ those abilities in the service of God and your Country. As for your own person and private fortunes, it will be imprudence not to seek their preservation, and you may be instructed by this good Example, to endeavour the advancement of them, as far as it may be done without hindrance of a greater good; for such an ambition is so far from being unlawful, as it gives wings (or rather being) to many designs tending to public benefit. For me, it will be my part to assist you by my prayers, and otherwise according to my ability; and for such assistances, you shall be sure to receive them at the hands of  
Your most truly affectionate Father.   

SOME NOTES Concerning the LIFE OF EDWARD LORD NORTH, BARON of KIRTLING.  
SUCH was the piety of the ancient heathen Romans towards their deceased Parents, as it became usual to sacrifice to the Gods for them: Nay at last it grew to that height, as many of the Roman Emperors thought not their duty sufficiently performed, unless they ranked their Parents in the number of their Gods, and so turned that which formerly had been received as commendable, into a very high Impiety. Among the ancient Christians (and very near the times of primitive Purity) the former was so far revived, as it became a note of Piety to pray for their parents departed; and the custom was so generally applauded, as it grew to extend it self to Benefactors as well as to Parents; and in this the Clergy men, as being conceived to pray more effectually than others, found so great an advantage, as they have thought fit to give it continuance even unto this day in the Romish Church. But the use of Prayer in that kind is now justly exploded by our reformed Divines as an error, and I shall leave the confutation of it to them, as a thing most proper to their profession; yet thus much may be delivered as a certainty, that a reverend affection to Parents and Benefactors, which was the ground of that custom, is not only lawful but praiseworthy: And so natural it is to me, as where I conceive myself to have received a great benefit from one who hath finished his course in this life, it constantly possesseth my thoughts, that something is to be done by way of gratitude towards him. And thus it was with me in relation to Edward Lord North, the common Parent and raiser of our Family, till my perusal of the old and almost worn-out Papers remaining at Kirtling, gave me a groundwork to leave something behind me, which might preserve the memory of a person of so much Virtue and Eminency. Yet some things have occurred to my thoughts by way of discouragement, to divert me from such a purpose. As first this, That since he was Propriae Fortunae Faber, and raised himself upon a small basis, wanting the advantage of a high and noble extraction, it would become a derogation to us of his Posterity to mention his beginnings. In this I quickly satisfied myself, for my intention relateth only to a person whose assertion was, That they were only truly noble whose own Virtue rendered them so; and these memorial are not designed for public use, but only to remain with us his Progeny, who from the consideration of his advancement may take occasion to praise God the more highly, for the great industry and prosperity of our Ancestor. And yet we may justly affirm thus much concerning his Descent, that he derived it from a family of ancient Gentry, though perhaps not so remarkable for greatness of Estate as many others; nor shall we blush to hear that even that moderate lustre of his was somewhat abated by his Father's application of himself to become a Citizen of London, for that course of life in our later times, is grown usual in very considerable families with younger Brothers (in which rank his Father was) in so much as many of them by that means have so outstripped the chief branch of their house, as now to be enrowled with the greater Nobility, and to wear Coronets. Another dissuasive was this, That as we have no light at all in that which he did during his youth, so not in very many particulars after the time of his activity. The former part of this argument must not prevail with any man, who hath but so much Christianity as to esteem the Evangelical History, and the latter part being but a proof of his modesty, rendering it probable he conceived it a degree of vanity to leave any record of his actions in writing, whereby he might have seemed to covet fame with after Ages, it became rather an incentive than a weakening to me in my desire to continue the remembrance of that which either appeareth, or may be recovered concerning him; and I doubt not but I shall deliver that which is sufficient to satisfy any indifferent Reader, concerning the great worth of the person whose Character I undertake.  
To make therefore an entry upon the Relation, Edward Lord North was the Son (and for aught we know, the only Son) of Roger North, and of Christian Warcop his Wife▪ descended of a good Family of Gentry in Yorkshire, of that name; and he was born about the year of our Lord 1496, as near as we can conjecture, and during the reign of King Henry the 7th. This Roger was of the Family of the Norths of Walkeringam in the County of Nottingham, which Norths had preserved a small Fortune in that County and place for many Generations, without any considerable increase or diminution, living always in the quality of private Gentlemen, until the days of the said Edward Lord North; and many years after, till the chief of that Race, by a Shreivalty cast upon him, with many chargeable suits in Law, and by the prodigality of his eldest Son, who unhappily had taken upon him the honour of Knighthood, was enforced to part with so much Land, as it caused his Heirs to fall out with the Mansion house, and sell it to the Perpoints, who at this time are owners of it. The affection of Edward Lord North to his Kindred of Walkeringam, was always very great, and so was his care of them in their prime concernments, and especially of Edward North their Chief in that age; for in settling the greatest part of his estate by way of Entail, he preferred this Edward and his Posterity, before the House of Worcester, and all other Descendants of his own Daughters, whose Issue was sufficiently numerous.  
This Roger, as hath been intimated, being a Citizen of London, never attained to any eminency of Estate, yet was he not so straitened in his fortune, but that he could and did afford to his Son a costly way of breeding, training him up at the Inns of Court in the study of the Law. Like a good and wise Parent, discerning in his Child a capacity too large to exercise itself in his own narrow course of Mercery, he found out for him (though not without some inconvenience to himself) a way of greater extent and activity, which it pleased God very highly to bless, as shall appear in the sequel of this narration. From the little that is known of what he did in the prime of his years, we may conclude, and not unfitly, that being of an industrious nature he spent his time at first about the laying of a foundation in the way of his profession by Study, and that afterwards having gained abilities, he sought to render himself and his parts known, by applying himself to a fair and moderate practice of the Law in a plausible way; in which he made so fair a progress, as it appears, that he came to be of Council for the City of London, and had a yearly Fee for that service, though it be not known at what time of his age he came to be so.  
The first public employment of his that we have evidence for, is this, his having the Clerkship of Parliament by grant from King Henry the 8th. in the year 1530, which it seems in those days was an office of much more respect than now it is, for he had it first by Patent jointly with Sir Bryan Tuke, and then wholly to himself, and it was afterwards enjoyed by Sir William Pagett, than Secretary of State, and so it came to Sir John Mason, and others: But had the place been of meaner condition, he had wisdom sufficient to instruct him, that it is better for those who have their fortunes to make, to play at small game, than to sit out. About this time, as by all other fair ways, so in that of Marriage he sought his advancement, and espoused himself to his first Wife, who being a Widow and having had two Husbands, brought him such an increase, as not long after, he purchased his Manor of Kirtling. This was about the 33d. year of his age, which showeth that he was not hasty in parting with his liberty, for he well knew the want of that to be one of the chief remoras to young men, as to their applications in the way of preferment otherwise, and therefore when he came to sell himself, he suffered not his affections to overrule his judgement, but made such a choice, as to be sure in some measure, that the advantages of his Wife's estate should not be overbalanced by any natural indispositions or ill dispositions adhering to, or inherent in her person. And not many years after this, his Sun began to ascend very fast towards its Zenith, for the King having taken a resolution to shake off the Papal yoke, he drew to his service from all parts, the most able and active spirits, and among others this worthy person, so as in the year 1536, he became one of the King's Sergeants at Law, for so we find him styled by the King himself in a grant then made to him. And now the dissolution of Monasteries being enacted by Parliament, and the Court of Augmentations being erected for the ordering of that new accession to the Crown, it pleased the King about the year 1540, to confer upon him the office of Treasurership of that Court, which he enjoyed about four years, and during that time, in the year 1542, by the name of Sir Edward North (for he had received the honour of Knighthood) he was High Sheriff of the Counties of Cambridge and Huntingdon, and also elected to serve in Parliament as Knight of the Shire for Cambridge-shire, which two employments did rarely concur in one and the same person. And afterwards in the year 1544, he first became Chancellor of the Augmentations jointly with Sir Richard Rich, afterwards Lord Rich, and Chancellor of England; and within a few months following, sole Chancellor of that Court, by resignation of the said Sir Richard Rich unto him, and so he enjoyed that great office alone about four years; in which time (as we suppose) he might well have raised his fortunes double to the proportion he left to his Family, if he had not been a person of very great integrity. But though his particular actions in the managing of that great trust were sincere, and so not much obnoxious to detraction, yet his acting in an affair so highly offensive to the Roman Catholic party, exposed him to the censure of some of his own posterity of that profession; for upon some declinations in the house which he had raised, they have not forborn to impute the diminutions to that only cause, as a crime that had been the destruction of many Families so raised, and would be the Catastrophe of his. I conceive this to savour too much of temerity, if it be not injurious, but I intent not to undertake the vindication of this and other States, in their power of setting out at the first (or giving continuance to) a fit proportion for the maintenance of those, either single persons or Fraternities, which are set apart for external service in the way of Religion, which power was not a thing altogether new in those times, as may appear by the Statute of Mortmayne, whereby dedications in the way of Piety were much prevented; and why may not a State finding the excess very prejudicial to the whole Nation (who may challenge a higher charity than any part whatsoever) as well annihilate such gifts already made as prevent them? for Dedication seemeth to consist rather in the declared intention of the giver, than in the approbation of Governors, either Ecclesiastical or Temporal. Neither shall I define how little subjects are blamable for executing the decrees of their supreme Magistracy, though unjust or seeming irreligious, albeit it were an obstruction scarcely recoverable in a State, if subordinate Ministers should be obliged to dispute the rectitude or obliquity of every decree. But certainly it can be no other than a high presumption, to apply the judgements of the Almighty with too much strictness to such and such a particular cause, for as the judgements are evident and exposed to the view of all, so their grounds lie concealed in the clouds and darkness which are said to encompass the Deity; and many times those who are crushed under a punishment, do no more exceed their fellows in guiltiness, than they in the Gospel on whom the Tower of Siloah fell.  
But to leave this digression, Sir Edward North now stood so high in the favour of his Prince, as he put him into the roll of Privy-Counsellours, and made frequent grants of Land as a testimony of his favour, and of the good acceptance of the services done by him. These were great encouragements, and could not but carry with them as great a satisfaction to the receiver, but it was so usual with this King to throw down those whom he had raised, as it made his great ones Stare sempre in cervello, (as the Italians term it) or to be watchful, carrying still in their minds the instability of the ground whereon they stood. And to give some taste how dangerous a Master he served, and how apprehensive he was of a change in the way of displeasure, I shall here insert a relation which came to me, though not immediately, from one who being himself an Attendant in his Bedchamber, then when the matter passed, was an eye and ear Witness of it, and this it is. That once early in the morning there came from the King to Charterhouse, than the Mansion house of Sir Edward North, a Messenger known to be no friend of his, to command his immediate repair to Court, which message was also delivered with some harshness. This was so terrible in the suddainness and other circumstances, as he observed his Master to tremble at the delivery of it, who yet finding it dangerous to use the least delay, hasted thither, and was admitted speedily to the King's presence with this his Servant attending on him. The King was then walking, and continued doing so with great earnestness, and ever now and then cast an angry eye upon him, which was received with a very still and sober carriage. At last the King broke out into these words, We are informed that you have cheated us of certain Lands in Middlesex, whereunto having received no other than a plain and humble negation, after some little space he replied, How was it then, did We give those Lands to you? whereunto Sir Edward answered, yes, Sir, Your Majesty was pleased so to do. Whereupon having paused a little, the King put on a milder countenance, and called him to a Cupboard, conferring privately with him a long time; whereby, said this Servant, I saw that the King could not spare my Master's service as yet; but whether or no the cause lay in the King's occasions, or in the other's humble behaviour and answers, it must be left to judgement, for as Solomon saith, A soft answer turneth away wrath.  
But to pursue the Series of our discourse, King Henry after a long and strange prosperity in all his undertake, which were extraordinary and full of hazard, came to breathe his last in the year of Grace 1546, and as a full and final testimony of his confidence in the integrity of Sir Edward North, he constituted him one of his Executors, leaving unto divers others of his Council, persons of more eminent condition, the title of Overseers of his Testament, a character of higher honour, but of least trust. And seeing that this King was so great a benefactor to the person who is the occasion of this tractate, I shall adventure to borrow so much time of the Reader, as to say thus much more of him. I know that many things are laid to his charge, as that he was burdensome to his Subjects and yet a waster, That he was Sanguinary and Voluptuous almost to the height. As I will not go about to absolve him concerning these, so I shall leave it to others who may conceive themselves more proper for it, to set him out in such colours, but thus much I shall take upon me to say on his behalf, That he was endued with very great and royal abilities, and that of all the governor's of our Nation he is the only Prince meriting to be styled Arbiter of the most important affairs of Christendom, (or the Ballancer as Guicchiardin calls him) and this he did by assistance constantly, but variously given in the Wars between Charles the 5th. Emperor of Germany, and Francis the first of France, still supporting the weaker and opposing the stronger, by which means he kept those Princes still in play one against the other, and so established his own security, and in that respect was very fitly honoured with this Motto, Cui adhereo praeest. And I think that the bitterest of his enemies must give him this testimony, That he was no less bountiful in his Rewards, than severe in his Punishments, that he maintained the honour of the Nation with Foreign Princes in point of power, and that he carried on the worst of his actions relating to the public, with a concurrence of his Parliaments, which howsoever his heart was disposed, yet showeth a very great dexterity of Brain. But that which leaveth him the greatest glory is this, That he laid the groundwork of a Reformation in the Church of England, which afterwards grew to that perfection, as justly to be deemed by judicious persons, the best tempered of any in the Christian World.  
And now upon his death the Scene is wholly changed, for in stead of an active King, who for the most part governed his own affairs, the Crown is fallen to a Prince, who by reason of his Nonage being not able to govern himself, and much less two so potent Nations, falleth under the tuition of his Servants, whose nature is such, as they seldom fail to be guided by their own ambition rather than the improvement of their Master's interests. And this renders the providence of God the more conspicuous, for in this King's days the Reformation of the Church was exalted almost to the height, and in a way of more Purity than before, for King Henry seemed rather to seek the abolition of Papal authority, which so far restrained his Regal power, than any other change in the Articles of the then received Faith; but during the reign of King Edward, there was an aim at the establishment of Truth, even in such points of belief as had small relation to that competition for power. But to return to our business, the person whose Life we endeavour to describe, soon found a difference between his old Master King Henry, who already had gratified most of those which had showed themselves active in his service, and the Duke of Somerset newly made Protector of the King's person; for this man, that he may advance to places of honour and power those persons who have their dependence upon him, must either find or force a way for the effecting of it, with them who are in possession of those dignities. And King Edward had not reigned two years, before Richard Sackvill Esq; had the Chancellourship of the Augmentations in his eye, and with all so great an interest in the Protector, as to engage him strongly in the pursuit. For the Protector soon caused the business to be proposed to the person whom it chiefly concerned, and he finding himself too weak to wrestle with a man that did little less than govern the whole Kingdom in those days, thought fit so far to give way, as to bring the matter to a treaty, wherein he carried himself so like his arts Master, (though the Protector in person was witness to most of it,) as he parted with the place upon terms very considerable for honour, security, and profit; and yet ordered the business in such a manner, as the Protector could not but take himself to be obliged in it, as may appear by the articles of agreement between Sackvill and him, and by other writings under Seal belonging to that business, where the expressions seem to lay all the weight upon the Lord Protector, who is therein styled Mr. Sackvill's good Lord. Thus by his wisdom, he not only prevented a mischief which might have befallen him in the opposition, and preserved himself in the dignity of a Privy Counsellor, but gained a fresh interest in the Duke of Somerset, that might have made him great returns; But it pleased God to dispose of matters otherwise, for the Protector soon lost not only his power but his life, being supplanted by the subtle practices of John afterwards Duke of Northumberland, who though he assumed not the other's title of Protector, yet bore no less sway in the government, and demeaned himself with much greater insolence than Somerset. About this time Sir Edward North, finding way made upon him concerning his great office; thought good to strengthen himself by alliance, matching his eldest Son with the Lady Winifrid Daughter to Richard Lord Rich, than Lord Chancellor of England, and Widow to Henry Dudley eldest Son to the said Duke of Northumberland; but neither that alliance, nor any of his other dependencies, gave him encouragement to seek farther advancement during the reign of King Edward, so as then he endeavoured (as it seems) only to make good his former station, waiting for better opportunity.  
In the mean time, as appears by an account of his household expenses, he showed himself worthy of greater honour, by living in a way of more eminency than hath been usual with persons of his condition in those and the following times; and then also his wisdom prompted him to have an eye to the Princess Mary next in succession to the Crown, for he forgot not to put her in mind of him by presents. This had been worthy of commendation, if he had done it only as a testimony of gratitude to her Father, but he may well be thought to have carried on a farther design in it, for we find not any such thing done in relation to the Princess Elizabeth the other Sister; and whether or no he did then discern some declination in the health of King Edward, who is said to have died of a Consumption, it is not easy to unfold. Yet such was the iniquity of those times, as his great foresight could not prevent his being involved, together with the rest of the Privy-Council, all the great officers, and most of the eminent persons in and near the Court and City of London, in a danger (even by way of opposition to the said Princess Mary) which in probability would have swallowed up any small number of them, if they had been severed. For the Duke of Northumberland, foreseeing the certainty of the King's death, had so wrought upon his tender age and weakness, as to make him (as far as in him lay) to disinherit both his Sisters, and to establish the Succession in the Lady Jane Grey, his near kinswoman then joined in Matrimony to the Lord Guildford Dudley, one of the Duke's Sons. This was done by Testament, and because there was an Act of Parliament to the contrary, the Duke thought it not of sufficient validity, without the concurrence and confirmation of all those who were then in power; wherefore he caused a Subscription to be tendered to every one of them, and so apprehensive were they of his displeasure with the consequences of it, as there is no refusal recorded but that of Sergeant Hales one of the puney Judges, for it seems that all the rest subscribed. This action of his may seem to question both the Integrity and wisdom of our Progenitor, and to vindicate him in it will require a digression of some length. To plead infirmity as a defence, is not worthy of a person so eminent for wisdom, though Metus qui potest cadere in virum fortem, doth very much excuse; and though it may very well become a Statesman to prevent a present danger with the hazard of a much greater in the future, for as the Italians say Chi ha tempo ha vita, He who hath time hath life; which consideration made the then chief Justice of the King's Bench upon this very occasion, when his Brother of the Common Pleas told him that they might both of them be hanged twenty years after, if they should subscribe the Testament, to return this Answer, That it was most true, but yet as true, that if they subscribed it not, the Duke of Northumberland might chance to hang them presently. But in my opinion it is not much to be doubted but Sir Edward North had for his security a better reserve, which is this, a knowing that the Princess Mary had received assurances from him, to be faithful to her and to her interests in the way of allegiance, next to her Brother's person and Posterity, if any should be; which made her notwithstanding this Subscription, not only to continue him in his former dignity, but to advance him a degree higher in the very first year of her reign. And this course of his, to hold himself in power with an intention to serve his lawful Sovereign who knew that intention, could not but be very serviceable to her, and being so, how could it give any great offence in a thing so generally done? And as for his own concernments, it cannot well be doubted but they would prompt him to his then compliance, self preservation at that very time being conceived necessary by so many persons of known wisdom; for though not impossible (as in nature where A privatione ad habitum non datur regressus,) yet it is very difficult, for persons once outed to obtain a restitution of Dignities and Possessions; and sometimes it cannot be had at all, even by those who seem to be very much advantaged with the present Governors, as may appear in the Posterity of the Duke of Norfolk, and of the Lord Dacre of the North, whose Predecessors suffered for correspondence with Mary Queen of Scots, and yet when the Son and Grandson of the same Queen came to wear the Crown successively, they could not recover their former rights. For ingenuity or open sincerity, it is a most Christian virtue, yet since the wisdom of the Serpent is an allowed companion to the innocency of the Dove, that virtue cannot be so strictly required in a Statesman, as in other persons, for else it had been a very horrid thing in David, a man according to God's own heart, to suborn his friend Hushai to profess himself a Servant to his Son Absalon, with an intention to supplant him and to subvert his Counsels, for that action of David's is not at all disapproved of in Scripture as others were. But to return to our business, In the year of our Lord 1553, King Edward came to the period of his life and reign, which though glorious for a great progress in the Church's reformation, yet otherwise was but turbulent, by reason of a presuming upon the King's minority, both by the Commons who in several parts of the Kingdom arose in Rebellion, and did it so dangerously, as the State thought good to use Foreigners in the suppression of them, a thing very unusual in this Nation, and by the greater Nobleses who divided themselves into Factions, which some of them nearest in relation to the King himself, paid for, with the loss of their Heads even in his days, and others upon grounds then laid very shortly after. Upon King Edward's death, this Kingdom fell from a condition of instability which it had often felt during the nonage of its Princes, to an estate which was then altogether unexperienced by us, to wit, the government of a Queen regnant, a thing which the French Nation professeth utterly to abhor, and is called by them Tomber en quinoüille, or to fall under the Distaff. It is true, that this Crown had frequently passed to the Progeny of our Sovereigns Daughters, but before this time it was never set (much less settled) upon the head of any Woman. This might have raised great storms, but it pleased the Divine Providence so to dispose of things by way of preparation, as the Pill was swallowed down with great quietness; for first there was not then in being with us any male Prince of the blood, as Philip de Valois had been in France, who there assumed the Crown to the disherison of our Edward the Third; then this Nation had given its consent in Parliament to an Entail of the Crown upon Mary and Elizabeth Daughters to King Henry. And last of all the Duke of Northumberland's ambition not being able to make way otherwise, had endeavoured to fix the Crown upon another Lady of Royal blood, his Daughter in Law, so as by reason of this competition all the active spirits of the Nation, having no other adherence, became quickly engaged with one of the Competitresses, and so the other novelty was wholly put out of thought. The affection of this People was then so great to a right Succession in the race of their Princes, as notwithstanding hazard of the Churches late reformation (which a great part of the Nation had then set their hearts upon) and the interest of the most eminent persons become possessors of Church-lands by way of exchange and otherwise, yet the Duke of Northumberland soon found the weakness of his designs which he thought so strongly laid, and being forsaken by his party, became an assistant in the proclaiming of Queen Mary; but it was too late to prevent the loss of his Head, which had showed itself so dangerous.  
Thus Queen Mary, having her Sovereignty generally acknowledged, began her Reign, and being desirous to give some testimony of a gracious disposition, she gave free pardon to all saving the Duke of Northumberland, the Lady Jane, and some few others. The Lords of the Council, who had subscribed against her, and for some time had seemed to act in the same way, were included in the Pardon, and some of them continued in that great honour and trust; which may seem strange, considering that the designs of Queen Mary were so diametrally opposite to those of King Edward in point of Religion, but the same opposition was between the Ecclesiastical policy and religion of Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth, yet many of the old Counselors were also held on by the latter; and it seems fit (if not necessary) that it should be so, for great changes in a State cannot be wrought suddenly without great danger, and the doing of it maturely and judiciously, requireth not only an exact knowledge of matters formerly transacted, but also of their grounds and causes.  
Of the Counselors retained, Sir Edward North easily obtained to be one, and not only so, but in the first year of this Queen's reign, he received an increase of Dignity, being called to sit in Parliament as a Baron, which is a character of the Queen's favour not then extended to any other of the old Counselors, though many of them held themselves in favour with her even to the time of her death. And this showeth that she intended a special reward to him, and presupposeth a merit contracted by the performance of some former service of eminence. It cost her nothing, yet was it of very high value, for the dignity of Peerage was rarely conferred upon any but persons of great worth and merit during the reigns of these two Sisters, though under the succeeding Princes it became not only more common but a kind of merchandise for the benefit of Courtiers. And now it appears how seasonably he parted with his office of Chancellor of the Augmentations, for he did it upon valuable consideration, whereas his successor Sir Richard Sackvill, who held himself in grace all Queen Mary's days, yet lost it without any recompense at all.  
One of the most remarkable occurrents during this Queen's Reign, was her marriage with King Philip the Second of Spain, and considering that Edward Lord North is by our Historians specified in the catalogue of those Lords who were employed in his reception, and therefore likely as a Counsellor to have concurred all the way in the negotiating of that affair, perhaps it may not be thought improper to touch somewhat upon it. It might well be apprehended as a great danger to this People, for their Queen to match with a more potent Prince of another Nation, in respect that this Kingdom might by such means become a Province, being deprived of the presence of their Sovereign: But the transactours well knew, that this great King (whose virtues were so many, as they cannot find sufficient room in this small Treatise) was before his marriage here provided of a Son, to inherit his great Kingdom in case there had been issue by Queen Mary, which issue nevertheless of hers should have enjoyed the Burgundian Provinces, a great accession to his Crown, and free from the inconvenience before mentioned. And all other particulars were so well provided for in that business, as there appeared little intermixture of the Nations in the government during the Queen's life, and no inconvenience at all upon her death. For Edward Lord North, he continued in good favour all the time of Philip and Mary, for he held his Counsellourship and was powerful with the Queen to obtain grace for others, as may appear by the restitution in blood of a person very highly descended and wrought by his mediation, which also could not but be a matter of good profit to him. And now this Queens reign not affording more matter relating to the subject of this discourse, I must not leave untouched a reflection indiscreetly cast upon this noble person by Mr. Fox in his Acts and Monuments, which is this. He saith, that he himself spoke with a Woman who told him, that near the expected time of Queen Mary's delivery (for she conceived herself to be with Child, and the whole Kingdom was possessed with such an expectation) the Lord North and another Lord came to her, and would have prevailed with her to part with a child of hers newly born, but that she utterly refused it; and this Mr. Fox conceiveth to have been desired as a supposititious Child for the Queen. The design it self is so unprobable, either to have been truly such, or to have been carried on by a person of so much honour and wisdom, as it needeth little answer, for the Queen herself was too virtuous (and religious in her way) to admit of such a thought; Neither if there had been such an intention, could it possibly have been concealed, being the concernment of so great Princes and Nations. And questionless the succeeding Queen would never have cast the least honour, or placed any trust upon this Lord or his Son Roger Lord North, (whom she made a Privy-counselor and near officer about her) if she had given the least credit to that Calumny. It is therefore a wonder that Mr. Fox should insert in his History so trivial a thing, and casting so great a Scandal, having received it from a mean person (in an extrajudicial way,) who perhaps might be hired to the affirmation, for certainly he could not have found a more ready way to abate the credit of his other Narrations. But however it was concerning Queen Mary's conception, whether it were only fancied by her, or in itself real with an abortion following, it is certain that she lived not long after, for she fell presently into a deep sadness of spirit, and ended her days in the year 1558, having reigned but a short time, and very unhappily even in her own opinion, for she thought the loss of Calais (which was the last footing of our Nation in France) to be an irreparable blemish to her government; yet was there much blood shed at home for Religion. which better might have deserved her sorrow, but she according to the Prophecy of our blessed Saviour, thought she did God good service in it.  
She was a Princess very eminent for Virtue and Piety, but too flexible (a weakness incident to her sex, which is not so fit to govern in public matters,) referring almost all to others, but especially in matters of Religion to her Prelates. These she should have considered, as too much interested and overviolent in things tending to their own power and greatness.  
The subjects of a Tyrant, who manageth his own affairs, prove for the most part not so unhappy, as of those of a mild Prince who putteth the whole care of Government upon some choice instruments, for they become many Tyrants in stead of one, and being of a more servile condition, are usually steered by more sordid ends. Yet is the Prince himself answerable for their faults, and so certainly was this Queen, and the rather because in respect of her engagement to uphold the Papal power, she may be thought not to have given an unwilling consent to those horrid cruelties, but Sanguis martyrum est semen Ecclesiae, which saying it pleased God to verify most strangely at that time, as may appear in the Reformation perfected and settled immediately after Queen Mary's days.  
Queen Elizabeth's entry upon her Reign, was embraced with a general applause, by the Protestants cordially, for they concluded her well affected to their principles, and by the Papists seemingly, because she was yet theirs in outward profession, as appeared by the Popish Ceremonies used at her Coronation; yet these could not but be very distrustful, knowing her interest to be directly opposite to that of her Sister, for if the Pope had power to Legitimate the marriage with Katherine of Arragon, Mother to Queen Mary, then that with Ann of Bullen, Mother to Queen Elizabeth, being solemnised living the other, must of necessity be invalide.  
This Queen presently made an alteration at the Council-Table, retaining some, and dismissing others. Of the latter sort was Edward Lord North, and whether or no it was his own desire by reason of age and infirmity we know not, but certain it is that he was not under any great displeasure, for the Queen finding it requisite to erect a Lieutenancy for command of the Militia, and ordering of Musters in each County, made choice of him for that trust in Cambridge-shire and the Isle of Ely. This she did in the first year of her reign, and by another Patent in her second year, she confirmed it unto him. But this power was soon resumed, and as I conceive, laid down generally for the present, which giveth occasion to say something Historically of the Militia of this Kingdom.  
Anciently the Martial forces were of two kinds, extraordinary or ordinary. The extraordinary consisted of Mercenaries, serving for Pay, and taken into service upon the occasion. The ordinary were partly such as lay under an obligation by the tenure of their Lands to serve their Prince, and this comprised all the Nobility and Gentry of the Land with their Tenants; and these were they by whose help our Kings made so great Conquests, and became so formidable abroad, for if the Tenants answered not the expectation of their Landlord, it was in the Landlord's power to turn them out of the Estates which they held, but especially such as were Copyholders. This power of great men, as it was extremely useful against Foreigners, so it grew dangerous at home, for that means there was great and frequent oppositions made against the Princes, by Civil War managed by the Nobles, whose Tenants were necessitated to serve them, and this made the Kings so far to diminish this power upon Tenants at Will, by frequent decisions of their Judges, giving to Copyholders a Tenure by custom, as they grew altogether deaf at the call of their Landlords; And so it was found by this our Edward, and others who would have used their Tenants for service of the Crown in foreign wars under Henry the 8th. This was some inconvenience to the Prince, but little in comparison of that which hath showed itself in these latter times, wherein the Commonalty or third Estate hath assumed a power, not only to subject their Sovereign to a jurisdiction established by the said Commons, but to abolish the Regal power itself, and as a consequent thereunto, to bring the ancient Peerage to a level with themselves. And this may be very much attributed to the former extirpation of power in great persons, who stood as a wall of defence between Prince and People. The other part of the ordinary Militia consisted in the arraying of all persons fit for War defensive, and this was first managed by Commissioners of Array, authorised from time to time by the Kings themselves, which made them to countenance it much more than the other. But in process of time this power residing in many, who are more subject to find out dilatory scruples than a single person, gave occasion to the Princes more to affect the placing of it in some one, for one may more easily be commanded, and is more subject to an account upon miscarriage. But on the other side this gave more offence to the Commons in Parliament, who bear the Purse for supply of their Princes extraordinary occasions, which perhaps might be the cause of Queen Elizabeth's laying it down for that time, though she resumed it afterwards.  
After this, it appeareth not that Edward Lord North ever desired other than an exemption from public employments, with a quiet enjoyment of himself and of the fruits of his past labours; and in this it pleased God to bless him very far, for he had little public molestation, yet was he not free from disquiet at home, by reason of some apprehensions arising within his own family by the prodigality of his eldest Son, for whom as is expressed in his Will, he was constrained at the last to pay a great debt, besides much of the same nature formerly. In those days the sum which he paid was esteemed very great, yet was not the debt so considerable in his thoughts, as a disposition in his Son (easily discernible as he esteemed) to proceed in the same way of expense. He feared that this would make the young man to exceed all bounds when he should become master of his Estate, which made the impression so deep with him, as he failed not to admonish his Son in the said Will with very great reflections upon him, as to his prudence; and perhaps it wrought great effects after the Father's death. And here may be noted, that the ablest persons make their judgements as to the future with great incertainty, for Roger Lord North proved a most industrious and provident man, and a person of great honour, for he was Ambassador extraordinary from Queen Elizabeth to Charles the 9th. of France, and bore many other public employments abroad and at home, till at the last he became Treasurer of the household to the Queen, and one of her Privy-Council, dying with that Character upon him, in which he exceeded his Father. Neither had Edward Lord North any greater hopes of Sir Thomas North his other Son, who though a man of courage, a man learned (as appears by divers translations of his,) and endued with very good parts otherwise, yet never had a steadiness comparable to his Brother, which made the Father to settle his Estate by way of Entail, as strongly to prevent Alienations as the Law of those times would bear, with a remainder to his Kindred of Walkeringam, as hath been already touched. And in the year 1563, he made the Will beforementioned, and constituted Sir William Cordall and Sir James Dyer Executors of the same, both of them persons very eminent in those times, Sir William being Master of the Rolls, and Sir James Dyer Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. In the year succeeding, having crowned his wisdom by a discreet settlement of his private fortune, he paid his last debt to Nature, ending his life with the Julian year on the last day of December, and so changed this for a better, being then about the 68th. year of his age, as near as we can gather by conjecture. Thus terminated the life of this noble and worthy person, who hid not the talon wherewith his Maker entrusted him, but improved it for the advantage of his Nation and Family, which ought to be an eternal honour to him.  
His marriages were two, whereof the first was to Alice Squier Daughter to a Gentleman estated in Hamp-shire, she then being Widow of Edward Myrfyn Son to an Alderman of London, so named, and having also had a former Husband called Brigantine or Brickenden, and by each of these Husbands one Son. By this Wife he had four Children, whereof Roger Lord North and Sir Thomas North have already been named, and in some sort Characterised herein. The other two were Daughters, whereof Christian the elder was married to William Earl of Worcester, and Mary the younger to Henry Lord Scroop of Bolton. Of every one of these four there is Posterity left, and now grown so numerous in the whole, and it is become so far an honour to their common Progenitor, as I myself, who am the Grandchild of his Grandchild, may in the year of our Lord 1658, affirm, that I know not any of the Race that have as yet applied themselves to courses dishonest or dishonourable. This Lady Alice, as she brought him a considerable estate in Marriage, so she was a great and constant assistant to him in the improvement of his fortunes, always showing herself a discreet and provident person in the government of his domestic affairs; and she continued so till the time of her death, which happened some four or five years before that of her husband, who failed not to yield a fair mention of her goodness in his Testament, desiring also to be buried with her at Kirtling. His second and last Wife was the Lady Margaret Widow to Sir David Brooke, and surely she was a person worthy of his choice, for he showed much care of her in his last settlement by Will, which is all that I shall need to say of her.  
By his Picture, whereof there is yet a copy remaining with us, he appears to have been a person of moderate stature, somewhat inclining to corpulency, and of a reddish hair. As for his inward abilities, it were extravagant to question them, in a man so versed in affairs of State as a Privy-counselor, and that sat at the Stern so many years in an eminent place of Judicature. Such persons seldom want elocution sufficient, but if we may judge of his Oratory by his Letters, he seemed rather to have affected the delivery of a full and clear sense, than any curiosity of style or expression. I have heard, that being quick of apprehension he was much inclined to sudden anger, wherein certainly he greatly moderated himself, for otherwise he could not so well have undergon employments requiring so great a temper.  
The bravery of his mind may best be judged of, by his delight to live in an equipage rather above than under his condition or degree, as hath been already hinted, and by his magnificence in other kinds, but especially by his buildings, which were very noble for materials and workmanship, as may appear by the two houses which he set up at Kirtling and Charterhouse, both in being at this day▪ To prove that he was a great lover of Learning and Scholars, we have two witnesses no ways liable to exception, The first is the University of Cambridge, whose body hath no considerable revenue, but what ariseth from the Parsonage of Burwell given by him. And it were pity to omit the manner of that Settlement, since that by it he expressed a desire of future correspondence between that University and the chief of his Family; for to the Vicarage of Burwell, during its vacancy, the University nominates two Clarks, and the Lord North for the time being, presents one of them at his choice. Our other witness is Peterhouse, the ancientest College of that University, to which foundation, as a token of his gratitude for that which he gathered there in the way of Learning, he gave the Parsonage of Ellington, and so became one of their best Benefactors, as they cannot but acknowledge.  
As for Piety and Charity, it will be hard to give evidence in particular about a hundred years after a man's decease, farther than may be extracted from Records and public Monuments. Under the head of Piety, I think we may comprehend his care to provide Chapels in such houses as he built, for thereby appears a desire in him of an assiduity in the service of God by himself and his family, which care of providing peculiar places for divine Service within Families, was too much neglected in the age immediately following, as may be witnessed by many great and stately Houses then built. And may it not fall under the same title of Piety, to build a Chapel expressly for the innterment of his Posterity, for though the main superstition was expired, yet Burials in those days were attended with the performance of much religious duty? Under the title of Charity I shall place the above mentioned gifts to the University, and to Peterhouse, and I may add to them a care had in his Testament, of some persons no ways relating to him in blood. And if Charity be truly said to begin at home, than it may fall under that head, to make provision of a fair subsistence for his Posterity, according to the degree wherein they were placed (as far as it might be done without obliquity in other kinds,) and that was always driven at by this noble Lord. For the Chapel of Innterment, it was raised by him, adjoining to the south-part of the Chancel in Kirtling Church, and there at the very juncture of the Chancel and Chapel, he himself is entombed with a decent Monument of Black Marble, erected by his Executors, and the ensuing Inscription, Edvardum Northum finxit natura beatum, 
 Addidit & magnas gratia Regis opes; 
 Providus & sapiens magnos suscepit Honours, 
 Et tamen in tanto Comis honore fuit. 
 Quae natura dedit, quae gratia principis auxit 
 Omnia Mors una sustulit atra die. 
  
Now having brought this noble Lord to his Epitaph, that which I have more to say is to the Epitaph itself, and this it is. That the Poet hath mentioned some virtues which were purposely omitted by me, as being to be found there, but he is fallen much short of the Person's merit, and of that which might easily have been expressed in so many lines. Perhaps the latter may be said of my relations and description of him; but for me, I shall satisfy myself with the knowledge of my fair intention, having chosen rather to be defective, than wholly to omit the performance of that which by me was conceived to be little less than a duty. And so I set a period to this business.  
As all by Nature's fatal course must die,  
So all are shared in vast Eternity;  
The wise as brightness of the Heaven shall shine,  
While others by their crimes obscured remain. 
Dan. 12.   
Let pious actings then adorn our Story,  
Thus Death brings Fame, and leads to endless Glory.  
FINIS.   

To the Reverend the Master of St. Peter's College in Cambridge, and to the Fellows and Scholars of the same.  
GENTLEMEN,  
AFter a violent tempest (and of continuance scarcely compatible with such violence) about the government of our Church, State, and Nation, when at last there appeared some serenity of the heavens, and days that may well be termed Halcyon in respect of the former, I being a person who by reason of a public trust had been involved to the bearing of some part in those actings, (though of a temper totally abhorrent from those Salamanders that were delighted in such a fiery residence) found myself restored to some kind of freedom, and was so far from thinking it improper for me, as I conceived it a kind of piety and duty in respect of Relations in blood and gratitude, to bestow some of my spare time in the perusal of Parchments and Papers, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) concerning the life and transactions of a noble Progenitor of my own, who in a public way of eminency lived serviceable to his Generation when God gave him being; and considering that he flourished in a time remote from the present, and little relating to our late affairs, I conceived that I might inoffensively transmit my Observations to Posterity, not omitting the delivery of some truths which may seem to be of general concernment. This made me reduce my Notes to some kind of Method, and doing so I cannot but wish unto them a competency of duration, they having not only reference to a person whose memory is most dear unto me, but being a kind of Issue or Offspring of my own, which last is a consideration too apt to beget a partiality of Affection if not of Judgement. I never coveted the honour of the Press, much less should I do it in a time of so much prostitution. It shall therefore satisfy me to recommend this small Discourse of mine in the way of Manuscript to some of those who may acknowledge themselves to have relation to it, and I hope it will not prove offensive if I make this my first address unto your Society, since you are not ashamed to own Edward Lord North (who is the only Subject of this little Work) as one of your noblest and most free Benefactors. And for myself, though when first I became a Cantabrigian, my Parents put me to suck at the breast of another House, as my Nurse, which hath secured unto her the chief place in my affection, yet the University being my Mother, I cannot but have a special respect unto yours, as being her most ancient foundation. I dare not term Peterhouse the heart of the University, because it would draw too much envy upon you, yet none of her Sisters can deny that she had the property of the heart to be Primum movens, and I think that neither they nor we can with any patience admit the least thought of a trial by ultimum moriens. I may justly affirm that no man can wish unto your Fraternity a longer and more happy continuance, for my desire extends even to perpetuity itself, if the nature of things could bear it. The truth is, that I do presage a very great length of time, finding the dispensations of Divine Providence to have been such as seem to design the prevention of a second Chaos, which state of darkness and confusion, should it once overspread the Land could not but put the great Luminaries of it to the hazard of being extinguished. Blame me not therefore if I desire to deposit with you this small Tractate, which may be dear to some of us in respect of its Relations, though not precious in itself, as being a Portrait drawn by an unskilful Artist, and set out with ill mixed colours. But such as it is, the care of preserving it is a trust, and if you shall be pleased so far to accept of that trust, as to afford a place in your College Library to this little Work (being the Handwriting of a Lady) it will lay a fresh obligation upon him who already is  
Yours most affectionate to serve you DUDLEY NORTH.   

To the Reverend the Vicechancellor, and other the Heads and Governors of the University of Cambridge.  
IT was an effect of Superstition in the ancient Heathen, to ascribe unto Fountains of most Eminence a kind of Divinity, finding in them a perennity more than is to be had in other sublunary beings; which Art of theirs was not only Impious in itself, but Injurious to the true Deity, for how can that be justly imputed to any part of the Creation, which is peculiar to the Creator, that infinitely pure Essence, from whose effluence all that is, or hereafter can be, must have its derivation? Yet certainly it can no way participate of evil, to afford honour next to those Divine, unto fountains of Learning, which learning so adds light to natural Reason, as gives it ability to search into all the secrets of Nature, and to unfold those mysteries, which we have by Divine revelation, so as to impart them with advantage unto Subjects capable of such sublime notions. Such a fountain is our University of Cambridge, from whom (together with her Sister of Oxford) this Nation must acknowledge to have received the honour and happiness, not only to enjoy it herself, but to have imparted to Foreigners, much of that increase of knowledge both Natural and Theological, wherewith the World is at this time furnished. Of this honour and common benefit the heart of each intelligent Englishman ought to receive an impression, and more especially the heart of such persons as are Sons of either University. But because Gratitude concealed yields little fruit, therefore I (though one of those who have taken from the Cantabrigian Helicon lest water) hold myself bound rather to break silence than to run the hazard of being censured for Ingratitude. And because I have nothing worthy in itself, to be offered to my Mother the University, I adventure to present unto Her (by an address unto you Her chief Officers) that which may be esteemed worthy in respect of relation unto Herself, which is the Life of Edward Lord North, one of Her chief Benefactors. And that he was so, may appear by this, that the Patronage of Burwell Rectory was his Inheritance, and appropriated to the University of Cambridge by his solicitation and favour with the then King, and (as we firmly believe) at his own charge: This is the most profitable Possession (as I have heard) that the University is endowed with, and yet the matter is so far mistaken, as in your Annual Commemoration of Benefactors, Edward Lord North is wholly left out, and the gift of Burwell is attributed only to Henry the Eight, his Prince and Master, with whom it was too usual to assume unto himself the honour of other men's Bounty and Charity. For proof of this I must request your perusal of the ensuing short Tractate, and the Transcript of an Evidence subjoined to it, which cannot but be upon Record somewhere. When you shall have given me so much reading, and delegated some person to make search in your Writings, I shall have no reason, either to doubt your assent to what I have affirmed, or to despair of right to be done in future commemorations. And you cannot blame us of his Progeny, if we be unwilling to lose the honour of his having been Benefactor to so honourable and eminent a Society. As for Edward Lord North. I may well hope, that upon reading, you will find him a person worthy to be owned in such a Relation. And for the Discourse itself, I am unwilling to doubt your affording it the honour of a place in the University Library; for though it were written in a time of unparallelled trouble and confusion, when the best conversation of Good men was with their own thoughts, and when Historical Truth was dangerous, yet it containeth (as I think nothing apt to give offence, and perhaps something of History will be found there, which untouched by others, may become a pleasing entertainment to the Reader. I must not omit the ask your pardon, for filling empty Leaves with those abrupt Occasionals, which durst not have appeared in your presence alone, and have little to say for themselves, but that they are born of the same parent with the other. I must confess in both parts a great vacuity of learning, and that the style will be found rough and unpleasant, both which faults are scarce pardonable with Scholars, yet having a sincere intention in the address, I cast myself upon your favour, and am  
Yours most affectionate to serve you, DUD. NORTH.