The PRICE of the ABDICATION.  
THAT the candid Reader may not stumble at the Threshold, I judge it necessary to advertise him, That by Abdication I understand not the King's voluntary Resigning his Crowns: But, as in Fact it was, the Conventions declaring the Throne vacant, and electing a New King.  
Before this, these Kingdoms enjoyed the Blessings of Peace and Plenty, the Confluence of an immense Wealth, by an uninterrupted Trade, and the entire Fruition of the product of their Lands, and Industry without any Diminution by Aids, Taxes, or Polls, for the space of Eight or Nine years together.  
Not only the utter Deprivation of the Subjects, of all Ranks, of these Benefits, may be the first instances of the Price of the Abdication; but the innumerable National and Personal Losses, and Damages which may be piled in the Scale, have increased the Items to a prodigious Charge.  
The very Source of all which our fatal Ruins was the Expulsion of the King, whose study and desire was to have preserved his People in Peace, and Freedom of traffic( as Mr. Pepys has demonstrated beyond all Cavil) during the Confederates War; which, to this day, by an infinite increase of Riches, these Kingdoms might have enjoyed, as well as Portugal, the States of Venice and Genoa, the Duke of Tuscany, and the two Northern Crowns; if the Dutch Ambition, Circumvention, and Craft, and English Treachery, and Covetousness, had not prevented it.  
To insert, by Detail, the Advantages wc have lost by want of the Neutrality, and the damages we have sustained by being engaged in the War, scarce f●lls within Computation. It may suffice in a Ruin so Diffusive and Epidemical, to suggest some general Heads, proportioned to the Design of an Abstract; leaving all who have any Sense of their Countrys good, or evil, to enlarge their Reflections.  
The Spaniards have a wise Proverb, That Evil comes well, which comes alone. The mischievous Abdication, reached not only the King's Royal Person, but, at one Stroke, canceled all the ancient Fundamental Laws of the Constitution of the English Monarchy. As my Lord Nottingham himself declared in his Speech at the Convention, even but two hours before the Vote for the Abdication and Vacancy was carried but by two Voices in the Lords House: He then asserted, That if they owned there was an Abdication, and that the Throne was declared Vacant, that it followed inevitably, That the ancient Government was dissolved, and that their Lordships were no more Peers; but might be justly ranck'd among the Plebeians. The Consequences whereof remotest Posterity may bewail as the very Sapping our Mounds and Banks; which should fence the Throne against the frequent Inundations of Rebellion and Usurpation, unless the Example of the dismal Mischiefs this hath, and will further bring upon the Kingdom, makes them Wiser and more Cautious than we have been; who, many of us, have seen and felt the miserable, calamitous Condition of all Degrees of Men, during the Rule of the Long Parliament, their General, or his Bashaws.  
How Tyranically they executed their New Ordinances, put strained Glosses on the Old Laws, filled their High Courts of Justice with Executioners of their illegal Commands, fleeced the People by Assessments and Loans, and, after successses had hardened them in Mischief, and Money from the Body of the People did not satisfy their greedy Worm, they sold the Crown, Bishops, Dean and Chapters Lands, and those they styled Delinquents Estates; and lastly, after their Pardon and Quietus est to Compounders; Oliver found a new way of Decimation, to m●ke all who had 100 l. a year, and had Compounded, to pay an Annual Tenth.  
None who lived in that Age can forget these things, or the Regal and Loyal Blood was spilled by their Civil or Marshal Courts. And our Posterity when they peruse the Records of our trials or Judgments, not only in Criminal, but Civil Matters, where those they style Jacobites are concerned, the illegal Imprisonments, sentemcing to Death, Fining, Pillorying, making them pay double Taxes, and Penalties upon refusing the Oaths, &c. will not find much difference betwixt the former and later Proceedings, or rather tyranny.  
The Penalties on the Clergy for not taking the New Oaths are parallel with the old Sequestration, only but so much the worse, as that no Fifth Parts are allowed to their Wives and Children. Though the Convention allowed to Twelve, some share of their just Revenue; but the Dutch Statholder was not so Merciful as to pay one Farthing of that designed Kindness. And the insatiable thirst for Money, now that the Country is so exhausted, puts the Commons upon Sale of Forfeited Estates, and without peradventure when our Fund fails, Church Lands may be in danger, and they as well as Orphans Estates( a Project lately set on foot) may be brought into the Exchequer, and the Clergy have Stipends only, as at this day is practised in Holland and Scotland.  
But a yet dearer Rate hath been paid for the Abdication, even the hazard, without sincere Repentance, of the Damnation of the Souls of the much greatest part of the Clergy: If wilful, or imposed Perjury, be in the Class of Mortal Sins. Those all had taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to their Lawful King, enjoined and established by Act of Parliament.  
And that the good Will of the Government might not be wanting to involve the whole Laity in the like Guilt, they also are enjoined under severe Penalties to take the new Oaths; which Act had a double Edge, not only to enforce the Compliers into a Combination to support the Governing Power; but likewise to exclude from Places of Honour and Profit all such as Conscientiously refused to take such Oaths, That they might be supplied by their own Creatures.  
Hence it is we hear so many repined that the Clergy so generally took the Oaths, whereby the Opportunity was lost of filling their Cures with Dissenters. But they hope, e're long, they shall compass an Oath of Abjuration, which, they assure themselves, will not only change the Majority of Gowns for Cloaks, but purge many out of Civil and Military Places, and so make room for new Legions.  
Such Supplanting one another is a certain Concomitant of all Revolutions of this Nature, in which none can have any Security of his durable Station, but such who equal the glibbest Fane that will Vere with the smallest Breez. For Ambition, Covetousness, Treachery and Revenge, being the constituent Qualifications of all Men who cooperate in Revolutions of this kind; it is not to be expected they will alter their Natures.  
And hence it is that neither Ministers of State, Officers in profitable Posts, Generals, or Admirals, must ever expect a Freehold in their Places or Employments under such like Governments, which, together with the great Arbitrariness or Corruptions those discover when they have got Power, are the natural and genuine Causes why few Usurped Governments are long lived.  
But some may look upon the Alterations of Laws, and the Affrights of Damnation, as Matters of no great Moment; since, as to the first, they believe all People ought to submit to such Laws as tho●● make, who have Power to compel: And to the second Sort, they screen themselves under the aweful Force of the Imposers, and the hard State either to venture Damnation future, or present Starving: And most have the Faculty to put furthest off the Evil-day, and are prove to say( whatever their reluctating Consciences suggests) That it is better to hope for God's mercy to their Souls, than to trust rapacious Men with their Estates.  
But it will puzzle a profound Casuist to resolve what Plea can be made at the Supreme Tribunal, for those who h●d Lands, or Money competent for a Ten years subsistence, for them and their Families; and so were not necessited to perjure themselves for Bread.  
I shall leave these therefore to their own Defences, and come to that, the Loss of which Mankind most concernedly bewail, and that is the Price of the Abdication in Pecuniis Numeratis.  
If we peruse our Annals, Parliament Rolls, or Records of the Exchequer, we shall scarce find any Three or Four of our Kings since Henry the Fourth, nor all the Kings preceding him to the Conquest, exclusive, have in their respective Reigns had so much given by Parliaments, as hath been given in these Five last years; especially if we add the Standing Revenue, which Communibus Annis used to be Two millions, as most Men have computed. And I have reason to believe, That if all the Losses the Subjects have sustained in the same Compass of years by this War; solely occasioned by the Abdication, could be computed, it would surmount what this Kingdom hath suffered by open War in Two hundred years.  
It is well known that Qu. Elizabeth maintained a War near upon Thirty four years against the Crown of Spain, then as much feared and envied as France is now, and during that War expended great Sums in supporting her Interest in Scotland; By her Money, to the Value of 800000 l. the Assistance of her marshal Men, and Shipping, she gave the chiefest Maintenance, if not the Foundation and Being, to the United Provinces. She plentifully supplied the Duke of Anjou, the Princes of the Blood of France, and more especially King Henry the Fourth. She maintained a long and chargeable War in Ireland, was at great Charge in providing against the Spanish Invasion: Yet, for the support of all these, she had not in her whole Reign of Forty five years as much as has been drained from the Subjects in some one of our late years; and was so tender of oppressing her Subjects, that she remitted one Subsidy, if not more, and paid duly what she borrowed on Privy Seals.  
We might have made an Early Estimate what the Price of the Abdication was like to amount to, by the earnest Penny given to the Dutch of 600000 l. more by 400000 l. than they spent in the Expedition, and more by 500000 l. than the Ransom of our famous King Richard the First, cost. Yet, I believe, it is now obvious to all, that if the Interest of the States General, to hook us into the support of them, and their War, and depriving us thereby of Trade, and the gaining of our Men, money, Ships, and Ammunition, had not been a more prevailing Cause, than the pretended preserving us from Popery and Slavery, we might still have enjoyed our King▪ and our money.  
Had some unm●rciful Leeches contented themselves with exhausting our vital Blood[ money] in the space of one Annual course of the Sun, we might have born it with less Regret, as we do the Excesses of Scorching wet, or Tempestuous years. But we have seen a five years Successive, and Annual increase of our Taxes and Polls, and no prospect of Abatement, so long as the Government is able to squeeze, or our Veins run, and not one Successful Exploit, much less Campaign, to encourage us to part with our Coin without reluctance.  
Those who pretend nicely to calculate the money paid by the Country( for some thousands go to Assessors, Collectors and Officers of the Exchequer more than is accounted for as clear incomes) together with the standing Revenue, find it, including this year, to amount to 32 Millions. Besides the vast Arrearages of Debts. So much the Price of the Abdication hath cost in Specie. But if we Tack to these the Prodigious Sums the Kingdom hath lost, not only by the obstruction of Trade, by which singly many thousands of Families have been ruined, but by the Ships, and their Cargoes taken by the French, or lost by shipwreck, being compelled to steer dangerous Seas for avoiding Enemies. It will be found to fall little short of what hath been given in some numbers of these chargeable years.  
So that our Posterity will be as much astonished how the Subjects were able to pay such infinite Sums, as that ever an House of Commons should be so extravagantly Prodigal in granting them, and will set an Eternal Brand of Infamy upon those Members( already in good measure discovered) who to obtain Offices, Profitable Places, or Quarterly Stipends have Combined, not only to vote whatever hath been demanded, but, that they may be thought worthy of their Wages, in some things Exceeded the Expectation of the Government.  
I will not presume to calculate what hath been distributed to these Pensioners since the Revolution, though some reckon it at a Million. And there are who can tell that mine Heer B— thing and Guy of Heddon are Captains of the Band, and when 150000 l. was lodg●d for such secret Service, and since their stipends out of the Treasury hath di●covered several of them. 20000 Guineas at a time out of the Privy Purse is entrusted with my Lord B— thing the Dutch Almoner to be distributed according to order. So much more are these stipendiaries preferred before the Soldiers who adventure their Lives for the Government, and yet are some Months in Arrears for subsistence, none being caressed but such as study and labour to augment the Exchequer.  
It is remarkable that such as have been hitherto detected, have had no other Plea besides their Merits in promoting the Abdication. One of which rather than he would quit that topic, cast a very undecent Reflection upon the P. of O. his first Declaration, wherein his Highness was careful to avoid all Expressions, as if he had the least design upon the Crown. And yet this Doughty Knight affirmed that at Exeter, in recompense of his Service in going to fetch, and accompany the Prince hither, to the hazard of his Life and Fortune, he had promised him the Weeding, that is the Underwood of the forest of Dean. However, it seems the Prince( who is not very liberal in Rewards for Services, how considerable soever, as my Lord Churchil, Admiral Herbert and others can witness) finding it of 200000 l. value, gave him 7000 l. I pass by the remainder, and the Lord who got only a Reprimand, for endeavouring to stifle the witness of his receiving 40000 l. because they are so notoriously known. And it is hoped Mr. Squib, and others, will detect more, that Lists of them may be sent into every Parish of England as a fit Mark of Infamy upon such Betrayers of their Trust.  
This sort of Claim of Merit, not only opens a wide Gap to let in swarms of other Pretenders, but manifestly shows that the Price of the Abdication is never to be discharged, while such Jackalls are able to find Prey for the belgic Lion, or till the People( when they are made sensible of such Combination) shall take some effectual Course to secure their Purses, which they ought more to endeavour than against Highway-Men, and their underhand Setters, who fleece not whole Countrys and Kingdoms, as these pensioners do. Surely we ought to learn something from Camels and Dromedaries, Beasts of burden; who couch down to take up their Load, but when they find it more than they are able to bear, either refuse to rise, or else cast their Load. I leave the Application; though I know it will not be made by such as design to Loaden us till our backs are broken, and that by a seeming Contradiction, of laying the heaviest burden upon us, by taking all we have from us.  
Neither is this profuse giving of money all their Talent. But more mischieveously they contribute to the ruin of their Country, by obstructing or rejecting all Bills for public Good. It can never be expected that any Bill for dissolving this, or the frequent meeting of Parliament, shall pass while the House is so Pentioned and Officer'd. They know their present incomes, and if the House should be broken up, they might hap to be Excluded the next. So that till they be purged out, it will be in vain for any good Patriot to attempt such a Bill again. Which ought to excite all true Lovers of their Native Country, both within, and without Doors, to use their utmost endeavours to Trap such vermin.  
Our old Parliaments used to be very jealous of a standing Army, but such an Officer'd House of Commons, will constantly increase it, and make the Country pay them; and seeing that the Government pay them so ill in the Camp, and thereby they run so much in Debt, that they are not secure from Arrests in the Head of their Troops, I wonder not that cuts, Matthews, and other Men of the Blade, take such pains to get Sanctuary in the House, and when once they grow so numerous, as to be able to carry a Vote, it's not to be doubted but they will endeavour to make their Camp and Quarters Sanctuaries also, and then we shall be Governed by Marshal and Military Laws of their Fraiming for the Interest of the Mamalukcs.  
Neither is this to be looked upon as an ungrounded jealousy. If we reflect upon the many offers made towards it. What otherwise hath been the meaning of the denial of the Bill for frequent Parliaments the last Session, and the Industry used this Session to render it Abortive. It's true the great outcry of the Country, that the defeating of the Bill this Session, was to be ascribed to the Influence of Pensions; caused such as wanted the Courage to own it barefacedly, to struggle less against that Touching Free and Impartial Proceedings in Parliament. But the denying the Royal Assent, clearly proves which Party in the House is more valued and esteemed, and not only praecludes all means of vindicating the Honour of the House of Commons from the odious Names of pensioners, but heightens the Suspicion that such are preferred before the Innocent and Uncorrupted. Who ought not to forget what was said to P. Lewis of Baden by— That he believed he had angered the Gentlemen of the Commons House, as if he Gloried in the Exploit, yet he knew how to please ' em. He knew the Aurum Potabile which would do it.  
What can the Country Judge now of the Freedom of future Parliaments? The direct Opposite to Freedom, is Bondage and Slavery. If our Parliaments be denied the privilege of Free and Impartial Debates, there can be small hopes that the Country, after all the Preceding Impoverishments, shall not be reduced to Absolute Slavery; when the Law makers shall be at the entire disposal of a Junto of Council; or a single direction of a Pension-Pay-Master, or be Governed by Dutch Deputies.  
We must now expect no more burning of Pastoral Letters, or Titles of Conquest. Those who from a public spiritedness would labour to have Grievances Redressed must have patience to another Reign, since at the price of all the Millions and myriad given, they have not been able to obtain one single Law of public Benefit, abstracted from such as were not Enacted directly for the support of the Government.  
In fine, if this way of Proceeding be not redressed, our Parliaments will signify no more than those of Paris; and be of no other use but to Register Edicts of the sovereigns, and impose the Taxes on the People. But I leave the further Prosecuting of this Matter to the Wisdom of the sincere Patriots of their Country, who are not to be Tempted with the Golden bait.  
If we cast our Eyes abroad, we shall find Locusts to devour what these Palmer-worms and Caterpillars leave. Nay, we are so kind as to sand more than we can spare to feed these Free-booters. From Piedmont to the Swiss Cantons, all North the Rhine to the German Ocean, along the Mosell, the Maize, and the Scheld, our Silver in Specie hath been Transported. Though the Mines of Potora would not satisfy the Cormorants of those spacious Provinces. Yet least they should unlink the Chain of the Confederacy, we are forced to fasten it with our Ingots; and least we should not extend it to Vienna, a great General is sent to importune it. Thus our once Fortunate iceland is made a prey not only to 80000 Blew Coats at home, but to the Eagle and Eaglets, the Batavian lion and his Whelps abroad, while we have nothing but the Feather in our Cap, that such Princes and States are not only indebted to England for the Assistance of our Auxiliary Troops, and Fleets; but of our Exchequer also.  
But to return to our own Country, let us take a view of the miseries the Subjects since the Abdication have endured.  
We have scarcely had one Gazette these Three Months, in which the scarcity of Bread and the apprehension of Famine in France hath not been aggravated; while it is certainly known, that at Paris it is cheaper than in London, and yet we find no such provident care as the French King takes to have it sold at cheaper Rates, by encouraging Importation from Ireland, where Wheat is now sold for 2 s. a Bushel, which here is 10 or 12 s. And when Swedes, Danes, and Hamburghers, bring Corn, in hopes of a good Market, we publish them Seized as prise being designed for France. They tell us a wild Story of the Troops drawn from Piedmont into Dauphine to prevent the Insurrections of the People for want of Bread, as if the Quartering of such numerous Troops were like to increase that Grain, or that the French King should bring his Troops into barren Provinces; which were the ready way to make them join in the Insurrection. But we never touch upon the actual Insurrections at Worcester, gloucester, Hereford, Stafford, Salop, Northampton, Sudbury, and Colchester, and other Places, to prevent the buying up their Corn to be transported to France, as some maliciously gave out, when it is well known it was for Holland. But the Charity of the new Bishop of E— y's Wife is remarkable; who, when a Lady was condoling the Condition of the Poor here, by reason of the dearness of Bread, and all Eatables, replied, But God be thanked there is a greater Scarcity in France.  
It were an easy matter to draw up a Book of the excessive Rates of all things for the Belly and Back, which now are paid, in proportion to what they were before the Abdication, because they are daily Experienced by every House-keeper, to the necessary pinching of themselves and their Families. That Loaf of Wheat Bread which was then sold for 3 d. ob. is now 9 d. ob. and so proportionable, or at least double in other Food. That Silk which was sold then by Retail at 13 s. the Pound, now at 30 s. The Muslens, and all East India Commodities, three times the Price.  
You can scarce pass one Street of Ten, in this Populous City, where you shall not hear the Shop-keepers avouch, That where they take 1 s. now, they used to take 20 s. before the Abdication. Yea, I am very certainly informed that several tradesman who against Christmas used to return in their Trade 100 l. a Week, this Christmas received not so much as would pay their Quarterly Tax. Several of the best customed Inns in the Town do avow, That their Cellars are fallen 3 or 4 l. in a Week, short of their usual vend. He must be a great Stranger in the City who hears not every Week, or almost Day, of some substantial or other inferior honest Tradesman being blown up, or delivering themselves into the King's Bench or Fleet, taking Sanctuary or Absconding.  
Neither is the Condition of the Country any better. Upon the Road, and every bating Place, you hear the Complaints of the Inholders, that they take not the Twentieth Penny they formerly did. And in most Corporations, and Market Towns, there are scarce Three or Four public Inns where there used to be Ten or Twelve. The Shop-keepers scarce take as much in a Week as will pinchingly keep their Families; and a quarterly Tax is more difficult for them to provide, than formerly their Rents.  
It would pity any ones Heart to see upon this last quarterly Tax what straits the poorer Sort have been reduced to, for the discharge of it. Some having their Bedding or other movables distrained; others, to avoid the Charge of the Distress, bringing their pewter or Brass, all which were sold in open Streets for half or under Rates; and this not in some few Places, but in Multitudes over the Counties of England.  
In the Country it is every days Discourse of some or other quitting their Farms, and betaking them to smaller Ones, unless their Landlords settle their Rents, and give them respite for them; and many of them have run so much in Arrears in these late years, that their Landlords would be well content to quit them for a Moiety in hand. So that by Consequence the Nobility and Gentry find a great Diminution of their usual incomes by the impoverishing of their Tenants, which is solely to be ascribed to the want of Trade, and vend of our Manufactures, by which many Thousands of Families subsisted.  
So that those who have kept their Half-score of Cows, a Team of Horses or Oxen, and Hundreds of Sheep, are forced to take up with a Cow, and little Parcels of Ground; and such as have been able to maintain their Families with good Beef, Mutton and Pork, are forced to live on Roots, and Offals of Meat, and eat Barley, turnip, and Pease Bread, and their Beverage be Water or Small drink: Cheese, Milk and Butter, and course Rye, Barley, or Pease Puddings, are reserved for Festival Days. It is too well known in this great City how many there are who formerly lived in Fashion and Credit, who are now forced themselves, or by substituting their Wives or Children, either privately to beg Alms in a more gentle way, or in the Streets in a low Tone with moving importunity, to lay open their Condition to such as they judge have the Countenances of Compassion; while others imprison themselves in their poor Lodgings to feed on the Scraps the common Beggars furnish them with.  
There are some indeed who not having been bread to Callings or Labour, or having been well descended of creditable Persons, have taken a worse Course of the High Pad, who being apprehended are sure to find no Mercy, because they have a general Character of Jacobites, and on that Account are sure of a Furlo or passport to the other World.  
But to pass these as Criminals, whose Punishment carries a Face of Justice; there are others who are called State Criminals, and who may justly be added to the Rolls of the impoverished or ruined by the Abdication, not only by their chargeable Imprisonments, whereby they and their Friends suffer: Some being detained Six months or more, and then nothing being proved against them forced to give in Bail; or if any colour of a Crime appear, then be detained till an unmerciful Fine be paid. So that by one Method or other, very few can escape Beggary or Undoing.  
But over and above the forementioned Impoverishments of the Country, there is another Oppression from the Souldiers, which hath and doth fall heavy on particular Persons. Some while, contrary to Law, they were Quartered in private Houses, and paid nothing, and in their Marches left the Townships to defray the Charges of their Carriages and Horses. Now they are Quartered in public Houses where they have for 4d. Fire, Candle, Lodging, and Two or Three Meals a day, for every private sentinel. So that the Host looseth sixpence a day generally by them, and are seldom paid but by Bills from their Officers, especially when their Subsistence Money is in Arrear. And the Proclamation for Redress is clogged with so many chargeable Attendances, even at last to apply to the Treasurer at London, that most choose to lose all rather than complain. Though the Souldiers are sure to have it deducted out of their pay, as in the Case of their Free-quarter in Ireland was notorious, though the Country never was paid. Into what By-Pocket this Money goes is worth a Parliamentary Enquiry; to establish more punctual Payment to those People who are the numerous Tenants to the Excise Revenue, and ought not to have this Additional Oppression.  
I pass their Insolences in their Quarters, their Robbing and Pilfering, and the Arbitrary and Illegal trapanning of Men for Recruits, or pressing for Sea-men: The relating of whose Practices, if People made their several Grievances known, could not be contained in Quires of Paper.  
At this rate we have purchased the Jewel of Abdication by selling, or having ravaged from us, all that we are worth to obtain it. Which may very well be judged by the Difficulties the House of Commons find( the Majority of which have given full Proof of their Willingness to have ample Supplies provided) in quest of the Ways and Means to procure such. By which it is evident that we are come to scraping of the Ark, and that we shall have all our Projects for raising Money exhausted this year. Since some, who have made the nicest Computation, judge that there is not much above Six Millions of Money now in Specie in the Nation; of which Two Thirds have undergone the Dutch Circumcision. So that if any be sent out in Specie the next year to the Confederates, we shall have a pitiful Pittance left.  
Let us now quit the City and the Country, and take a tower to the Camps, garrisons, and Barracks of the soldiery, and there we shall find what an Ocean of Blood, as well as Treasure, it hath cost to support this precious Abdication.  
The Numbers of Men( most Protestants I presume) who dyed the first Expedition into Ireland in Monsieur Schombergh's Camp at Dundalk, at London-derry, and the North of Ireland by the Plague, together with the English Slain in Skirmishes, at the Boyne, where Scombergh fell, as his Son got his Deaths Wound at Marsiglie in Piedmont, and those lost before Limerick, are computed at 60000 Men. And of the King's Army in the several Battles, rencounters, Sieges, together with those knocked on the Head, or shot in could Blood, under the Notion of Rapparees, and Famished to death, or Transported, are thought to exceed that Number. The whole Kingdom also, before the War, as plentiful as any Kingdom in the North of its Bigness, was in Three years reduced to a Famine of all Things, if England and Scotland had not supplied them. So that the Woods and Mountains were strewed with Famished Carcases. I might add the cruel Proceedings against the miserable Irish, even after the Reduction of the Country, by Free-quarter, Plunder, Imprisoning by 500 at a time, among which decripit old Women 100 years old, in a barren iceland near Dublin, where no three grew, and scarce a Tussock of Grass in 20 yards, where the Sands or Rocky Ground was their Bed, and their own Rags all the Covering they had, and their Food was only sour Milk and Bread, to use the Expression of the Eye-witness Relator, as course as if made of Bran and Grains.  
What a Price Scotland hath paid for the Abdication, by the Extirpation of Episcopal Government. As to the cruel Usage of the Regular Clergy, the Plundering, Rapine, and Burning whole Towns during the Hostility, the barbarous murder of the Clan of Glenco after the Highlanders submission, the Imprisonments, Booting, Fining, and Forefaulting, I must refer the Inquisitive to the several Treatises published on those Subjects. It being judged that since the Revolution, that Kingdom hath lost, of those slain in Battle in their own Kingdom, and in Flanders, above 40000 stout Men. And as to the Support and Entailing an Expensive War upon them, they enjoy the Privileges of the Abdication in common with England and Ireland.  
Let us now take a View of those Troops who have the most strenuously maintained this Abdication, and we shall find, that though all the Taxes and Impositions which have been extorted from the Country, have been for the Support of these, yet they have likewise had no cheap Bargain.  
If from the Relations of such who have returned yearly from Flanders, and our Navy, or by the Annual Recruits sent to both, we may calculate the Loss of our British Soldiers there, no less than 70 or 80000 have perished by the Edge of the Sword, or Diseases. And the new Troops voted to be raised, if it can be accomplished, will be in a very fair way to see the greater half of their Number dead in Ditches and Highways, if they escape in Battle; unless their Officers have more care of them than those who hitherto have had the Conduct of our Country-men.  
It were indeed some Encouragement for those who, of choice or necessity, follow the Trade of War, if their Generals took care to provide Necessaries of all kinds, and a constant Pay, which is their Goddess, and casts the Scale with them, as to the Justness of the Quarrel. But ours have been so inhumanly neglected in this particular, as if they were English Dogs( as the very Allies usually style them) rather than Men of Valour, or worthy of Regard.  
It is too notoriously known( though our Liberal Parliaments have given to the full whatever hath been demanded) that our Troops have been sometimes whole years uncleared; and some are so since their first Mustering, only they have some scattered Moneths subsistence Money; by which, and spunging at their Quarters, they keep Life and Soul together. And if one may believe the Officers come from Flanders, or residing here, the most of the Soldiers are 12 or 13 Weeks in Arrears for very subsistence, where their Officers are not in Cash to advance something, or gain them Credit in their Quarter, till the Pay-day; while the Dutch and Foreigners, in the same Service, are punctually paid.  
As to the Officers who have served in Flanders, they unanimously relate, That out of every 20 s. they receive for themselves, 4 or 5 is deducted for Advance, Agent-money, Return of the Money by Dutch Exchange, Portage, &c. even though it be sent hence in Specie. And no doubt but Subalterns and private sentinels share in this Deduction. So that the Commons must either take some care to prevent such Abuses, and make strict Enquiry who have the Benefit of such Defalcations, or provide an Allowance for high running Dutch Exchange; unless they judge it only their Province to Give, Give, and never inquire into the Disposal.  
But to add to the Discouragement of our Troops, not only the Flemings and catholic Confederates, but the Dutch themselves, openly express a Contempt of our Nation; and study all manner of ways to impose upon the Souldiers, by enhancing the rate of whatever they need for Victuals or Necessaries, nor will deliver them any thing without ready and broad Money, though they oblige them to receive what the Dutch have Circumcised, which they publicly do in their Shops, and from thence sand it hither again; while we are as busy to Execute such as have learnt the Trade of them. I pass by other Aggravations, and come to more important Matters.  
There appears not any likelihood that the Soldiers can be better provided for in future, since the best paid of them want 11 Weeks subsistence; and it is certainly known, that there is besides this,( which will be 225000 l.) 4 Millions owing, and of all the Money voted, 500000 l. is all can be provided in Three months: So that the Creditors, or Soldiers, or both, are like to get a small Share; since it is demonstrable, that if all which the House has voted could be raised, which is like to fall short at least 2 Millions, there will not be left so much remaining as will pay the Debts already owing.  
And to add to the utter Discouragement of our Men at Arms, If there be one piece of Service more difficult than another, the English and Scots must be upon it; witness Steinkirk, where whole Batallions of the Dutch and Confederates, with Some-body, besides Count Solmes, in the Head of them, contented themselves to be Spectators, How the English Bull-dogs( as they styled them) would behave themselves: And would not Adventure any of the more darling Confederates to sustain our shattered Troops, even to gain them any sort of honourable Retreat.  
How many British Officers and Souldiers, the very Flower of the whole Army, fell that day, as Beasts destined for Slaughter, our Country-men ought never to forget. Nor ever think they have the Satisfaction of Gentlemen of Arms, till they see their General put other Confederate Troops upon such like destructive Service, which indeed was in some measure done at Landen; though it was done with a Mixture of British, Spanish, brandenburg, and hanover Troops, while the dear native Dutch were more safely posted, the more easily to make their Retreat.  
But to return to the Business of Steinkirk, it would have melted the most Flinty Breast,( to use the Expression of some Spectators) to have seen how those of the English and Scots, who got off, all covered with Blood, and martyred with ghastly Wounds, were piled into Carts and wagons, by 6 or 800 wagons at a time, to be convoyed to Brussels, whereof several dyed by the way; and when they arrived there, to see how they were promiscuously, Dead and Living, tumbled as Dung out of the Cart. Upon which inhuman Spectacle, some of their Wives became perfectly distracted, one or more at the affright dropping their Abortive Births in the Streets.  
I might give an Account how ill the Sick and Wounded Souldiers are treated in Hospitals, and how hurried out, not half Cured, to make room for others; and how small Allowance is made to the unserviceable Invalids, to sustain them in their return for England; and how many die by such Hardships; as also the ill Treatment of the Sea-men; But the Letter from Dort, and the Advertisement at the end, having given some short Touches of these Matters, for brevity's sake I will omit them. But it cannot be passed over in Silence what an Officer assured many of, and offered to prove it by Oath, that at Helversluis 6 or 700 of those Sick turned out of Hospitals, dyed Famished, neither being relieved by Charity or Care of their Officers. It may be worth Enquiry, Why no Cautionary Town is secured in Holland or Flanders, where so many English perish for want of such retreating Places, and Hospitals, to accommodate the Sick and Wounded? Our wise Ancestors had that Foresight, and made such due Treatys for Cautionary Towns in Queen Elizabeth's, yea, and in Oliver's days.  
I cannot but here further note, that though the Commons voted a Credit for borrowing 400000 l. for the present Payment of the Sea-men, and Victualling the Fleet, yet there was very lately but One hundred and twenty thousand Pounds advanced, or owned to be received; and it seems that either some other more pressing occasion hath diverted it, for the benefit of the Confederates; or else it's presumed that the Tarrs are such good-natured Fools, to take promise of future for present Payment. It being it seems a Fundamental Maxim in this Government, That Expectation is a firmer tie of Military Fidelity than Fruition itself. But whatever the true Cause is, that these Sea-men are not paid, they must be more obliged to the Charity of their Neighbours than the Care of the Government, if they, their Wives and Children, be not starved this Winter.  
It's true so many of their Element have not been slain, as of the Land Forces. There have however Multitudes of them dyed by Sickness. The speedy Dispatch of which dead, or dying, into the Sea hath concealed their Numbers. Yet not so, but by the yearly Pressings, the Reports of the surviving Ships Crew, they are computed at 20 or 30000. And every Traveller is witness what Numbers of the dismissed Sick they have met upon the Roads in despicable clothing, with empty Paunches, like wandering Ghosts, which shows no great care of such necessary Men.  
What Encouragement therefore can it be for our Country-men to sand their Sons, Relations, or Servants, to such Shambles, to be ill Treated, ill Paid, and miserable Exposed to Destruction, while their Officers are so inhuman to them? They gaining more by their Deaths, than their Lives. By a general Connivance they enjoying the dead Mens pay till the Spring following, when they are to perfect their Recruits; and then they promise the poor deluded Creatures all the fine Things imaginable. But it is not long e're those Trapanned Souls find what I have hitherto related true, if not much worse.  
Upon this Head I cannot pass by one Remark, That notwithstanding all the Care the Parliament hath taken to prevent false Musters, yet, it is obvious, that there is scarce one Company mustered, wherein from 10 to 17, or 25, unlisted Men are not hired at 2 s. 6 d. on a Muster day, to supply the Defects. So that a Third or Fourth part of Money appropriated to maintain the private sentinels goes into the Officers Pockets, for 6 or 9 Months in the year at least. A matter worthy of a Parliamentary Cognizance, and a severer Law, or their absolute withholding their hands from supporting such Armed and cozening Harpies.  
Thus with all possible Brevity, Plainness, and Sincerity, I have laid down some Heads of the Price of the Abdication. Being fully satisfied that there is neither City, Town, or Village, in these Three Kingdoms, which cannot Justify one or other of these Particulars, and may not add other Instances of the exorbitant Price of the Abdication, and will resent the same accordingly; when they reflect how by the Ambition of one, and the Treachery of others, a Gracious King( whose great Design was to have enriched his Kingdoms, and preserved them in Peace) hath been forced to beg his Bread abroad, and we reduced to the utmost Beggary at home; and instead of a new Heaven and Earth, which some promised themselves, we have purchased an Hell and Purgatory; and in lieu of Redresses of pretended Grievances have accumulated real ones, of the most oppressive Nature; and find all Parliamentary Endeavour to Redress them disappointed, or rejected with Scorn.  
This appears manifestly in the Answer return'd to the late Representation of the House of Commons. The House say, They cannot without grief of heart reflect, that several public Bills, made by the Advice of both Houses of Parliament, have not obtained the Royal Assent; in particular one Bill, entitled, An Act touching Free and Impartial Proceedings in Parliament; which was made to Redress a Grievance( as noisome as a standing Pool that corrupts) and take off a Scandal relating to the Proceedings of the Commons in Parliament,( the now confirmed Outcry against Pensionary Members) after they had freely Voted great Supplies for the public Occasions. Which they impute to no other Cause than the Insinuations of particular Persons, who take upon them, for their own particular Ends, to advice the King contrary to the Advice of Parliament; and therefore cannot but look on such, as Enemies to the King and Kingdoms. Therefore they desire him to adhere to the Advice of his Parliament, and not to the secret Advice of particular Persons, who may have particular Interest of their own, separate from the true Interest of him and his People.  
It might have been expected that a direct and catagorical Answer should have been given to so home an Address; yet it seems the Houses, for all the Millions given, must be treated only with whipped Cream, or perfumed Air; which would not have satisfied, if the Adepti had not found their Account, in a previous Treat of a 23000 l. Distribution. Let us however consider the gracious Answer; such, as if any of our preceding Kings had made, upon a Petition of Right, or the like Occasion, it would have enraged an Hornet's Nest; and no less than the Voting a fresh Address, or Adjourning till they received a more satisfactory Answer, would have contented the House.  
How can the People believe, No Prince ever had an higher Esteem for the Constitution of the English Government? When neither our Statutes, or Law Books, know any other but that of Hereditary Monarchy, to which Elective is diametrically Opposite. Such courtly Compliments were neither made by King W. Rufus, King Stephen, King John, Henry the Fourth, Richard the Third, or Oliver, who have been Precedents of docking the entail of the Crown.  
How can any say, He hath a great Regard to the Advice of Parliaments? When at that very Instant neither the Advisers of the rejecting the Bill are Delated, nor the Prayer of the Representation Touc●ed upon.  
How can one be p●rswaded, That nothing can so much conduce to the Happiness and Welfare of this Kingdom, as an entire Confidence between the King and People? without explaining what People are intended. For the complex Body of the People, and Pensioners, have very different Interests, and the Majority of the representative People, were, at the Voting the Representation at least, no such Confidents, neither when the Le Roy advisera was pronounced, could it be truly said, That he would by all means endeavour to preserve it, when, contrary to Expectation and Interest, if the Maxim laid down be true, the Prince rejected so solemn an Advice.  
Since therefore such apparent Flaws may be found in the Assertory part, it will be worth our Enquiry, how they are amended in the Promisory part of the Answer, in these Words. And I assure you I shall look upon such Persons as my Enemies, which shall advice any thing that shall lessen it. Even Oracles never wanted ambiguity. The Commons declare who were Enemies to the King and Kingdom; here those are characterised who must be reputed Enemies to the King only. It is not Tanti, whether they be Enemies to the Kingdom or not, so as they be fast Friends to the King; how dexterous soever the Advisers of the Answer thought themselves. The not complying with the Parliamentary advice, and the so loose answering an Address of that Importance, will more than once rivit it in the Minds of the People, That a Pentionary Party, however unfaithful to the Interests of the Body of the People, are only to be caressed, and have the Character of Friends; and the true Patriots of their Country must be calunniated with the Epithet of Enemies, who lessen the Confidence betwixt King and People.  
However since the Golden Shower hath laid the Tempest, let us consider what we must expect upon the Calm. There may be danger from Rocks and Quicksands, though the Storm be over. We talk much of apprehension of a French Invasion; a Court Artifice, to hasten dispatch of Money Bills, and that of naturalisation.  
The Consequence of this latter Bill, if it pass, may more effectually enslave us to the French huguenots, and Foreigners, than ever we can expect from Transmarine Arms.  
We shall then find the provident Care of the Commons in having the new voted Troops to consist of, and be Officer'd by, the King's natural born Subjects only, by this naturalisation transferred to these Foreigners, who must be the janissaries, and Spahees, and praetorian Band.  
These shall then be Armed, and the only People Confided in, to prevent the Fear of any English Desertion. The Duke of Leinster, a naturalised Foreigner, is already dignified with the Title of General. The French huguenots, as is well known, are daily and nightly Disciplined in their Houses, or Out-fields, in small Bodies, to learn the use of Arms. Reformade Officers to command them are i● readiness, and the granting Commissions for the new Levies, is only suspended till that Bill pass. We shall then see those Refugees soon strut in their Buff and Feathers. This Act will not only be of infinite Damage to the Trading part of the Nation, but in the most effectual manner subvert the English Freedom. Our Court, Councils and Camp, will then be Governed by such Confidents; and, that which will gull some, these will be the only Pensioners. These fresh, hungry, fluttering French Flies will suck the very marrow out of our Bones, and be like Snakes we have lodged in our Bosoms.  
Then shall we feel the utmost Price of the Abdication: It behoves therefore not only all the Manufactors of this great City, but the Body of the Kingdom with great Vigilance, Industry, and Resolution, to prevent the Endenizing and Arming of such. Unless they will tamely yield the Meat out of their own Mouths, the Cloths from their Backs, and themselves and Posterities to be reduced to Slavery and Beggary.  
FINIS.