May it please your Lordship,  
HAving formerly discoursed amongst the Crowd of Arguments which have been vented since the knowledge of the Peace; whether was the more proper for the defence of it, a great number of the Disciplined Forces, who courageously behaved themselves during the War, and were as eminent Instruments as the Arm of Flesh could be, for enforcing a Potent Prince whom all his Neighbours conjectured that he aimed at being Universal Monarch, which (God be praised) he now seems not to pursue; But whether he is so far to be trusted, as that we may safely part with most of these hardy and well Disciplined Men, and rely wholly upon the Militia, who have formerly defended this Island as has been Historically set forth, is now the main matter to be considered, and looks so Janus like, I know not which to admire, both Faces having excellent good Eyes; I am apt to think they will both look about them for their Honours, so that neither of them may be absolutely laid aside, nor do I apprehend that the Thinking Men (who have not been abroad nor in Arms) do conclude that the Militia can at present be so useful as to defend us, in case the Disciplined Men be clearly Disbanded; and sometimes Negligence and Nakedness encourages watchful Politicians to attempt those things that they would not have thought on, whilst they were apprehensive of a reasonable Guard; Nor do I apprehend moderate Men do think the Militia are fully useful, but seem to hope they may be made so; In short, if you are near a Common, or many Neighbours whom you are to Fence from, if you permit your Gates to lie open, and are careless of your Fences, you will have little Hay to make, or none to carry away; So without question the Disciplined Force must be kept up, till the Militia is made useful; And how it will ever become so without new and more Laws for that purpose, and those Laws put in practice, I do not apprehend; Laws were talked of last year and this, yet there's small Appearance of them, and when we have them, and they are pursued with all Vigour imaginable, I do not apprehend how the Nation can be without the Number of the necessary force that's now in being▪ Perhaps as the Militia grows useful, they may be placed in other Quarters; But whether some Men that talk much of a Militia are in real earnest, is something doubtful, for at the same time they discourse of her, they say she is chargeable, and her Men are changeable, so do scruple or are doubtful, whether she is materially Improveable; and our latter Kings have showed a sort of Platonic Love to her, talk of her, see her sometimes, Court her with a seeming cool Affection, and yet will not part with her for an hour, will not suffer any other to court her, nor will they absolutely dissolve her nor lay her to Sleep, yet will let her ofttimes drouze, which the common People are not very well pleased with; For though sometimes they grumble at her as Burdensome and Chargeable▪ yet they love her as they do Hopkins and Sternhold, because they are pleased in having a little share in the Government as they have in the Devotion; Therefore to come as near to the satisfaction of all Parties as my Capacity will bring me to, having said formerly I had some Observations (by employing my thoughts) which may perhaps tend to the making the Militia useful, I have drawn a small Scheme, which compared with former Practices and Charges may happily, with something less charge, make the Militia more useful, and when that appears, Additions will come on by Inclination; so that the present posture of the Disciplined Forces may be changed again into their former Station, and yet the same number kept up.  
But at present, I confess, I do not see how either Persons, Pay, or Numbers, or Stations, can be safely altered, till the Militia is made more useful▪ And that being an Affair I have aimed at, I here humbly offer you the summary account of what has past and is now in being; and also what number of Men, what Sum for Pay, what enlargement of Time I hope will make the Militia Useful; and yet keep within the bounds of the present Expense England and Wales have been accustomed and are still liable unto, as will appear by these following particular Accounts of the Militia of all the Counties of England and Wales, according as the public Prints, sold in Westminister-Hall, say they are Returned by the Deputy-Lieutenants of the several Counties; with a Computation of the customary Charge.  
Horse Officers 450 Total of Officers 2788 Horse Men 6386 Total of Troopers and private Soldiers, 82003 Foot Officers 2338 Foot Men 75617  
Total of Horse and Foot 84791. And allowing a 12th. part more, or 7000 Men for the 5 Counties which are Blank in the Print, makes the whole Number 91791, viz. Horse about 7450, and Foot about 84391.  
For Troopers in the Militia, the Act says they shall be allowed 2s. 6d. But as it's practised in Drinking and Extravagancies its generally 4s. if not 5s per day; Compute at 4s. per diem.  
Horse Men (Officers Exclusive) 6386 comes to which at 14 days per Ann. amounts to l. s. d. 1277 04 00 17880 16 00  
For Foot Soldiers in the Militia, the Act says they shall be allowed 1s. per day, but generaly they have 2s. or 2s. 6d. or more, compute at 2s. per diem.  
Foot Men (Officers Exclusive) 75617 comes to which at 14 days per Ann. amounts to l. s. d. 7561 14 00 105863 16 00  
Trophy Money which includes all Officers Pay (except Mustermasters) Also Colours, Drums, Trumpets, Clarks, Deputy-Lieutenants Entertainments, etc.  
l. s. d. Amounts to 17500 00 00 Muster Master at 1s. per Horsman, 6386 Men amounts to 319l. 06s. For Foot at 6d. per Ann. per Man, which for 75617. amounts to 1890l. 08s. 06d. 2209 14 06 Horse Tropers 17880 16 00 Foot Soldiers 105863 16 00 Sum Total 143454 06 06 Besides Clothing, which per Man once in two Years at 50s. comes to per Ann. 105988 15 00 In all 249443 01 06 To which adding a 12 part for the 5 Blank Counties or 21000l. makes the whole charge 270443 01 06  
These particulars amount to above 270000/. and yet neither Arms, Ammunition, Accoutrements or Horses are mentioned; which if I could compute would amount to a very considerable Sum. But I shall not insist upon them, being durable and not Annually consumptive, only Ammunition is an Annual Charge, especially here in London, Middlesex and Tower Hamless, who by the Printed Particular are 12077, besides 131 Horsemen, Exclusive of Officers who are 278. and these being out more than the 14 days limitation upon every Alarm, either Inland Plot or Insurrection, or Foreign Designs or Invasions feared or apprehended, makes the Citizens think the charge very great, being forced many times to give 4 or 5s. per day or more, to an indifferent Man for the Service to appear and mount the Guard, which seems to indicate, that there's a growing necessity that some coercive Power or Law should be set up again, as formerly, for making the Militia, Artillery or Trainedbands useful as formerly. I shall not insist upon this coercive Power at present; but appropriate it to a particular Paragraph, where I shall not argue it to be placed as an Additional Power in the Military Officer, but rather adhere to the fixing of it in the Civil Magistrate, who must be Diligent and Active, consentaneously with the Military Officer, according to the Emblem and Motto of our Neighbours, being two Earthen Pots Floating on the Sea, with this Inscription, Si collidimur frangimur.  
I know not to what charge and uncertainty we shall run: for its visible, that ever since the Civil-War, the Militia has Annually declined, and it was in those Unhappy Times that the first attempt was for putting the charge of the Militia into standing Troops, for Awing and Insulting the Nobility, Gentry and Freeholders; I hope we shall not follow the pattern of those unaccountable times, when we were so unfortunate and unhappy as to want both King, Lords and Free Parliaments; though I must confess we seem by the neglect and disparaging of the Militia, to incline to the like circumstances, for 'tis observable, King Charles TWO endeavoured as much as he could to raise and keep up Regular Troops, Guards, Regiments and Independent Companies; And that King James, when he had increased them, chose rather to part with his Parliament than with his Regular Troops and Regiments, which are in a great part near an Establishment, for it's concluded by Arguments lately, 7000 Men that were in King Charles' time for Guards and Garrisons are not now sufficient, though they make another figure for its thought 120000l. paid them Annually then; and it appears the Government allows 300000l. for the Annual Payment of these 7000, who must be increased twice 7 in a few years more, if the Militia be not improved; for it is not 20000 Men in regular standing Discipline that are sufficient for our Security, if the Arguments are true, that our Neighbours are so formidable and likely to Invade us, by which arguments I did think they had been coming, but God be praised I neither see nor hear of their coming now: I hope its the noise or discourse of our Militia that does something discourage them, who if they be made useful, will be certainly our safeguard; but when that will be I dare not venture to say: for it is a rational business, and requires time to effect it, but if it be only talked of, never gone about, it's not to be accomplished. It's like Propagation, which must first have copulation, and then lie forming near 12 Months in the Womb before it creeps or crawls out to view, and then some time before it finds motion and can go, and then some years before it comes to Maturity, but better late than never.  
Therefore I humbly offer in Writing what I have been long loath to come unto, desiring rather to have proposed and explained myself by Discourse, for I solemnly protest, I do not think myself properly qualified for such a Penman as is fit to appear in Print; but it's the sincere affection I have for my Country, that has prompted me to form my Notions into two Schemes, the first your Lordship hath already viewed of Numbers and Charges, the other I humbly Present here; which I hearty wish may prove worth the Pains of your honour's view and consideration. It's no new Project, Chimaera or Capricio, it's but the effects of the studies which I thought my Duty, when I had the Honour to be in the Honourable House of Commons, as a Representative of the City of Litchfield, in King Jame's Parliament; when that Honourable House of Commons were as Warm and Zealous for lessening the Army they had consented should be raised, as this or the last years have been; though that Army was but a handful of Men then, or very small to what, this was lately. I remember very well I was behind an Eminent, Eloquent, Lordly Estated Member then, and is the same now, who said there in a debate for Disbanding the Army. What, shall it be said that we who are in an Island, in a great measure guarded by God's Providence▪ do that which no part of the World doth tho upon the Continent, Establish a Standing Army; and an Army that's picked up in the Streets. To this there was no direct reply, though I confess I thought the last Expressions Haughty, and possibly that worthy Member did not at that time consider that many of the greatest Nobility and Quality in England were in that Army. And I do believe, the Nobility and Gentry of England never put themselves under Command and into Arms so readily and willingly, as they did into that small Army, comparative to what has been since: to this warm expression the chief reply was by a Member of excellent parts also, (who is now also of that House, but I think beyond Seas) who moved, that the Army might be continued till the Militia was made useful: then the House went upon Propositions for making the Militia useful: whereupon it was my good Fortune (for the House was pleased to hear me) to say Time was a necessary ingredient for the exercising and making of Soldiers; and that Fourteen Days in the Year was too short and straight a time for bringing Men into Order and Exercise, so much of the time being spent in coming and going, and then I was allowed to propose 20, 24 or 28. And then the House did allow the enlarging of time to 28 Days; I do not recite this out of Ostentation, to show the Honour and Favour I had at that time, but to demonstrate it's no new thing, if the Parliament should think fit to do something like these following Propositions, which had been offered then if the Parliament had continued; but the discourse and Arguments then for Disbanding the Army, was supposed to be the chief cause for the breaking up the Parliament. For as I remember 700000l. was voted to be given, and some steps were made towards the raising of it; but rather than the King would part with his Army or Popish Officers and Servants, he then slighted the Money and parted with the Parliament: this I confess is a little digressive from that I promised, which demonstrates, like a Maidens Blush, that I am afraid to come to, but out it must come however it succeeds.  
In the first Place, I Humbly Propose, to lessen the Number of Foot one Half or more, and a little increase the Number of Horse: as thus, the computed Number of Foot are 8439. which I would reduce to 40000 Officers Inclusive. The Horse being 7400, I would increase them to 8000, Officers Inclusive; now with submission or allowance I will proceed to computation of Pay for 48000 Horse and Foot. For the 40000 Foot (Officers Inclusive) I would propose to allow 1s. per day a Man which comes in the whole to 2000l. per diem. These 40000 Men to be divided into Forty Regiments, consisting of 1000 Men in a Regiment, and every Regiment being divided into 10 Companies, every company consisting of 90 Sentinels, one Captain, 2 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign, 2 Sergeants, 1 Gentleman of the Pikes, 3 Corporals, and 2 Drums, these make the Company 102, so that if 5 or 6 be drawn out of the Squadron of Pikes, and 2 of them allowed for Hautboys, and the other 2 allowed for Lieutenant's Men, completes the Company to a 100 and 24 Pikes are a good stand to a Company; these at 1s. per day come to 5l. which are to be proportioned and Paid thus, 84 Private Sentinel at 9d. per day comes to 3l. 3s. the remaining 1l. 17s. to be divided thus, the Captain 7s. per day, 2 Lieutenants and their Men 12s. per day, that is 6s. each, the Ensign 4s. 6d. 2 Drums at 1s. 6d. per day 3s. 2 Hautboys 1s. 6d. per day 3s. 2 Sergeants 1s. 6d. per day 3s. 1 Gentleman of the Pikes, who is to Writ well, and as it were a Clerk to the Company 1s. 6d. per day, 3 Corporals 3s. which all together makes 5l.  
Horse 8000 (Officers Inclusive) at 2s. 6d. per day, comes to 1000. per day, which divided into 16 Regiments are 500 in a Regiment, and those divided into 10 Troops are 50 in a Troop; and those are to be divided into 36 private Troopers, which make 9 Ranks 50 half Crowns is 6l. 5s. per diem, which is thus proportioned, 36 Troopers 4l. 10s. the remaining 1l. 15s. to be divided thus, to the Lieutenant and his 2 Servants 15s. per day, the Quartermaster 6s. per day; 2 Trumpets 3s. 6d. per day; 2 Trumpets 3s. 6d. per day 7s. 2 Corporals 3s. 6d. per day 7s. the Captain and Cornet with their Servants complete the 50, and are not thought to have pay; because they are concluded to be Persons of Quality or of great Estates, especially the Captain, who is excused from serving Sheriff, and other places of Charge and Trouble; as all Military Men should be excused from other Employments, and as for Colonels, Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors and Captains, if they be not Knights being Men of Estates, by serving the King and their Country, (and indeed it's also serving themselves,) yet its odds but their Courage and Readiness to serve the King and their Country may obtain them Knighthood, when they appear before the King, and why not as well as Lord-Mayour and Sheriffs; and as to the Cornet he has no Pay, because he being supposed to be a young Gentleman that either has an Estate and leisure to accompany the Captain to gain Experience, if he be not his Eldest Son, and so likely to succeed his Father, especially if he has gained Experience. Thus having proportioned the days Pay into Fractions, count the whole together for the Year, the Foot being 2000l. per day, first for 14 days is 28000l. Then 8000 Horse at 1000ls. for 14 days is 14000. total for 14 days per Ann. is 42000l. for 48000 Men; out of which I would desire to Detach 10000 Foot and 2000 Horse to be Marched and Encamped, for which I would desire 28 Days Yearly, to be added to the other 14 Days, being in all 6 Weeks, which being employed in Marching, encamping and daily Exercised whilst Encamped, and the farther from their own Country the more and the better they will learn, and bring them to such perfection they cannot forget the Discipline in Three Years, especially Marching and Exercising 14 Days every Year of the Three Years. And by this means or Method the 48000 are Rotated, Marched, Encamped and Disciplined. The whole Charge of this is thus computed, first the 2000 Horse comes to 250l. at 2s. 6d. per day, consequently at 28 days 7000l. the 10000 Foot 500l. per diem, for 28 days is 14000l. The Total of 12000 Horse and Foot for 28 days is 21000l. which added to the 42000l. for 14 days makes the whole in the year 63000l. Clothing 12000 Men yearly at the rate of 2l. 10s. per Man, by which means they appear fresh in the Camp with Airing them the 14 days, in the other 3 years they may last the Rotation, and will amount to 30000l. For Colours, Drums, Trumpets and ouher contingent Charges allow 7000l. Arms, Horses and Accoutrements I do not compute in this Scheme, because I left them out in the other The Total is per Annum 100000l.  
The computation of the present incident charge of the Militia amounting to about 270000.  
And this Scheme amounting but to 100000l. there will be less in charge, 170000l.  
Ammunition I humbly refer for computation and determination, as I do every thing to the better consideration of Authority, to whom I also submit, whether the Muster-master be necessary, for I do with submission, think the Captain or Lieutenant of every Troop and Company presenting a fair Roll every time they meet, to the Colonel, and he or they handing the Rolls to the Deputy Lieutenants or Lord Lieutenants, who will have power to Punish Absenters or other Faults; and they once in the Year present them to the King, or such a Muster-master-General as his Majesty shall from time to time think fit to appoint for viewing and examining, and at his Majesty's time or call representing the Defaults, Misdemeanours, Inconveniencies or Improvements, as the Officers of each Regiment shall describe or subscribe at the Foot of their Rolls; so that conveniencies and inconveniencies will be represented to his Majesty with ease, and be reduced and improved as his Majesty shall think best, with the Advice of his Council, until such time as the Parliament shall help or redress.  
The Charge and Burden of Defensive Arms, as Back, Breast and Pot for Horseman; and also the Charge and Burden of Back, Breast and Headpiece for Pike Men, shall be waved, omitted and excused; and in case of any Extraordinary occasion, it's not to be doubted the Officers of the Ordnance will send sufficient Numbers of Defensive Arms with the Train of Artillery; if the Horse Men be furnished with a long Carbine in a Sling or Belt and Box at his Saddle, as is now in the Guards, he will be better pleased, and at more ease than with the Burden of the Back and Breast, etc. and also the Foot, Bagonets for their sides and Muzzles of their Muskets; and I confess I did not think of Cloaks in the Clothing of the Horsemen, but if they amount to 3 or 4000 per Annum the 4 first Years, they will last an Age for the use will be made of them.  
Having lessened the Number from Ninety odd Thousand to 48000 Men, and also Pay and Charges from 27000l. per Ann. by these 2 Schemes to 100000l. per Ann. and time very near, if not absolutely fitting for completing the Militia, so that they are capable of suppressing any Insurrections that shall be Enthusiastically or Diabolically raised in the Kingdom, and I doubt not will be in a fit readiness to make a proper Stand or Defence, if any Foreigner shall attempt. And if our Trade happily increase, the Blood in Youth will be so warm: or if Trade should unhappily be in the wane, there will be Desperadoes in readiness for going to defend any of our Plantations, Planting any new Colony that shall be found out, or to assist any Neighbour his Majesty shall think fit: or upon mature Consideration with his Parliament, will cheerfully and readily List themselves for making a Descent upon those that shall either affront the Honour of England, or disturb and annoy her Trade; It must be confessed, one Volunteer is better than two Pressed; there's a Stanza of a Poet confirms this, by saying  

In Expedition greatest Love appears,  
Soldiers and Wives are best when Volunteers.   
For Officers 'tis not to be doubted the Guards will be a Nursery; nor is it to be doubted the Militia will afford many Officers, who will go Voluntarily upon such occasions; for though it must be confessed that Estates in the Country are exemplary to the Freeholder, and a Corroboration of the Militia; yet to say the Captains, Lieutenants and Ensigns of Foot, and the Lieutenants and Quartermasters shall have such and such Estates, will be excluding many Gentlemen of lesser Estates, and especially Younger Brothers who are generally fittest for Soldiers, especially for Soldiers of Fortune; and will willingly be in the Nursery of the Militia, whereby he may have some Experience for going Abroad, if any occasion encourage them: yet I confess for the encouragement and Honour of the Militia, I would wish that every Commission Officer should be a known Gentleman in his Country; not that I would have the Freeholder disgusted; for if he will put himself under Arms or send a Son, who having seen a Campain or two, and then having carried a Halberd and Exercised the Company another Campain: with submission I think him qualified and proper for a Lieutenant in the Militia, and so advance in Foreign Service as Fortune shall favour his Courage and Industry. It's not proposed they should be stopped in their advance in the Militia, because they are not capable of being Soldiers. But the design of having Gentlemen of Good Estates and known Families in the Country to become Militia Officers, is to encourage the Freeholder to serve in Person, or send his Son; or if he is not of Ability of Body, or is Infirm by Accidents, Sickness or Age, he will the more consider the Representative he sends, and to conclude its an Indecency, Absurdity and Irrational, that he should send an Idle, Drunken Swaggering Person to be in an acceptation of fellow Soldier, with the best Estates and Quality in the Country.  
This is unreasonable and unnatural to the solid and substantial design and intent for preservation of the Nation, and e●ery individual Property and Person.  
Which brings me to distinguish betwixt Persons and Pay; for although I hearty wish to see the Militia Marching with Gentlemen of great Estates in the head of them, and every other Commission-Officer a Gentleman, every Horseman so well Mounted, Accoutred and Clothed, that his Master of 500l. per Annum may not be ashamed to own him for his Representative; nor the Freeholder of 50l. per Annum his Representative in the Foot; so that we stick close to the Pattern of the present Militia, only Improveing in the care and diligence of sending better Men and Horses, and not changing either under Penalties without good reasons, and those with vouchers to the Officers, and not frivolous Excuses or Favour of the Officer. And for this care and diligence under severe Penalties for neglect; it seems Rational and Natural there should be a Relaxation of their Charge, for whatever tends to a general good, ease or advantage; its natural Equity the Expense or Charge should be born by every individual Person, according to the proportion of his Estate; not that the Landed Men Finders shall be abated one Farthing in the County Tax, (I think there is a common Lawyer's Latin, Honos habet onus & Terras querras,) which is proposed as genearl upon this occasion as any Tax that has brought in Land, Money, Personal Estate or Offices; for the Soldier Exercises his Arms and Hazards himself in their Defence equally; only this I must add to consideration, whether it is not also equitable that the finders of Horse and Foot, should be excused from Offices in the Civil Government; not that the finder of a whole Horse or half a Horse should be excused from High-Sheriff, for that would Excuse the whole County and Kingdom, but from serving on the Grand-Jury or other Juries if he will plead the Privilege; and the Freeholder also of 50l. per Annum, being a Foot-Soldier or Finder, is to be excused from Juries or serving Constable and other small Offices in the Parish; provided that he applies himself to the next Justice of the Peace, and demonstrates to him, that there are others in the said Parish qualified for the Duty: if so, (and he is freed from their Services) he has no Excuse for not being in readiness upon any sudden Summons or Alarm; nor is he to go any long Journey from home, without satisfying the Officer in whose District he is, or the next Justice of the Peace, that he leaves a fit Representative; and also a years pay in the said Officer or Justice's hands, taking a Receipt for the same.  
I crave leave to offer one consideration more of these Finders, that though the Horse or his Rider is not to go out of the County above five or six Miles, without the leave of one of the Commission Officers, under whose command he is, or the next Justice of the Peace; yet in case it shall happen the Horse Fails or dies by any violence or occasion Military, not if upon a natural Distemper, (that he may do in the Stable at home,) but if the Commission-Officers or Officer, under whose Command he is, does certify under his hand, that the Horse failed by reason of his Military Duty, and also computes his value if Dead, or the damage that may be to his Finder, if Lamed or Blemished; upon the Finders delivery of the Certificate to the Treasurer of the County, he is to pay the sum certified, and the Certificate is to pass in the accounts of the Treasurer at the Assizes or Sessions: or when the Lieutenancy with two or three Justices or more, whereof one to be of the Quorum and not a Military Officer, shall pass the general accounts: and also the Soldier whether Horse or Foot Man, if he be adjudged by his Officers to become Sick either by Heats or Colds in Marching, Encamping, or any Post or Part of his Duty, or Maimed or Disabled; upon the Certificate of his Officers or one Field-Officer, his Finder is to see he has all necessaries of , Diet or other sustenance, and due applications for Sickness or Wounds or other requisites for his Condition, until the next Quarter Sessions; and then as it shall appear to the Bench, he shall according to their direction be Allowed and Maintained out of the Public Stock of the County.  
Here it may be said (and I expect it) that it will be a great difficulty to proportion and raise this Money; and that your Lordships have not Power, either by your Lieutenancy, or Authority of your whole House to raise Money: to your Lordship's power of raising Money I acquiece, but with submission to your Lordships, if your Lordships who are Lord-Lieutenants of all the Counties of England and Wales, consult to draw a Bill for making the Militia more useful, leaving Blanks for the Horse and Foot, with a Blank for such a computed sum to be raised yearly; and this Bill be approved by your most Honourable House, I am with submission apt to hope, and inclined to think, the Honourable House of Commons will fill up the Blanks and complete the Bill; especially if the Bill have a Preamble containing the Charge and Services of former Ages, to what our present Freedom is, and will be; if such a Bill as these and the like Propositions should take effect. For if your Lordships take this present Printed List of Horse and Foot, amounting to Ninety odd Thousand (who are short of the computed Annual value of the Kingdom, which is Fourteen Millions per Ann.) and reduce them again to 48000 Horse and Foot, which is about half; and then Abstract and Proportion every County Proportionably, I do suppose it will be no great difficulty to say how many Men and how much Money each County shall raise; and by way of Addition scattering the 7000l. for contingent Charges into parcels, through the Dominions of England and Wales. There may a difficulty arise amongst your Lordships, I confess, how to join small and great Counties together for Regimenting of them, and then dividing the 40000 Foot into four parts, and also the Horse of 8000 into four parts, so that 10000 Foot and 2000 Horse may March and Encamp every Year.  
This, when the Charge is agreed, will be a greater Nicety than the proportioning the Money; yet if your Lordships meet with serious Intention and amicable Inclination for settling the Militia near these Schemes or Discourse, I doubt not but this seeming raveled Clue of Pack-thread may be drawn straight; and after one or two years' Encampments at Hounslow, of these 12000 for one Month, who will have a very short March from London and Middlesex, and the Counties adjacent, for the first year or two; by that time the remoter Counties, who are more ignorant, will gain some Information and Experience and become fashionable: as Iter Borcale sings,  

Thus Ring the Bells of Bow,  
Down to the Country Candlesticks below.   
These little Instances may be tedious to your Lordship, your Honour being inclinable to make the Militia useful, and it's probable your Honour's Thoughts may be employed in a better way to a true value; yet if this my Pains proves like the Labour of cutting a Pibble stone, which with artificial Setting may make a show till your Diamond appears, yet the Labour is not wholly lost; for it will be discernibly meaner than your Lustre, and consequently your Care for your Country will be wonderfully admired; though you in the instance actuate your personal and Posterity Preservation: as may appear more clearly after I have, according to promise, presented a Paragraph of the Word Coersive.  
Which is not to be defined with my Incapacities; but I hope the Recital of Ancient Statutes will demonstrate I am in some measure apprehensive of the Word.  
Imprimis, Stat. 7. Edw. I. Sesse, it belongs to the King to prohibit Force of Arms, and all other Force against the Peace, and to punish Offenders therein according to Law. And herein every Subject is bound to be aiding.  
Stat. 1. E. III. Stat. 2. 5. None shall be charged to arm himself other ways than was used in the time of the King's Progenitors; neither yet shall any be compelled to go out of his Shire, but when Necessity requireth, and the sudden coming of strange Enemies into the Realm, and then it shall be done, as in times past, for the Defence of the Realm.  
Stat. c. 18. Hen. VI 19 It is Felony for a Soldier (retained to serve the King in his Wars) not to go with, or to departed from his Captain without Licence.  
Stat. 7. Hen. VII. 1. A Captain which shall not have the whole Number of Soldiers, or not pay them their due Wages within six days after he shall have received them, shall forfeit all his Goods and Chattels, and suffer Imprisonment.  
Stat. 2. & 3. Edw. VI 2. A Soldier that makes away his Horse or Arms (proof thereof being made before the Chief Commander) shall suffer Imprisonment without Bail, until he hath satisfied the Party at whose Charge he was set out.  
In this Act also its Felony (without Benefit of Clergy) for a Soldier retained to departed without Licence of his Commander; whereupon Justices of the Peace may proceed as in case of Felony.  
After these Strictnesses comes the Compassion and natural Equity in that Age, which was a considerable Sum in those days, for a maimed Soldier, upon a Certificate under the Hand and Seal of the Chief Commander, or the Captain under whom he served; to him that hath not born Offices not exceeding 10 l. To any Officer under a Lieutenant 15 l. To a Lieutenant 20 l.  
This Statute admits of many Particulars, as Wingate, in his Abridgement reviewed and revived by Washington, will demonstrate; from whom I have these Abstracts, and shall recite more; therefore I may be easily discovered upon Suspicion or Dislike. If I quote, I will as near as I can be true; where I do not quote, if I say that which is not allowed to be generally good, it's my Misfortune; for I intent every Particle for the best in the main; though most Actions and even a short Sentence may admit of various Constructions, and it's oft said that most things have two Handles; and if I am taken by the weakest, and must, like a crazy piece of Earthen Ware, fall to the ground and be dashed in pieces, I am the more Unfortunate; especially at this Season, when the Doctrine of Charity and Compassion for Misfortunes and Infirmities is the grand Admonition. But if I am the only Person , I hope in the Conclusion (after I have recited some more Statutes, and summed up the Heads of this Discourse in this Escrole) to say something for myself by way of Declaration, which may indicate my Desire for an Atonement.  
Stat. 4. & 5. Phil. & Mar. 3. If any one, who shall be commanded to muster by any authorised thereunto, doth absent himself (having no lawful Excuse) or at such Musters doth not bring with him his best Arms, he shall suffer ten days Imprisonment without Bail, to be imposed by the Persons so authorized, unless he agree to pay 40 l. as a Fine, to the use of the King and Queen, and the Heirs and Successors of the Queen: which Fine shall be estreated into the Exchequer by the said Persons so authorized under their Seals, within two Months after such Agreement, and afterwards levied as Fines assessed by Justices of Assize and Gaol delivery in their Circuits.  
This Statute must be concluded to extend to the Person himself, whom we will call a Finder; for it cannot be supposed that a Servant riding his Master's Horse, or an Hireling representing a Freeholder, is capable of Compounding for 40 l. There are several material Instances in this Act, which are to be viewed at leisure and at large, which neither Time nor Room will admit of now. Therefore I only recite these two Instances.  
First, Offences committed during the time of Service shall be heard and determined by the Chief Commander.  
Secondly, This Act shall not discharge Service of War incident to the Tenure of Land.  
This brings me to the Recital of Tenors heretofore, which have been these, Knights Service, Villeinage, Escuage, Wardship, and several others; which are described in several Volumes of Antiquity, which are an obsolete Reading though divertive, yet not to be brought within the compass of a Pamphlet or Vade mecum. But upon this occasion of comparing former Ages with the present they are really necessary; therefore I request here to recite their Efficacy.  
Knight's Service obliged to attend the King, when in Arms either at home or abroad. He that held Land in a whole Knight's Fee, was obliged to attend the King forty days, well and conveniently arrayed for the War. If he had two or three Knights Fees, his times were to be increased accordingly. If half a Knight's Fee, twenty days, etc. pro rata.  
Villeinage was upon the seeming present sort of Yeomanry, who were to take care of the Liege-Lords Lands in Demean, as we say; for Ploughing and all Husbandry, besides fetching his Coals, Materials for Buildings, or such Services he should be called to, which in short did not allow him any time for him to say he was Master of, especially during the War.  
Escuage seems to mitigate this Rigour; for Escuage according to my apprehension, was either to go in Person, as above, in Knight's Service, or Commute, as we say now, commonly Compound, by paying a Sum pro. rata, according as the Land he possesses, Knight's Fee 2,3, or half One.  
A Ward I shall not describe; because under Age, and not fit to march under Mars' Banner; yet the coercive Power to serve under Venus seemed a greater Grievance to the Subject; for under the one you could die but once, under the other you might live 60 Years in daily Torment, each minute worse than Death. For Marriage was ost-times directed, like or not like, as the Guardian thought fit. This last, or any of the former, when really considered, I stood amazed at the Health to old England, and the more now, because some Gentlemen I have met with lately, who I thought had read more than myself, have laughed at my Desires for a Definition of old England.  
If these Four Instances may be looked upon as Members of the Body Politic in former times, I desire to be pardoned if I say this Monarchical Power was as Despotical as any Monarchy in Christendom; it's confessed it did not extend to Life; but it had the Privilege of the first Night with the Bride, which yet in some places pays a Composition, and is called Gava.  
More Instances of this kind might be brought even from Magna Charta herself.  
31. If a Barony escheat to the King, the Tenants that hold of the same (not having other Lands that hold of the King in chief) shall pay like Relief, and do like Services to the King after such Escheat, as they did to their former Lords, etc.  
32. No Freeman shall give or sell so much of his Land, that of the residue the Lord of the Fee may not have Services due to him.  
It's confessed, several little Rents are remaining to keep in mind the Services the Generality of the People underwent formerly; which certainly are not to be wished for under the honourable and happy Character of old England has been under hard Services since Magna Charta (which was obtained by popular Sway,) what did she endure or undergo before Magna Charta gained? I would willingly join issue, and pledge their Health if they only recite the Honour and Courage of old England, which appeared, demonstrated, and effected their great Exploits by those Services; which do clearly evidence, that the Nobility and Gentry going personally into the Field, do defend and conquer with Honour and Advantage, like our present King, and like the ancient Romans, who, whilst they went in person, conquered for the most part: But when they had enlarged their dominions, and raised, as they thought, an immortal Terror, Honour, and Character, they became effeminate, and made use of mercenary Armies, and declined the Use of Arms themselves: So that in process of time, they waving the general Good, set up for deep Politicians, and by separate Insinuations, obtained Popularity, and so fell into domestic Quarrels, till there's nothing remaining more than some of their Statues, Medals, and Histories to demonstrate what they have been.  
I only hint at this Precedent with some of our own, to demonstrate the Advantages of Personal Appearance. It was by this means that the Scots were so oft repulsed when they made Incursions upon us; By these means Wales was brought to an entire Obedience and Union; By these means Ireland became tributary; By these means it was the English made In roads into France to such a degree, we claim it as our Conquest. And the Name of Talbot remains as a Terror: But we have lost that Power by a long series of Peace in Queen Elizabeth's days and King James'; for after she had happily defeated the Spanish Armado: she did, it's confessed, set up and went a great way in the Dominion of the Narrow Seas, and soon after rested herself contented with Familiarities and pretty Insinuations into her People: whose Steps King James I. followed, for he had such an Aversion to Gun powder he smelled it at a great Distance, and so being a Man of Literature he conversed with Scholasticks, and did go a great way towards arguing out Popery; which made the subtle Jesuit go another way to work, and dress himself in a Fanatical Disguise, under which it's doubted he still lurks amongst us; however it's sadly experienced that the Jesuit was the Bellows that blew up the late Civil War; and that although he could not insinuate himself into the majority of the Nobility and Gentry so as to alienate them from their Duty to their King; yet he knew what I have several times heard recited as the Original of an English Gentleman or two, That the only means to counter Honour is Zeal. And so we found that the Enthusiastic Head and hard Hand encouraging the unthinking Mobb at that time with Plunder and Sacrilege, brought us almost to Devastation; and yet I hear some admire the Man that had the Gathering of two or three easy Reigns, or Glean of that Confusion, as we naturally call Arbitrary Power. It's confessed those Times showed great Courage; Blood and Slaughter on both sides appeared as a Scene of Mirth to him that thought he had Success. But when we commend these Traditions or Historical Stories of Courage, we seem to resemble the Person that loves Honey, but does not consider the laborious Bee who goes abroad with a natural Inclination to gather Store against the Winter, at every Glimpse of Sun shine innocently moving not apprehensive of the Storm that is coming, which perhaps affrights her home before she has found out any thing to compensate her Pains, and so returns home empty of any Loading, only rejoicing she has saved her Life; and if when the best of Days happen to favour her, and she make quick Returns, unloading herself immediately as she gathers, yet we scarce think or know from what Briars, Brambles, Thorns and prickly Bushes she has obtained this we so much delight in, and so tyrannically, as I may call it, destroy this laborious Creature. This is a true Representation of our Government Power and its Effects till lately; it's since the Revolution that the English Subject was put into the most likely Enjoyment of what the Terrestrial Matters can afford, and these Halcyon days were secured us by the Stat. 12 Car. II. c. 24. All Tenors by Knight's Service in Capite, and Common Soccage, and the Fruits and Consequents thereof shall be taken away; and all Tenors turned into Free and Common Soccage; and all Conveyances and Devises since the 24th of February, 1645, shall be of such Effect, as if the Lands and Hereditaments had then been holden in Free Soccage only, and all Tenors to be created by the King shall be in Free Soccage only, and not in Capite.  
From hence it is we may say we were freed from the straight Reins and Spurs that hung up in the Hall of the Prerogative Palace, though they have not been effectually put on for some time; we having been by the Indulgence of the former Reigns, I now mentioned, grown rather like untameable Creatures than Colts, and found ourselves grown to full Strength; so that we would neither endure Bit nor Bridle, and the Spurs are of no use without Backing; so that in truth it was no great Difficulty to treat with the Crown to part with these Tackle; which (unless the Court of Wards) in my apprehension had not been made use of for many years; yet the Wisdom of the Nation did not like to see them hang in their Sight; and therefore were willing to come to a Compact. And the whole Nation having drank rather too much in the Rejoicing at the Restauration of him that had an Hereditary Right, and was affable in his Treat to a Bargain; and so, as I apprehend it, either by shortening the Measure, or smalling the Liquor, or taking away a little of the Brewer's immense Profit, we were eased of all these Encumbrances for Excise. The Militia being re-established and in some parts a little new modelled; which seemed very satisfactory and a good Security, till our Neighbours grew potent, and we considerable, having in the main recovered our intestine Ruins the Plague and Fire of London. And then Grumble began, Jealousies again increased, and then every individual Person began to arm again, and Politicians began to publish Reasons: and had not our Neighbour's Potency both by Sea and Land, given us Apprehensions of their Readiness to slip in amongst us; we looked very like the adventuring another Eruption, which Providence has mercifully prevented by his own scourging methods, which put us in thorough Fears, though in his mercy he hath stopped both the apparent Dangers, either of bringing in Popery or arbitrary Powar by Insinuations and Policies, or Popery and Devastation by a Potent Neighbour.  
For avoiding of which for the future is the main End of several Scribble and Discourses, and several serious Considerations of the wiser Heads. All which are or aught to be wished to be successful for finding out the best Expedients for our Preservation. For which I shall not adventure to say any more at present, though I have more Thoughts about the Militia and the Disciplined Army, in the Discourse of which I have said so much, I must decline any farther, without continuance of these or those of Annuities; and endeavour to offer two or three Apologies for composing or making my Peace for what I have said; though I hope it's no more than my common or standing Misfortune, rather than wilful Fault, for I am sure I do not do any thing spleenatickly nor out of Disgust. But my present State is much as my Case was in King Charles' Sickness, for obeying Commands and doing my Duty.  
The most dismal and melancholy Morning (with Showers and Floods of Tears) that ever I beheld in the Faces of all People, Nobility, Gentry and Commonalty, both in Court and City, (wherein I had my share, by hazard of Life and the little Fortune I had left) was when King Charles the Second fell into an Apoplectic Fit, which he never recovered: immediately upon his Fatal Silence I was commanded to double the Guards, and shut up (if it was possible) all the Avenues to the House; and personally attend at the Door (into the Fane Room) out of the great Anti-Room to the Bed Chamber; and admit no Persons, of any Degree or Quality whatsoever, to come in or to continue in that great Room, unless Privy Counselors. In observance of which I drew upon me the Odium of most of the Nobility, Quality, and Officers▪ so that I had Threats and Challenges innumerable: every individual Person, through his Affection and Interest, being as desirous as if his own Life was at the period; to know the King's Condition. After some distinct times Lords were allowed to be there, and then Lords Sons. But all the first day the Saw was drawn over me betwixt the Lord Chamberlain, Groom of the Stole and Lord of the Bed Chamber in Waiting, all of them, claiming the Jurisdiction of that Room, so that I was teazed within, and so threatened without, I concluded I must never appear in Public. My case may not be far differing now, without Providence favour me, and that your Lordships, the Army and the Generality of the Nation will believe that what I have adventured to say, and do in these Papers proceed from the dictates of my Daty and Conscience for the general good of the present and future Age and Ages, and not out of Pride or Fantastic conceit; and where I am erroneous I hope it will be gently passed over as the effect of ignorance and Melancholy; which I confess is sometimes near being my Master, particularly when I find my intentions for a general or particular good (for others as well as for myself;) are taken in another sense, and turned to my Inconveniency or Prejudice; therefore I crave your Lordships Pardon in general for the trouble that these Papers may have occasioned; promising that if I remain after this Sessions discountenanced both in the attempts for making the Militia more useful, and also the renewing and better settling the Annuities, I will never set my hand again to a Public Print as I do to this, rather by way of Declaration than Recantation of what I have unhappily published to my loss, and the dissatisfaction of a particular Lord; from whom I do hereby solemnly declare with Truth and Sincerity; that I have received more Favour and Kindness than any Man Living, both at Court and in his own House and Family; and that I think myself obliged to Serve him and them with the utmost of my Ability, and this is all I can say towards an Atonement for what is past; if it stands as a Fault Recorded, which can be no worse Charactered than the Latin affords,  

Nil habet infaelix Paupertas durius in se,  
Quam quod Ridiculos homines facit.   
My gross Presumption was Printing a Favour without Licence, for and with which I humbly offered a Reason and endeavoured an Apology, so that I can say no more till I hear what Submission is made for Printing Letters of those of the Highest Quality, and Exposing them to public Sale, which I have by me and by Purchase, which with Submission, though they tend to the same purpose, are not more Emphatical or Essicacious, and why he shall rest unrecriminated that exposes Quality to public Sale, and I generally blamed for communication to the Pares of the Original Author, is, I yet hope not so much a Fault as Misfortune, being sincerely intended as a step rather towards corroboration of Honour than disturbance or any inconveniency; if these approaches can not prevail for a Pardon, I must farther follow the advice I long since learned,  Dum Furor in cursu est, currenti cede furori. 
Humbly assuring your Lordships, that for the future I shall be very Cautious of presuming to discourse, either of, or with Honour, or Honours; but rather observe the Scripture instructions, When thou comest to a Rich Man's Table put thy Knife to thy Throat, i. e. converse with none but thy equals.  
And this Causes me to look back into this Paper to review and consider whether I have not presumed, in saying the Nobility of England never put themselves into Arms with more Willingness and Readiness than they did at King James' Access to the Crown. Now finding it so nice and Difficult a Point to mention Honour; I must enlarge by observing also, That when the Protestant Nobility understood the Dispensing Power was putting in practice, for relaxing or setting aside those Laws which had been many years and several Reigns in making for defence of the Protestant Religion we now pretend to; and that all Eneavours possible were in agitation for introducing the Popish Persuasion: the Protestant Nobility and Gentry quitted their Posts in the Army, and other Employments and Trusts as fast as any sober People in the World ever did: for although they have a great regard to Monarchy, yet they will not so much indulge it as arbitrariously to disannul those Laws by which we enjoy (as happily as any People in the World) our Religion and Property, which God continue long: For I am near an assurance it is not in the power of Foreigners to give us any great Disturbance, so long as we continue the present appearing mutual Affection, and interchangeable Addresses and Answers as have passed betwixt the King, Lords and Commons, this present Parliament; who, if they continue like the Sheaf of Arrows, are not to be broken: but should they unhappily separate, than our Neighbour (by the Instigation of the lurking Jesuit) may break or snap us in piece, like dry Reeds and Tobacco-pipes.  
I must request leave for two or three Lines towards explaining myself, for keeping my peace with the Soldiery, who I hope will allow me to explain myself thus, That I think it absolutely neceslary they should continue in the Station they seem settled for this year, and also filled up to a complete number equal to their Officers, if occasion requires; or a greater Number upon emergent Necessity, such as has been discoursed of the French Landing. For the Militia must be dwindled below Effeminacy, and become as inconsiderable as a cast Mistress, not having been looked upon these seven years last passed; she has been mentioned, and so far enacted several years as to be in readiness, not with Arms and Ammunition, but with a Months Pay in their Pockets.  
If this be all the Improvement that can be made of her, it's time to lay her aside absolutely, and enlarge and encourage those Military Powers, who have put a stop to all designed Insults over us, either by French Power or Popish Designs; and, I doubt not, are of Courage, Disposition and Affection to preserve the present King, with the Religion and Property of all his Dominions, both from Foreign Powers and Domestic Enemies.  
This I say because I in part know, and am apt to believe more than I know, that many of Quality, great and good Estates, have ventured Lives and Fortunes, rather for preservation of the Constitution, and those Laws that preserve cur Religion and Property, than obtaining Self interest. It's apparent few have gained Advantage by these Wars; and it's now as clear to the World by the general Peace, that the major part of the Confederacy entered into and maintained the War the best they could, rather upon the Consideration of Property than Religion.  
For we hear very little of any Article in the Peace concerning Religion, unless some mention of the Vaudois. But many in this Island have ventured their Persons, and all of us our Money very freely, by Sea and Land, and the main of the Argument has been the Defence of Religion. For which I have heard several Officers declare themselves such Champions, that if the King shall think there is any Danger, they are ready to obey his Commands; yet if the Wisdom of the Nation think it secure, they are willing to turn their Swords into Ploughshares. These Dispositions are to be esteemed and admired, and deserve Encouragement by Honours and Rewards. It's much to be lamented Conquering time should deprive the World of such Men who have charged, and, as it were, bid Defiance to Death by their hazardous and fatiguing Voyages and Marches by Sea and Land, not regarding their own Safety in Sieges and Battles, whilst the Honour and Preservation of their own Country, with the Good and Safety of their Neighbours and Confederates, were in their thoughts: these Men are immortal, whose Fame may last long after they have yielded their Courageous Heads to the Summons of pale Death upon a soft Pillow. For it's doubtful whether they will be succeeded with the like Principles after a long Peace. It is natural for courageous Men to love each other for ever after they have passed through Difficulties and Dangers, especially Officers and Soldiers their Commanders and General; and more particularly after so long Experience and Acquaintance for above seven years; in all which time we have not heard of a Mutiny or Desertion in the Army; which is a clear demonstration of Affection to their General, whose prudent Care and great Example, in Religion and Morals as well as Military Courage and Experience, without all doubt will keep the Army steady to him, though he should outlive most or all of his Veterane Soldiers.  
The Inconvenience or Danger of a Standing Army in this Island, will be at the change of the Persons at the Helm of the Government; for though we have all the Assurances Man can wish for, that this King, who has preserved our Constitution from dangerous Attempts; and, it's not to be feared, will all his time establish or amend our Laws. But the Doubt or Fear is, whether his Successor or Successors, having a mercenary Army at their Command, may not alter the Constitution to their own Humour: or in case of a Minor, or weak King or Queen, unexperienced in Arms: or in case of Want of Pay for the Army, may not the Army carve for themselves, and set up whom they please: or in case of Competition, it's natural for them to adhere to those who will pay them best and gratify their Humours; several Instances we have of this kind in History. The Roman Histories afford innumerable Instances of their Potentates and Generals coming to untimely Ends, by the Revolts Mutinies and Bribings of mercenary Men, when they had declined employing their Arms abroad, and fell into Animosities and Contentions among themselves, which has been more fatal to England than Foreign Enemies; nor did ever any Foreigner come here without Invitation: And as for our Animosities, those in the year 1641, were the Original of my Ruin.  
Therefore, though a Militia may not be so proper and effectual to make Inroads into Foreign Countries as a constant disciplined Army, and though they may be looked upon as Raw and Undisciplined, and Cowardice may be imputed to them; compared to those whose Fortune and Business it is to be always in Agitation and Management, like a Trade; yet it's undeniable both the Constitution, the Government and Governors, and every individual Man's Property is best secured by his own Eye and Actions, having his Estate and Family at the stake and in as much danger as his Person.  
These Considerations will unquestionably put every individual Man of Estate and Family upon ready and hearty Endeavours for making the Militia more useful, according to the Methods the Parliament shall think proper.  
This was my weak Opinion in King James' Parliament, when I was in the Army, and as near a Soldier of Fortune as any body, for that Pay was my chief Subsistance; and it's these principles and Duty for the good of Friends and Relations, and the Preservation of the Constitution, and also for an essential Good and Security to the Nobility and Gentry and others that have Opulency and a visible Posterity, which may put every one upon rational Means and Methods for securing themselves to future Generations, rather than any Ends of my own: for I am as free and fit as any Man to repeat the Old Saying, Nec habeo, nec careo, nec curo. For my Time is so far spent in this World, the Appetites for it are near wearing out, and the Estate near being crumbled to pieces by long and various Turmoils; nor have I Posterity to take care for, if my Family or Estate were material, all which being decayed rather through Duty and Principles in my Father than prodigality; therefore I may more plainly express what I hope may be for the Safety and Joy of future Times and Generations; Which that your Lordships and your Posterity may enjoy, are the hearty Wishes of  
Your Lordship's most Humble Servant at Command, THO. ORME,  
FINIS.